Formal youth associations and groups. Abstract: Informal youth associations

Informal youth groups appeared in our country after the Great Patriotic War. Society then actively rebelled against “mold,” then “hipsters,” etc. Recently, the number of informal youth associations has increased sharply. Their study, carried out, in particular, by A.P. Fain, reveals the presence of many forms of the youth movement in the West that are already familiar to us. Today, the youth movement, like many social movements of our time, is global in nature. Our youth, ceasing to be the youth of a closed society, became widely involved in it, adopting the advantages and disadvantages of the informals of other countries. At the same time, our informal youth movements also have their own specifics. And often their own, special forms. Let us dwell on what informal associations of teenagers and young men exist in our large cities.

Various informal groups of youth, as noted by A.P. Fine, often contact and even interact with each other. Hippies, metalheads, and punks often know each other and can move from one youth association to another. Right-wing extremists enter into temporary alliances with metalheads and punks. Left-wing extremists act as a united front against representatives of all other youth trends.

In a large city, there are usually epicenters of interaction between various informal groups - regional and city. Regional gathering places are usually located on the outskirts. Metalheads, punks, wavers, breakers, rockers, usually friendly with each other, and left-wing extremists at war with them gather there. Teenagers most often become acquainted with informal groups and connect to them in regional epicenters. They can then move on to groups at the city's epicenter (somewhere on the main streets).

Researchers distinguish between constructive and non-constructive informal associations. The former often advocate more radical reforms of society. Some informal groups set narrower goals: the preservation and restoration of historical and cultural monuments, the protection of nature, physical and mental health, etc. Constructive groups usually consist of adults and youth. Along with them, there are unconstitutional associations formed mainly from teenagers.

The motives and forms of youth participation in informal associations are different. Some are drawn there only by curiosity, and they function in the outermost layer of the movement, having a “tangential” relationship with it. For others it is a form of leisure, for others it is a search for an alternative lifestyle. The latter are well shown by M.V. Rozin, describing modern Moscow hippies.

Hippies are people with their own philosophy and their own rules of behavior. They unite into the System. This is a kind of club that anyone can join. To do this, you need to systematically participate in System events (“hang out”) and get to know its other members.

The hippie movement arose in our country in the second half of the 60s. At first it was associated with the interest of young people in jeans and other “hippie” clothing, and then with the book products of the ideologists of this movement. Having reached its apogee in the late 70s, the hip movement then began to be supplanted by punks, metalheads, and breakers. However, in the second half of the 80s, a new wave of youth interest in hippies arose.

The Moscow System now has about 2 thousand participants aged from 13 to 36 years. It consists of schoolchildren, students, workers, representatives of the scientific, technical and artistic intelligentsia. Many of them often change jobs; they are attracted to positions as watchmen, boiler room operators, etc., which give them a lot of free time.

The system is divided into groups (“parties”). There are two layers in them: “pioneers” and “oldovs”, or “mammoths”. The first group includes teenagers who have recently become hippies and are diligently adopting this role. “Oldovs” are old members of the System, seriously delving into the problems of politics, religion, mysticism, and artistic creativity.

All hippies wear long, flowing hair (“hair”), usually parted in the middle. Often a thin bandage (“hairatnik”) covers the forehead and back of a hippie’s head. Many men also grow a beard. There are three main reasons why these people wear long hair:

• 1) it is more natural, closer to nature;
• 2) Jesus Christ wore long hair and a beard, hippies imitate him;
• 3) long hair makes it possible to better capture the radiation of the cosmic mind, being a kind of individual “antennas”.

Hippies wear jeans, sweaters, T-shirts, and out-of-fashion coats. Clothes are often torn and shabby, or they are specially given this look; they make artificial holes and put bright patches on jeans and jackets. Clothes are often marked with inscriptions in English.

All hippies wear jewelry (“fennecs”): bracelets on their arms (made of beads, leather or wood), beads on their necks, crosses on leather laces, images of zodiac signs, skulls, etc. The modern hippie has a “xivnik” hanging on his chest - a small rectangular bag made of denim. It contains documents and money.

In cold weather, hippies live in the city, go to “parties,” and in the summer they travel by hitchhiking and set up tent camps.

Hippies believe that a person should be free, first of all, internally. A person is also free in love. Previously, freedom of love among hippies was reduced to the ability to openly enter into an intimate relationship with the one you love. Now hippies talk about love, which brings people together. Hippies preach pacifism: they call not to respond to violence with violence, and oppose military service. Hippies believe in a different, “higher” reality that exists alongside the everyday one in which we all live. You can access it through changing your state of consciousness through meditation or art. Hence the great interest of hippies in problems of religion and creative activity.

Characteristic of modern hippies is the desire for naturalness. This is expressed in their desire not to change what happens by itself (for example, not cutting their hair); not to carry out any purposeful, active actions, to be inactive; to be unpretentious in everyday life, to be able to endure hardships and hardships.

Hippies are romantics, they love everything bright, original, and creative. They want to be free individuals, independent of social conventions. That's why hippies act impulsively in life. At the same time, they strive for new relationships in a society built on love for other people. However, the naturalness declared by the hippies is demonstrative and parodic. She is a known challenge to modern society, which hippies criticize.

A.P. gives a description of other informal youth associations in our country. Fine. So, a common group in our country are punks, which we have already mentioned in the historical review of the informal movement. Their appearance is deliberately unsightly: a rooster-shaped crest on the head, ending in a large forelock, chains on the face, causing a variety of styles in clothing (leather jacket on a naked body, canvas fabric on a thin shirt with a frill, etc.). Punk slang is crude and behavior is often obscene. Many of them use narcotic and toxic substances. Punks move from city to city, establishing connections with each other. Their activity is especially noted in Moscow, St. Petersburg and the capitals of the Baltic countries.

The appearance of punks in the city is usually associated with an increase in the number of fights, robberies and other forms of violence aimed at insulting the individual.

Groups of majors have become famous among us: “pseudo-Americans”, “pseudo-English”, “pseudo-French”, etc. They wear clothes and shoes made in the respective Western country. The use of wearable items made in any other country is condemned.

Majors once gathered near Intourist hotels and shops for parties, where the purchased toilet elements were demonstrated and evaluated. Among the majors, the image of an active, enterprising, strong person who knew 2-3 foreign languages ​​was formed. The majors were against drugs, many of them were actively involved in sports.

There is a noticeable layer of teenagers imitating the majors. They are called "rednecks". Involvement in the activities of majors led the majority of teenagers to a decline in interest in studying at school and to a reluctance to master any profession. On the contrary, another part of the majors considered their stay in the group temporary, until they accumulated a certain minimum of material resources.

Youth groups united by a passion for a particular activity have become widespread. Among them, the most famous are breakers (fans of breakdancing), skateboarders (riding on special boards - skateboards) and rockers.

As the reader already knows, rockers are always with motorcycles. They not only drive cars perfectly, but also perform acrobatic stunts on them, for example, riding for some time only on the rear wheel of the car, and also jumping on a motorcycle from a springboard, “jigging,” etc. Rockers ride in large groups along the night streets on high speed (sometimes up to 140-160 km/h), with the mufflers removed. Many rockers don't have a driver's license. There have been cases of them stealing other people's motorcycles and refueling cars from the gas tanks of personal cars. In some cases, rockers come into contact with criminal elements who hire them to escort their cars and do other unseemly things. The teacher should use the interest of rockers in technology and motorsports to switch them to socially useful activities.

Various youth groups have appeared - satellites, including fans of a particular singer of an ensemble or genre. There are adherents of certain football teams - “fans” (“fans”). Such groups usually do not have their own “philosophy”.

The most numerous group of informals are fans of metal rock. It has several recognized varieties: “heavy metal rock” (“heavy metal rock”), “black metal rock” (“black metal rock”), “speed metal rock” (“speed metal rock”). This music is characterized by a rigid rhythm, powerful sound, and great freedom of improvisation by the performers.

Among metalheads, fans of speed metal ensembles are prone to crime. Their very appearance is defiant and aggressive: in black clothes, with sharply sharpened spikes, a large amount of metal, an inverted cross placed on the chest, on the T-shirts the word “Satan” is written in paint in English. They profess the cult of Satan, often calling themselves Satanists. Satanists support groups that call for violence, cruelty, and preach racism and chauvinism. They are prone to hooligan behavior, to provoking hostile clashes between various youth groups and participating in them. Some metalheads have sympathies for right-wing extremists, including neo-fascists.

Metalheads are joined by groups of teenagers who are attracted not so much by rock music as by the fashionable costume of informals or the desire to cover up their unseemly actions with them. They were called "suckers". Having a superficial understanding of the problems of metal rock, suckers act as guardians of the “purity” of the rules of a metalhead, and behave very defiantly and aggressively with others.

It would be unfair to talk about illegal behavior of all metalheads. In particular, among these teenagers there are real experts and connoisseurs of metal rock, who are mainly engaged in listening and discussing musical works of this genre. They are peace-loving, do not get carried away by paraphernalia, and are ready to contact official organizations.

Currently, a few right-wing extremist groups are becoming widespread, but they are attracting noticeable attention from an alarmed society. Basically they preach neo-fascism. They usually look like this: tight trousers, black jackets, white shirts with a black narrow tie, boots or tarpaulin boots. Many people get tattoos: the fascist swastika and other symbols of the “browns”. The groups have the same system of subordination as that of Hitler’s fascists: “Haup-Sturmführers”, “Sturmbannführers”, “Obers”, etc. Nazi groups preach the cult of a strong personality, racism, chauvinism, and there is an interest in black magic. Many members of these groups systematically engage in physical training. Right-wing extremists do not hide their views and are ready to actively engage in discussion about them. The rest of the informals, except for punks and black metalheads, have no sympathy for them and often condemn their views. It must be said that teenagers in Nazi groups are mainly interested in the attributes and rituals of their organization. The matter becomes very complicated when an adult with truly reactionary views becomes the head of the group. Then such a group becomes socially dangerous.

Youth groups of the left-wing extremist type are known. Members of these groups cut their hair short, wear their hair combed back, usually completely shave their faces, and wear badges on their chests with images of prominent Soviet party and government figures. Members of these groups are extremely hostile towards adherents of Western culture and ideology, waging a real war against them: they boo Western artists who come to us, take away imported things from majors, cut off the long hair of hippies, etc. Often such actions are accompanied by beating of informals - “ Westerners."

youth informal group schoolboy

The associations that will be discussed below arise and live according to different laws than those in which a young man finds himself, willy-nilly, as a member of a student group, work collective, etc.

More often, the problems of informal youth associations are considered on the basis of teenage and youth groups, the important functions of which are to satisfy the need for affiliation, specific assistance in self-determination, in acquiring identity, in particular through joining a certain “We” in opposition to “They”, etc. . It is well known that most teenagers have an urgent need to be members of various types of groups, mainly informal ones. Is there such a need among those who are older – among young people? What is its nature? It cannot be said that this problem has been well studied. At the same time, it worries many, and this interest is not only of an academic nature. But before moving directly to the consideration of the problem of youth associations, let us dwell on the closely related topic of youth culture (subculture).

In the summer of 1968, thousands of young people took to the streets of Paris, behaved violently and terribly scared not only other residents of the French capital, but also the whole of Europe, the entire Western world, especially since a wave of similar youth actions swept through many cities in different countries. The essence of the slogans, statements, declarations that the demonstrators came out with boiled down to a statement that there are such special people - young people who are not satisfied with the orders invented and preached by adults, who want to live differently and intend to rebuild the world in their own way. Young people have declared themselves as representatives of a special culture, or subculture - youth. The youth subculture presented to the world its ideas about what is important and what is not important in life, new rules of behavior and communication of people, new musical tastes, new fashion, new ideals, a new lifestyle in general. We can say that young people have declared their rights to cultural dominance.

The concept of “youth culture” was created to describe a special type of social space inhabited by people who are in a relatively powerless and dependent position. The dependence of young people is manifested in the fact that they are considered by “socially mature” adults not as a valuable group in their own right, but only as a natural resource of the future society, which must be socialized, educated and used.

The description of youth as a separate socio-age group began with the works of S. Hall, K. Mannheim and T. Parsons, in which the foundations of the so-called biopolitical construct. The origin and stages of development of the biopolitical construct of youth are analyzed in his book by E. L. Omelchenko. The bottom line is that the characteristics of youth (understood in this case broadly, including adolescence in this age) are determined by the collision of the forces of nature (“hormonal awakening”) with the “immovable” barriers of culture, i.e. social institutions, which determines the need for socialization. These two circumstances - awakened sexuality (biological prerequisite) and the need for generational socialization (political prerequisite) - set the formula for the biopolitical construct.

These ideas became especially popular in the West after World War II. Youth culture was imagined as an independent social space in which people can find authenticity and identity, whereas in the family or school they are deprived of real rights and are completely controlled by adults. If in pre-industrial societies the family fully performed all the necessary functions of social reproduction (biological, economic, cultural), then in modern industrial societies the family loses these traditional functions, primarily in the field of culture - education and professional training of the young man. Young people in such conditions begin to occupy the most vulnerable position, being between two value worlds: patriarchal models of family socialization, on the one hand, and adult roles, which are set by market rationality and an impersonal bureaucratic structure, on the other. Youth, according to T. Parsons, is a period of “structured irresponsibility,” a moratorium inserted between childhood and adulthood. This spatio-temporal position of young people in the life cycle leads to the formation of peer groups and youth culture, which, in turn, contributes to the development of models of emotional independence and security, changes in the role characteristics of primary (children’s) socialization through the assimilation of norms and values ​​accepted in the company of peers , technicians, behavior patterns, etc.

Similar ideas were and are shared by many scientists, both foreign and domestic. However, empirical studies conducted in our country for a long time did not identify any specific teenage or youth subculture. A striking example is a comparative study of moral norms and behavior regulated by them among adolescents in the USSR and the USA, which was conducted in the early 1970s. American psychologist W. Bronfenbrenner and laboratory staff L.I. Bozhovich and described in his book published both in the USA and here. Our teenagers of those years were steadily guided by the norms of adults, while their American peers based their behavior primarily on moral norms, rules, and values ​​developed in their teenage community.

However, gradually, with the weakening of patriarchal orders, the decline in the socializing function of the family, and the growth of pluralism in various spheres of public life, youth culture and numerous teenage and youth groups began to emerge in our country. And if earlier, in the 1950s, the only informal people were the “hipsters” (our version of those whom the West called “Teddy Boys”), who were mercilessly criticized by the media, Komsomol and party organizations, heads of universities (up to exceptions), then gradually punks, skinheads, goths, etc. appeared among us. youth groups that contrast their culture with the culture of the majority (as they now say, the mainstream).

In the modern history of Russia, i.e. Over the past two or three decades, the situation with youth associations has changed at least three times.

A rapid surge in the informal youth movement arose in the 80s. last century, during the era of Gorbachev's perestroika. Then the community of young people was divided into Komsomol members, on the one hand, and informals, on the other.

The very term “informals” was introduced during this period by Komsomol bureaucrats to designate self-organized youth groups that put themselves in opposition to formal structures - pioneer, Komsomol. Later, this term began to denote not only youth, but in general all kinds of movements and organizations that arise on the initiative “from below.” Subsequently, the content of the concept of “informals” changed more than once. The paradox is that the term, introduced “from above,” was accepted by the youth themselves. Today it most often refers to various youth groups, primarily subcultural formations.

The next stage is the 1990s. The informal movement began to decline during this period. The Komsomol collapsed, so there was nothing to resist. Youth groups virtually disappeared into the gangster or semi-gangster environment and began to actively conquer club and disco spaces in Russian cities.

The new century brought new changes. According to researchers of modern trends in the informal movement, today the youth associations representing it are characterized by the complex nature of the relationship between various stylistic components. For modern heterogeneous informals, as well as for their predecessors, it is important to designate the force that they are opposing - this is an almost mandatory condition for the formation of an appropriate group identity. Today, the place of former Komsomol members has been taken by the so-called Gopniks. The confrontation between informals (their own, advanced) and gopniks (strangers, normal) constitutes the main stylistic tension in this area today.

E. L. Omelchenko notes that youth culture, as it was understood in the middle of the 20th century, has left the stage. She agrees with the American researcher J. Seabrook that today it is possible to understand the nature of youth associations only by taking into account the new sociocultural context. But it changed noticeably at the end of the 20th century.

Currently, the determining factor is what J. Seabrook called "supermarket culture" The central actor in this culture is constantly constructed through commercial networks teenager consuming. The mainstream becomes the core, the center of supermarket culture, and individuality occupies peripheral positions. Cultural power shifts from individual tastes to the authority of the market, and the key figure in this market becomes a teenager, generally a young man who knows what will be fashionable tomorrow.

E. L. Omelchenko names the formation of a new “room culture” of youth as the main trend of recent years. Once upon a time, young people took to the streets, giving rise to the idea of ​​youth as a special social group and a special social problem. Today, youth is becoming a brand that is being appropriated by ever new segments of the consumer market. The following hypothesis is put forward: modern youth are socialized not so much through various types of peer groups, but within the framework of global images. In this situation, globalization gives rise to a new type of social differentiation - a gap between those who are well acquainted with technological innovations and those who do not have full access to them.

When neither youth associations, nor friendly companies, nor, especially, social institutions allow one to find one’s own identity, the most important thing for a modern young person is the presence of a protected personal space. This turns out to be your own room, almost always with your own computer.

So, youth culture has recently become more and more part of the general consumer culture. Even when young people begin to create something of their own, sooner or later they are overtaken by the mass youth industry. There is a degeneration of youth culture into its commercial form. Western scholars increasingly speak of this as a form of “collective extinction” or even “the death of youth culture.” The classic youth subcultures that flourished in the second half of the 20th century were replaced by the so-called rave culture, which is based on an openly hedonistic attitude towards life aimed at momentary pleasure, which contributes to the dissolution of youth in the dominant mass culture.

Shopping (shopping) for a significant part of young people becomes a form of cultural activity, making up for the lack of collectivism. The search for identity in this case does not proceed through role-playing experimentation in different peer groups, as was the case some time ago, but through the search for one’s own style in a supposedly completely free choice of goods. True, this freedom is not available to everyone and not equally, so for many it turns into a source of negative emotions, into a war to maintain their style and not become an outsider. As E. L. Omelchenko notes, this consumer struggle is especially acute and important for Russian youth, who are growing up for the most part in poor or not very wealthy families Omelchenko E. The death of youth culture and the birth of the “youth” style.

Regional College of Culture

I. Introduction

II. Main part

1. The concept of informals. "Informals, who are they?"

a) External culture

b) Symbolism

c) The main features of informals

2. History of the informal movement. Causes

3. Classification of informals

a) Associative

b) Antisocial

c) Prosocial

d) Informal artistic orientation

III. Conclusion

I. Introduction.

Why did I take this topic?

I took this topic because this topic is quite close to me. After all, informals are mostly young people. And I myself belong to this category. I will try to outline the essence of the informals, their concepts, the goals they pursue, their aspirations, ideology, etc.

But if I may put it this way, there are a great many types of informals (punks, metalheads, hippies, systems people, etc.), these types are usually young people.

In addition, I believe that this topic of “informals” is very relevant these days, it has always been relevant. Informal associations are essentially a whole system; they are a very unique social entity. It cannot be called a group, it is rather a social environment, a social circle, a conglomerate of groups or even their hierarchy. Where there is a clear division into “us” and “strangers”. Simply put, this is a state within a state that requires very deep study.

Goals and objectives:

I do not set myself the task of a detailed analysis of the activities of each association - such an analysis should be the subject of special research.

This work can be compared to a photograph of yachts at sea taken from the shore: you can see their outlines, total number, position in relation to each other, determine probable directions of movement in the near future - and nothing more. Considering informal associations, I will try to determine the role and place of amateur public formations in the life of the country at the present time and the immediate prospects for their development, taking into account possible alternative options. Today, despite the active activity of informal associations, not much is known about them. Some publications in the press do not allow us to get a complete picture, and sometimes give a distorted picture of certain formations, since, as a rule, they consider only an ode to some aspect of their activities.

In relation to informal associations, the most acute deficit has developed – a lack of information. Part of my goal is to at least partially remove this deficiency.

II. MAIN PART.

1). The concept of "INFORMALS". "INFORMALS" - who are they?

The concept of "informals", "informals" - who are they? The answers to these questions are ambiguous, just as informal associations themselves are ambiguous and heterogeneous. In addition, turbulent political life forces amateur formations to change, and these changes often concern not only the forms and methods of their activities, but also their proclaimed goals. FORMAL is usually called a social group that has legal status, is part of a social institution, an organization where the position of individual members is strictly regulated by official rules and laws. But informal organizations and associations have none of this.

INFORMAL ASSOCIATIONS- this is a massive phenomenon. For what interests do people and children, teenagers and youth, adults and even gray-haired old people not unite? The number of such associations is measured in tens of thousands, and the number of their participants - in millions. Depending on what interests of people form the basis of the association, different types of associations arise. Recently, in large cities of the country, looking for opportunities to fulfill their needs, and not always finding them within the framework of existing organizations, young people began to unite in so-called “informal” groups, which would be more correctly called “amateur amateur youth associations.” The attitude towards them is ambiguous. Depending on their focus, they can be either a complement to organized groups or their antipodes. Members of amateur associations fight to preserve the environment from pollution and destruction, save cultural monuments, help restore them free of charge, take care of the disabled and elderly, and fight corruption in their own way. Spontaneously emerging youth groups are sometimes called informal,

“Amateurs,” by tradition, are people who devote themselves to creativity in a non-professional form, be it performing or fine arts, collecting, inventing, or social activities. Therefore, the term “amateur organizations” in relation to such associations seems more optimal and can be applied to all types and areas of youth activity. Speaking about amateur associations and their mutual connection with state and public institutions, it is necessary to note three situations in terms of their significance:

1. Cooperation.

2. Opposition and criticism.

3. Opposition and struggle.

All these three functions are organically interconnected and cannot be artificially canceled.

Thus, I think that we have already dealt a little with the question: “Who are “INFORMALS”? Although this is a rather short explanation of this concept, I still think that the essence is more or less clear. We can say

with an even shorter definition, which I will try to formulate myself: “INFORMALS” is a group of people that arose on someone’s initiative or spontaneously to achieve a goal by people with common interests and needs.

Maybe my definition is not entirely complete and accurate. I just tried to be brief.

A). EXTERNAL CULTURE.

External cultures have existed and exist in different societies. The early Christians were externalists in the Roman Empire. In medieval Europe there were numerous heresies. There is a split in Russia.

External cultures accumulate certain norms and symbolism. If the main culture is those norms and symbols that set the basic principle of ordering of a given society, then everything that remains outside the main myth - the self-description of society - flows into external ones.

There is a balance between two subsystems of society: counterculture is unthinkable and does not exist without official society. They are complementary and connected. It's one whole. For this kind of dropped cultures, we can propose the term “external” (from the Latin “externus” - alien). Communities like “Systems” are really alienated from society, although they are inseparable from it. The sphere of external culture includes, in fact, many different

subcultures: for example, criminal, bohemian, drug mafia, etc. They are external to the extent that their internal values ​​are opposed to the so-called “generally accepted” ones. What they have in common is that they are all local communication systems located outside the framework of the main network (the one that defines the state structure).

If we imagine society as a whole as a hierarchy of interconnected positions (statuses), then the “System” will find itself between the positions, that is, outside of society. It is no coincidence that by public opinion and scientific tradition it belongs to the sphere of the underground (from the English “undeground” - underground), counter-culture, or in the domestic lexicon the word “informals” was also popular. All these definitions indicate externality, which is characterized by the prefixes “counter-”, “under-”, “not-”. It is clear that we are talking about something opposing (“counter-”), invisible and secretive (under-), unformed. This localization outside the structures of society is completely consistent with the “Systemic” worldview itself.

It is necessary to give a description of the “System”, at least the most general one, so that one can imagine what we are talking about. But this turns out to be difficult. The usual features of the community seem to be absent here. The “System” itself categorically rejects attempts to reduce it to any social scheme. A typical example of her self-determination is an excerpt from an article by A. Madison, a very old (old) hippie from Talin:

“The movement, and it would be incomparably more correct to call it a shift, did not put up any bulky leaders dressed in bulletproof charisma, did not give birth to organizations that declared a holy war on everyone and, of course, especially on each other for the right to oversee the imperishable relics of orthodoxy, and finally did not fail "Under this non-existent orthodoxy, there is no special hippie philosophy, ideology or religion. Instead of ideology, from the very beginning, ideals that were formed quite simply - peace and love - were grounded."

Indeed, the “System” cannot be defined either as an organization or party, or as a community or political (ideological, religious) movement. How to determine it?

OUT OF SOCIETY.

There is a way to define a community through its place in the social structure. As for the “System,” its typical representative is located in the gap between the positions of the social structure. Let’s say one “old people” from Pskov says this about himself:

“As for work: I worked at many enterprises, but I understood that this was not for me... There is one job that I want to get into, it is mine.

This is archaeology. I could even work there for free.” (LenTV, “Vzglyad” program, February 25, 1987)

It is characteristic that, on the one hand, he is a factory worker (this is the place that society has assigned to him), but he does not identify himself with this status: “This is not mine.” On the other hand, he considers archeology “his” business, but such self-determination is not sanctioned by society. Accordingly, this “people” finds itself in an uncertain position with regard to labor standards, because norms are related to status. In general, a typical example of a liminal personality, “suspended” between positions.

In the “System”, no matter who you approach, the same intermediate considers himself an artist, is known among his friends as an artist, but works in a boiler room as a fireman; poet (janitor), philosopher (tramp with no fixed abode). These are the majority here. Status in one's own eyes does not coincide with status in the eyes of society. Accepted norms and values ​​are different from those prescribed by society. The system that unites such people turns out to be a community located in the interstices of the social structure, outside it. Let us quote the already mentioned Madison once again, since he himself has taken on the role of a hippie historiographer and theorist: “Hippism, he declares, does not enter into a relationship with the constitution, its ungovernable possessions begin where there are no traces of state boundaries. These possessions are everywhere. , where the fire of creative independence burns."

Without exception, all “people” insist on their non-belonging to

society, or otherwise - independence. This is an important feature of “Systemic” self-awareness. V. Turner, speaking about the communities of Western hippies, classified them as “liminal communities,” that is, emerging and existing in the intermediate areas of social structures (from the Latin “limen” - threshold). Here, “liminal” individuals gather, people with an uncertain status, those in the process of transition or those who have fallen out of society.

Where and why do “dropped out” people appear? There are two directions here. First: in this dropped, uncertain, “suspended” state, a person finds himself during the period of transition from the position of one to the position of another social structure. Then, as a rule, he finds his permanent place, acquires a permanent status, enters society and leaves the sphere of counterculture. Such reasoning is the basis of the concepts of W. Turner, T. Parsons, L. Foyer.

According to Parson, for example, the reason for the protest of young people and their opposition to the world of adults is “impatience” to take the places of their fathers in the social structure. And they still remain occupied for some time. But the matter ends with the rubbing of a new generation into the same structure and, consequently, its reproduction. The second direction explains the appearance of dropped people by shifts in society itself. According to M. Mead, it looks like this: “Youth come, growing up, no longer to the world for which they were prepared in the process of socialization. The experience of elders is not suitable. Young people were prepared to occupy certain positions in the social structure, but the structure is already different, those positions it doesn't have ".

A new generation is stepping into the void. They do not emerge from the existing social structure (as in Parson or Turner), but the structure itself slips away from under their feet. This is where the rapid growth of youth communities begins, pushing away the world of adults and their unnecessary experience. And the result of being in the bosom of counter-culture is different here: not integrating into the old structure, but building a new one. In the sphere of values, there is a change in the cultural paradigm: the values ​​of the counter-culture “pop up” and form the basis for the organization of the “big” society. And the old values ​​are sinking into the underground world of counter-cultures. In fact, these two directions do not reject each other, but complement each other. We are simply talking about different periods in the life of society, or its different states. In stable periods and in traditional societies (studied by Turner), the people who have fallen out are indeed those

who are currently, but temporarily, in the process of transition. In the end, they enter society, settle down there, and acquire status.

During periods of change, significant layers become lost to one degree or another. Sometimes it affects almost everyone. Not everyone becomes a hippie, but many go through a countercultural state (enter the zone of counterculture).

No “System” can cover everything completely. Inevitably, something falls out of it. These are the remnants of previous myths, the sprouts of a new one, information penetrating from strangers and not fitting into the main myth. All this settles in the sphere of external culture.

Uncertainty and self-organization: and so, “System” is an example of a community where those who have fallen out of the social structure flock. These people do not have a definite position, a strong position - their status is uncertain. The state of uncertainty plays a special role in the processes of self-organization.

The sphere of uncertainty is those social voids where we can observe the processes of the emergence of community structures, the transformation of a structureless state into a structural one, i.e. self-organization.

Many people, left to their own devices, interact and form similar communicative structures. L. Samoilov, a professional archaeologist, by the will of fate ended up in a forced labor camp. He noticed that unofficial communities with their own

hierarchy and symbolism. Samoilov was struck by their similarity to primitive societies, sometimes right down to the smallest detail:

“I saw,” he writes, and recognized in camp life a whole series of exotic phenomena that I had previously studied professionally for many years in literature, phenomena that characterize primitive society!

Primitive society is characterized by initiation rites - the initiation of adolescents into the rank of adults, rites consisting of cruel tests.

For criminals this is a “registration”. Primitive society is characterized by various “taboos”. We find absolute correspondence to this in the camp norms defining what is “zapadlo”... But the main similarity is structural:

“At the stage of decomposition,” writes L. Samoilov, many primitive societies had a three-caste structure, like our camp one (“thieves” - the elite, the middle layer - “men” and outsiders - “lowered ones”), and above them stood leaders with fighting squads, those who collected tribute (as ours take away transfers)."

A similar structure is known in army units as “hazing.” The same is true among the youth of big cities. For example, when metalworkers appeared in Leningrad, they developed a three-layer hierarchy: a clearly defined elite led by a generally recognized leader nicknamed “Monk”, the bulk of metalworkers grouped around the elite, and finally - random visitors who wandered into the cafe where they gathered , listen to "metal" music. These latter were not considered real metalheads, remaining in the status of “gopniks,” that is, not understanding anything, strangers. It is the “excluded” communities that demonstrate the patterns of self-organization in the purest form. There is a minimum of external influences, from which the excluded community is fenced off by a communication barrier. In an ordinary team, it is difficult to identify those processes that occur spontaneously in the community itself, that is, they actually relate to self-organization.

b) FIELD OF SYMBOLICS.

SYMBOL

A. m. Greek reduction, list, full power symbol of justice. The fist is a symbol of autocracy. Triangle symbol of St. Trinity.

B. (from the Greek symbolon - sign, identification mark),

1) in science (logic, mathematics, etc.) the same as a sign.

2) In art, the characteristics of an artistic image from the point of view of its meaningfulness, its expression of a certain artistic idea. Unlike allegory, the meaning of a symbol is inseparable from its figurative structure and is distinguished by the inexhaustible ambiguity of its content.

V. Grech. the word to sumbolon (sun - with, boloV - throwing, throwing; sumballein - to throw something jointly to several people, for example, to fishermen with a net when catching fish) later came to mean among the Greeks any material sign that had a conditional secret meaning for a certain group of people, eg for fans of Ceres, Cybele, Mithras. This or that sign (sumbolon) also served as a distinction between corporations, workshops, and various parties - state, public or religious. The word "S." in everyday speech replaced the more ancient word shma (sign, banner, goal, heavenly sign). Even later, in Greece sumbolon was called what is called in the West. lagritio - a number or ticket to receive bread for free or at a reduced price from government warehouses or from generous rich people, as well as rings.

There is another way to define (or represent) a community other than through its location in the social structure: through symbolism. This is exactly what usually happens at the level of ordinary consciousness or journalistic practice. Trying to find out who “hippies” (or punks, etc.) are, we first of all describe their signs.

A. Petrov, in the article “Aliens” in the Teacher’s Newspaper, depicts a group of hairy people:

"Shaggy, in patched and very worn clothes, sometimes barefoot, with canvas bags and backpacks embroidered with flowers and covered with anti-war slogans, with guitars and flutes, guys and girls walk around the square, sit on benches, on the paws of bronze lions supporting lanterns, straight on the grass. They talk animatedly, sing alone and in chorus, have a snack, smoke "...

If you look closely, it turns out that this “immediate impression” actually purposefully isolates the symbolism of the party society from the observed reality. Almost everything that A. Petrov mentions serves as identification marks of “our own” among the hairy ones. Here the symbolism of appearance: shaggy hairstyle, shabby clothes, homemade bags, etc. Then graphic symbols: embroidered flowers (a trace of the Flower Revolution, which gave birth to the first hippies), anti-war slogans, such as: “Love, don’t fight”! - a sign of the most important values ​​of this environment - pacifism, non-violence.

The behavior described in the above passage: leisurely walks, free music playing, generally exaggerated ease - the same sign. This is all the form, not the content of communication. That is, the signs of belonging to a community are the first to catch your eye. And it is they who are described, wanting to represent this community. And indeed, the presence of special symbols, regarded as “one’s own,” is already an unconditional sign of the existence of a communicative field, a certain social formation.

A. Cohen, for example, generally defines community as a field of symbolism:

“The reality of community in the perception of people,” he writes, “lies in their belonging... to a common field of symbols.” And further: "People's perception and understanding of their community... comes down to an orientation in relation to its symbolism." Having your own symbols creates the possibility of forming a community, since it provides a means of communication. A symbol is a shell into which “its own” information is packaged. In this form, it is distinguishable from someone else’s, and therefore, a difference arises in the density of communication connections within the sphere where the symbol operates and outside it. This is the thickening of contacts on the basis of which social structures are formed.

How fair is this for the System? Was social education formed on the basis of its symbolism? As already mentioned, the System cannot be called a grouping in the full sense: in its depths, regroupings are constantly taking place, some associations disappear and new ones are formed. People move from group to group. It is rather a kind of communication medium. Nevertheless, the System can be considered as a community, since there are such signs as a common language (slang and symbols), a network of communications - personal connections, superficial acquaintances (people at the party have become so familiar that you subconsciously recognize “your own”).

There are common norms and values, as well as patterns of behavior and forms of relationships. There is also Systemic self-awareness, which is expressed, in particular, in self-names. There are several of them. Its representatives rarely call themselves “systems” or “system specialists,” and even then with irony. Most often - "people" (from the English "people" - people, people). Sometimes just people:

“One person told me yesterday...” - you need to understand what exactly System said.

Slang and symbolism form the basis of the internal communication environment of the System, separating it from the outside world. At the same time, the symbolism of the system is extremely eclectic; in its stock one can find symbols that came from different religious groups (for example, from Hare Krishnas or Baptists), youth and rock movements (attributes of punk rock or heavy metal), as well as various socio-political movements: pacifism, anarchism, communism, etc.

The system has the ability to absorb other people's symbols and, through recoding, include them in its stock. It is necessary to distinguish between carriers of the same symbolism, those who belong to the System and those who do not belong to it. For example, there are punks in the System who hang out with hippies, and punk groups outside it. The latter do not at all consider themselves to be members of the System and sometimes even come to beat the “people.” In the same way, there are Systemic and non-systemic metalheads, Buddhists, Beatlemaniacs, and so on.

So, the presence of a common network of communications with its own language serving it, as well as a common self-awareness, norms and values, allows us to talk about the System as a community (without knowing its structure yet).

Tradition.

But it is especially important for us that within the framework of this community, its own tradition has developed, based mainly on oral transmission mechanisms. Every two or three years, “generations” change in the System; a new cohort of young people enters the arena. People change, but the traditions of the System remain: the same basic norms of relationships and values, such as “freedom”, “love” (in quotes, because these concepts are given a special, Systemic meaning); newcomers master slang and use System symbols, so that in appearance they are not much different from their predecessors. Folklore forms are reproduced: sayings, anecdotes, ditties, legends, and traditions. Thus, we have here a tradition capable of self-reproduction. There is not only a system of communication connections at the synchronous level, but also diachronic communication channels. The bearers of the tradition determine its age at approximately two decades: the twentieth anniversary was solemnly celebrated on June 1, 1987. This starting point, of course, is mythological (it is believed that on June 1, 1667, the first hippies took to the streets in Moscow on Pushkin Square and called for renunciation of violence) :

“They,” says one of the old hippies, came out and said: “Here we are, representatives of this movement, this will be a system of values ​​and a system of people.” Then the word “System” arose. It is no coincidence that the date was chosen - Children's Day: “It was,” continued the same Olodovy, “it was said: Live like children, in peace, tranquility, do not chase illusory values... It’s just that the coming was given to humanity so that they could stop and think about where we are going... "Live like children" is the essence of the systemic worldview, and much of its symbolism is associated with images of childhood. "Generations" here change after two, three, sometimes four years. With the advent of each of them, the Systemic tradition replenished with new symbols. Each generation comes as a new wave: in the beginning there were hippies, they formed the core of the System - now their followers are more often called hairy or “hairy” (from the English hair-hair); punks came, then metalheads, then lubers (and etc., also marked with the symbolism of the outgoing Soviet Union). Each wave brings its own attributes. At the beginning, it is usually at odds with the system: the first punks terrorized the hairy ones, the first hairy metalheads and punks. Then contacts begin, it is gradually discovered that the System has absorbed the symbolism of the new wave : it had its own punks, metalheads and others. Thus, it is possible to observe the process of perception of tradition and innovation, as well as other processes associated with the translation of tradition. In a “large” (for example, tribal or communal) tradition, where the period of generational change is 25-30 years, observing such processes would require time comparable to the life of the researcher. In the System, everything happens much faster. This makes the System a convenient model for observing the laws of society and replenishing traditions, although we are aware of the certain conventions of its analogies with the usual objects of ethnographic research. They are comparable to the extent that one communication system can be compared with another at all. One way or another, there are general patterns in the methods of diachronic transmission of information. Communication structures responsible for preserving and transmitting the community code are discovered; there is reason to believe that they are largely similar in different environments.

c) The main features of informals.

1) Informal groups do not have official status.

2) Weakly defined internal structure.

4) Weak internal connections.

5) It is very difficult to identify a leader.

6) They do not have a program of activities.

7) They act on the initiative of a small group from the outside.

8) They represent an alternative to government structures.

9) Very difficult to classify in an orderly manner.

2. History of the informal movement.

Causes of occurrence.

For the period from 88 to 93-94, the number of informal associations

increased from 8% to 38% i.e. three times. Informals include medieval

Vagantov, Skomorokhov, Noblemen, First warriors.

1) Wave of informality after the revolutionary years. Counter cultural

youth groups.

2) Wave 60s. The period of the Khrushchev Thaw. These are the first symptoms

decomposition of the administrative-command system. (Artists, Bards, Hipsters).

3) Wave. 1986 The existence of informal groups has been recognized

officially. Informals began to be identified by various somatic remedies

(clothing, slang, icon attributes, manners, morals, etc.) With the help of

young people fenced themselves off from the adult community. Defending your right to

inner life.

Causes of occurrence.

1) Challenge to society, protest.

2) Challenge to the family, misunderstanding in the family.

3) Reluctance to be like everyone else.

4) The desire will establish itself in the new environment.

5) Attract attention to yourself.

6) The area of ​​organizing leisure time for young people in the country is underdeveloped.

7) Copying Western structures, trends, culture.

8) Religious ideological beliefs.

9) Tribute to fashion.

10) Lack of purpose in life.

11) Influence of criminal structures, hooliganism.

12) Age hobbies.

STORY

Informal associations (contrary to popular belief) are not a modern invention. They have a rich history. Of course, modern amateur formations differ significantly from their predecessors. However, in order to understand the nature of today's informals, let us turn to the history of their appearance.

A little history. Various associations of people with common views on nature, art, and a common type of behavior have been known since ancient times. Suffice it to recall the numerous philosophical schools of antiquity, knightly orders, literary and artistic schools of the Middle Ages, clubs of modern times, etc. People have always had a desire to unite. “Only in a collective,” wrote K. Marx and F. Engels, “an individual receives the means that give him the opportunity for the comprehensive development of his inclinations, and, therefore, only in a collective is personal freedom possible.”

In pre-revolutionary Russia, there were hundreds of different societies, clubs, and associations created on various grounds on the basis of voluntary participation. However, the vast majority of them were of a closed, caste character. At the same time, for example, the emergence and existence of numerous workers' circles, created on the initiative of the workers themselves, clearly evidenced their desire to satisfy their social and cultural needs. Already in the first years of Soviet power, fundamentally new public organizations appeared, gathering in their ranks millions of supporters of the new system and setting the goal of active participation in the construction of a socialist state. Thus, one of the specific forms of combating illiteracy of the population was created on the initiative of V.I. Lenin Society "Down with Illiteracy". (ODN), which existed from 1923 to 1936. Among the first 93 members of the society were V.I. Lenin, N.K. Krupskaya, A.V. Lunacharsky and other prominent figures of the young Soviet state. Similar organizations existed in Ukraine, Georgia and other union republics.

In 1923, the voluntary society “Friend of Children” appeared, which worked under the leadership of the children’s commission at the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, headed by F.E. Dzerzhinsky. The activities of the society, which took place under the slogan “Everything to help children!”, ceased in the early 30s, when child homelessness and homelessness were largely ended. In 1922, the International Organization for Assistance to Fighters of the Revolution (IOPR) was created - the prototype of the Soviet peace fund, formed in 1961.

In addition to those mentioned, dozens of other public formations operated in the country: the Union of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies of the USSR, OSVOD, the "Down with Crime" society, the All-Union Anti-Alcohol Society, the All-Union Society of Inventors and others.

In the first years of Soviet power, numerous creative associations began to emerge. In 1918, the All-Russian Union of Working Writers, the All-Russian Union of Writers and the All-Russian Union of Poets were created. In 1919, a free philosophical association was organized, among the founding members of which were A. Bely, A. Blok, V. Meyerhold.

This process continued into the twenties. For the period 1920-1925. Dozens of literary groups arose in the country, uniting hundreds and thousands of poets and writers: “October”, “Left Front of Art”, “Pass”, “Young Guard” and others. Many futuristic groups have appeared ("Art of the Commune", Far Eastern "Creativity", Ukrainian "Ascanfoot").

Expressing its attitude towards various literary movements and groups, the Central Committee of the RCP(b) in 1925 emphasized that “the party must speak out for the free competition of various groups and movements in this area. Any other solution to the issue would be executed - a bureaucratic pseudo-decision. Likewise unacceptable by decree or party resolution, the literary publishing business of any group or literary organization is legalized."

In the post-revolutionary period, favorable conditions arose for the creation of a number of new artistic associations. The largest of them was the Association of Artists of Revolutionary Russia, which included realist artists. In addition, at the same time the Societies of Easel Painters, the Society of Moscow Artists and others were formed.

Among the musical organizations and groups formed in the twenties, we should first of all note the Association of Contemporary Music, which included A. Alexandrov, D. Shostakovich, N. Myaskovsky and others. In 1923, the Russian Association of Proletarian Musicians (RAPM) was organized, in 1925 - the Production Team of Students -

composers of the Moscow Conservatory ("PROCALL") and a number of others. The rapid expansion of the network of various associations in the first post-revolutionary years gave hope for their further rapid development. However, the path that amateur public groups took turned out to be far from cloudless. In the second half of the twenties, the process of consolidation of artists and literature began: groups and movements began to merge into larger formations on the principles of a single political platform. Thus, for example, the Federation of Soviet Writers (1925) and the Federation of Soviet Artists (1927) arose. At the same time, there was a process of disintegration of many literary and artistic associations. In 1929-1931 The Literary Center of Constructivists “LTSK”, literary groups “October”, “Pereval” and others disappeared from the cultural life of society.

Such associations finally ceased to exist after the adoption of the resolution of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks “On the restructuring of literary organizations” (April 1932). in accordance with which groupings were eliminated and united creative unions of writers, architects, and artists were created. By the resolution of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee and the Council of People's Commissars of the RSFSR dated July 10, 1932, the “Regulations on voluntary societies and their unions” were adopted, which deprived many public organizations of their status and thereby contributed to their liquidation (this document to this day is the only one that gives the characteristics and signs of public organizations).

After these decisions were made, for more than two decades, new public organizations, apart from sports, were practically not created in the country. The only exception was the Soviet Peace Committee (1949).

Then came the period of the so-called “Khrushchev Thaw.” So in 1956, such public organizations as the United Nations Association in the USSR, the Committee of Youth Organizations of the USSR, the Committee of Soviet Women, etc. were created. The years of stagnation were also stagnant for public associations. Then only three public organizations appeared:

Soviet Committee for European Security and Cooperation 1971, All-Union Copyright Agency 1973 and All-Union Voluntary Society of Book Lovers 1974. This is the brief history of amateur public formations. It allows us to draw some conclusions.

It is not difficult to notice that the rapid development of various associations coincides with periods of expansion of democracy. This leads to the fundamental conclusion that the level of democratization of society is to a large extent determined by the number of voluntary formations and the degree of activity of their participants. In turn, another conclusion follows from this: the emergence of modern informals is not the result of someone’s evil will, it is quite natural. Moreover, we can safely assume that as democracy continues to expand, the number of informal entities and their participants will increase.

The emergence of modern informals.

First, we note that most voluntary public formations have ceased to reflect the interests of their members. The increase in the number and strength of public organizations was accompanied by an increase in the passive part of ordinary members, who limited their participation in the work of a particular society to the payment of membership fees. Policy issues of societies, the procedure for spending money by them, representation in party and Soviet bodies depended less and less on the bulk of society members and were increasingly concentrated in the hands of the corresponding apparatuses and boards obedient to them. It was these circumstances that greatly contributed to the rapid development of various alternative amateur formations, whose members set themselves tasks consonant with the goals of a number of societies, acted more dynamically, much more actively, gaining more and more popularity among various segments of the population.

The main determining factor in their development, undoubtedly, was the processes of democratization and openness, which not only awakened millions of people to active activity, but also set new tasks for them. Solving these problems within the framework of previous public formations was either difficult or simply impossible, and, as a result, new amateur associations emerged.

And finally, the removal of a number of unjustified restrictions on citizens’ associations played a role. The result of all this was naturally a rapid growth in the number of amateur public groups and an increase in the activity of their participants.

Today, again, as in the first post-revolutionary years, the active life position of millions of Soviet people began to be expressed in specific organizational forms, and most importantly, began to be embodied in their real deeds. This is what I'm going to talk about. But first, let's take a closer look at the different types of informal associations.

At the beginning, let's say a few words about the main object of our attention - about modern informal associations, i.e. voluntary amateur formations that arose on the initiative “from below” and express the most diverse interests of the people included in them. They are very heterogeneous and differ from each other in social and political orientation, organizational structure, and scale of activity.

To give some more or less orderly picture of such formations, we can divide them into politicized and non-politicized. Some of them really have no political orientation. For others, it is barely noticeable, and they only occasionally, due to certain circumstances, address political issues, which, nevertheless, do not form the basis of their activities. Still others are directly concerned with political issues.

But even within the framework of such a conditional division - into non-politicized and politicized amateur public formations - there is a need to introduce the necessary distinctions. Considering that the nature of the activity, its value for our country, even among numerous formations of the first group, are different, we will get acquainted not only with those whose activities bring more or less benefit to people, but also with formations that have a clearly associative orientation.

As for politicized amateur public formations, most of them strive to improve and improve the political system of our society through the development of democratic institutions, the formation of the rule of law and similar means, without changing its fundamental foundations. But among them there are associations that deliberately set the goal of changing the existing system. Thus, in the second group one can more or less definitely distinguish between socially progressive and associative, anti-socialist formations.

3) Classification of informals

Unrecognized or not recognized?

This question often arises when it comes to a very specific type of informal associations - unofficial amateur associations, or, as they sometimes say, “unofficials”. Let me remind you that we include spontaneously formed companies (mainly teenagers and young people) as such associations. Based on public interest, hobby, type of leisure activity, imitation of a chosen type of behavior (“fans”, “hippies”, “punks”, “rockers”, “metalheads”, etc. Their appearance in the late 70s and early 80s 's to some extent resembles a youth revolt against

bureaucratic mechanism operating at that time. This was a kind of protest of some young people against formalism in public organizations and the unsatisfactory organization of leisure time; however, this process took on distorted, often socially dangerous forms.

Associations of informals are not registered anywhere and do not have their own charter or regulations. The conditions for membership in them are unspecified, and the number of groups varies.

However, informals exist. They can successfully fit into the process of democratization of society, or they can become a destabilizing factor, acting from a position of naked criticism and open opposition to law enforcement agencies and authorities. Let's look at some of them, from my point of view, typical associations of this kind.

Associative- stand aside from social problems but do not pose a threat to society. Mainly perform recreational functions. Examples: punks’ motto is “we live here, now and today,” majors are people who preach the theory of highlifeism “high standard of living” - these are people who know how to earn money, they are attracted to the Western lifestyle. Among the majors are Americans, Finns; rockobbiles are fans of rock and roll - the motto is “a combination of grace with free behavior” rockers, hippies, systems.

Is the “system” to blame for everything?

Different views on one “system”. Leningrad television, discussing the “system,” gave the floor to those who know about it by hearsay. I will give excerpts from these programs, allowing you to get a fairly clear idea of ​​​​the “system”.

V. Nikolsky,“system” nickname Yufo:

“We are able to approach some “hairy” guy on the street. I have never seen him, I just come up and say: “Hello!” And he answers me the same... They say: you are some strange people. Why do you know each other? You trust people. They can rob you, they can rob you, drag you away, and so on - do you understand?

This only says that we are a sprout of the future in our society, because that theft, the desire to steal, rob - this apparently belongs to the past and must disappear. I think that this is precisely the distinctive property of the “hairy”... We think that even now the “hairy” have had a huge impact on the evolution of society. In particular, Soviet rock music, which is now talked about so much, was mostly created by “hairy people”. These people are capable of sacrificing the latter. The latest clothes and other things in order to create a truly youth culture in the country.

I raise my voice for the “hippie” system - for a movement that gives every person the opportunity to understand another person who is looking for mutual understanding, and allows him to improve himself comprehensively. The people who are part of this movement are people of different ages, different nationalities, they belong to different cultures, different religions. I think this is truly a movement that belongs to the future...

"System"- this is not an organization or a party, so everyone can only depend on themselves. “The “system” is a society within a society... There can be no laws here, everyone lives only according to the laws of their conscience.”

What caused the emergence of the “system”?

Let us note that the desire to be original, which many boys and girls are guilty of, has its own history. Many seem to have long forgotten, and the youth of the 80s probably never knew that the French poet Charles Baudelaire dyed his hair purple. However, this did not stop him from writing beautiful poetry.

Fundamental anti-aestheticism was adopted by Russian futurists at the beginning of the 20th century. Proposing in their manifesto to “throw Pushkin, Dostoevsky, Tolstoy and others from the ship of modernity,” V. Khlebnikov, V. Mayakovsky, D. Burlyuk and A. Kruchenykh consciously posed a rude challenge to society and the dominant literary movement at that time - symbolism. V. Kamensky recalled: “Here all three of them appear in a crowded auditorium of the Polytechnic Museum, buzzing with voices, sit down at a table with twenty glasses of hot tea: Mayakovsky in a top hat on the back of his head and a yellow jacket, Burliuk in a frock coat, with a painted face, Kamensky - with yellow stripes on his jacket and an airplane painted on his forehead... The audience is making noise, yelling, whistling, clapping their hands - they are having fun. The police are at a loss."

Among people of the older generation, the claims of original young people, their attempts at “novelty” cause a smile.

What today encourages young people to unite in formations like the “system”?

There are many reasons. It should be noted that young people always and everywhere strive to communicate with peers and flee from mental loneliness, and many experience it when living in separate apartments with parents who, as they believe, do not understand them. For many, contrasting themselves, their “I” with adults, is a normal phenomenon. The protest they express can be passive, through an external, rather ostentatious, demonstrative denial of the existing order, refusal to comply with the rules accepted in society. This is exactly what the “system” professes. There are also aggressive forms of protest, expressed in shocking behavior that borders on hooliganism, and sometimes turns into it.

Who doesn't like driving fast?

Now there is another type of informals with an associative orientation - rockers.

We use the word “rocker” in two meanings: rockers are also called rock music performers and a certain part of motorcyclists. It is more commonly used in the second meaning. I will talk about rocker-motorcyclists.

Largely written on the asphalt with oil paint: “Rockers”. Nearby is a flock of motorcyclists, ten to fifteen people who are far from advanced in age. “We are rockers!” - explains one of the young men. Otherwise, he might not represent the company - rockers are difficult to confuse with other motorcyclists. They are dressed quite picturesquely, although the clothes (usually dark) are not a symbol of belonging to rockers. A variety of helmets, usually with a visor; many without helmets at all. The appearance of the motorcycles is somewhat reminiscent of cross-country motorcycles due to the raised seat on the passenger side. The muffler pipes are removed, causing the rocker motorcycles to rumble at the level of the first domestic tractors.

Rockers are also distinguished by a certain “age limit”: 15-20, less often - 25 years. The bulk are teenagers and young men aged 15-18. Most of them do not have driver's licenses and do not need them.

Today, rocker associations exist in almost all large cities and in the vast majority of medium and small ones. It is not entirely legal to use the word “union” here - association as such does not exist. Moreover, there is no organization of rockers with its own established structure. They unite into more or less permanent groups, usually only for group trips.

Nevertheless, rockers have their own rules, their own unwritten but generally accepted “charter”, their own “code of honor”. The standards of behavior developed by rockers for themselves deserve to be discussed in more detail.

Sometimes you hear that rockers are young fans of high-speed motorcycle riding. This opinion is quite common, but not entirely true. Firstly, a sufficient number of fans of high-speed driving can be found in numerous clubs and sections, but they have nothing to do with rockers. Secondly, having a motorcycle (and not having a license) does not make a young man a rocker. To do this, you need to follow the “rocker charter”. This “charter” puts forward complete disregard for traffic rules as its main requirement. For rockers, not only is it obligatory not to follow the rules, but their violation is also encouraged in every possible way. Riding in a “wedge” is also popular, when one motorcycle rides in front, two behind it, then three, etc. “Wedge” can move both along “its own” and “alien” lanes, interfering with everyone who, unfortunately, happens to be on the road at that moment. Normal, from a rocker's point of view. Is constantly speeding.

Contempt for traffic rules also extends to those who are called upon to enforce these rules. Disobedience to State Traffic Inspectorate employees, attempts to “escape” patrol cars and motorcycles are the norm for rockers. It should be noted that traffic police officers are not particularly disliked by rockers; They apply exactly the same to non-rocker drivers and pedestrians. The rockers don't care about the well-being of the residents of the houses they roar past at night. But it is known that in modern high-rise buildings the audibility is such that a little more - and it’s already visible.

The rocker principle: the road is for me, and I drive along it as I please. The overwhelming number of rockers quite sincerely consider this principle natural and legitimate.

This attitude towards the rules is not harmless, because it is not safe. Neglect of the requirements of the rules leads to the constant occurrence of emergency situations, and often accidents in which drivers and pedestrians suffer and the rockers themselves die or are maimed. But for hundreds of others this was not a lesson.

Rockers have their own “ethics”, or rather anti-ethics: “You are the king on the road - drive as you want. The rest will be patient." It’s not uncommon for rockers to claim that their riding style is the only possible way of self-expression, which is criticized by those who have never ridden motorcycles and have no idea what it is, and therefore cannot understand them.

Antisocial.

Antisocial- pronounced aggressive character, desire to assert oneself at the expense of others, moral deafness.

However, the actions of the groups described above pale in comparison with the “activities” of youth “gangs”.

“Gangs” - these are associations (most often teenagers) based on territoriality. The city is divided by “gangs” into zones of influence. On “their” territory, gang members are the masters; any “outsiders” (especially from another gang) are dealt with extremely cruelly.

“Gangs” have their own laws, their own morals. The “law” is obedience to the leader and carrying out the gang’s instructions. The cult of strength flourishes, the ability to fight is valued, but, say, protecting “your” girl is considered a disgrace in many gangs. Love is not recognized, there is only partnership with “your girls.” Journalist E. Dotsuk gives the following dialogue with one of the “boys”, a full member of one of the Alma-Ata gangs:

- Do you have a girlfriend?

- If I were alone, it would be easier. You can’t figure them out - where is the “girl”, where is the “rat”, where is the girl. What if you “show it” for a “rat”? You'll immediately fall off the “boys” bandwagon.

- What do “girl” and “rat” mean?

- The girl is an excellent student, her mother’s daughter. “Rat” is worse than ever. Although many of them pretend to be girls.

- “Girls” are also part of “gangs”?

- Yes. But they have their own groups. Did you hear? “Golden Girls” - golden girls. “Black foxes”, “neutrals”.

- What are they doing?

The same as the “boys”. They fight. They relax happily, “betting on the counter,” go to bars, smoke “weed,” and are interested in estimates.

“Weed” - drugs - that are smoked. “Getting dressed” is an elementary robbery: a group approaches a fashionably dressed teenager (boy or girl) and asks him to “let him wear” a jacket, sneakers, etc. for a while. You can refuse, but most give it to you. The worst thing is the “counter”, when one of the teenagers, usually from another group or simply neutral, is told the amount of money that he must get. For the sake of external decency, you can ask for “loan.” From this moment on, the “counter” is turned on. Each day of delay increases the amount of debt by a certain percentage. The counter's operating time is limited. The reprisal against those who have not removed the “counter” is cruel - from beating to murder.

All “gangs” are armed, including firearms. The weapon is launched without much thought. “Gangs” not only quarrel with each other, but also carry out terror against neutral teenagers. The latter are forced to become “tributers” of the “gang” or join it. In response to the actions of “gangs” and to combat them, “neutral youth” creates their own unofficial association: “Ganymed” in Alma-Ata, OAD (active action detachment) in Leningrad, etc. You can understand the young people included in these associations - they want to ensure their safety. But, acting on the principle “might beats strength,” they themselves often break the law.

Boys with swastikas.

I think not everyone knows that among us there are those today who shout: “Heil Hitler!”, wear swastikas and use completely fascist methods to defend their “ideals.”

Who wears a swastika?

You are mistaken if you think that we are talking about Wehrmacht or SS “veterans” living out their days. These are not young idiots who are ready to put on any trinket, as long as it is unusual and shiny. They were born many years after our so dear victory over fascism, they are our contemporaries, calling themselves fascists, acting like fascists and proud of it.

It’s not so difficult to recognize these guys in black: black overcoats or jackets, black shirts, black trousers, black boots. The clothes are sewn according to the uniform of the officers of the “Third Reich”. Many have a swastika on the lapel of their jacket or jacket, or on their cap. They greet each other with exclamations of “Heil!”, “Heil Hitler!” German names are chosen as pseudonyms: Hans, Paul, Elsa, etc. They call themselves “fascists”, “fascists”, “Nazis”, “Nazis”, “National Front” and are considered followers of Adolf Hitler. He is the “theoretician” of their movement. Some are familiar with certain sayings and works of Nietzsche and Spengler. For the majority, the “theoretical” basis is a sparse set of Nazi dogmas: there are a “superior race” and “subhumans”; most of the “subhumans” must be destroyed, and the rest turned into slaves; that one is right. Who is stronger, etc.

The “fascists” do not hide their views or their goals.

Like this. The Gestapo man “Father Müller” has worthy students who, in demonstrating the “innate quality of man” - cruelty, perhaps surpassed their teachers.

c) Prosocial.

Prosocial informal clubs or associations are socially positive and benefit society. These associations benefit society and solve social problems of a cultural and protective nature (protection of monuments, architectural monuments, restoration of churches, solve environmental problems).

Greens- various environmental associations that exist almost everywhere call themselves, the activity and popularity of which is steadily growing.

Their tasks and goals.

Among the most pressing problems, the problem of environmental protection is not the least important. The “greens” took up the solution. Environmental consequences of construction projects, location and operation of large enterprises without taking into account their impact on nature and human health. Various public committees, groups, and sections launched a struggle to remove such enterprises from cities or close them.

The first such committee for the protection of Lake Baikal was created in 1967. It included representatives of the creative intelligentsia. Largely thanks to social movements, the “project of the century” to transfer the waters of northern rivers to Central Asia was rejected. Activists from informal groups collected hundreds of thousands of signatures on a petition to cancel the project. The same decision was made regarding the design and construction of a nuclear power plant in the Krasnodar Territory.

The number of environmental informal associations is usually small: from 10-15 to 70-100 people. Their social and age composition is heterogeneous. Environmental groups more than make up for their small numbers with activity that attracts large numbers of people to support various environmental initiatives.

Prosocial informal associations also include associations for the protection of monuments, architectural monuments, the Society for the Protection of Animals, and the Society for the Protection of the Amazon Forests.

d) Informal artistic orientation.

They say that every generation has its own music. If this statement is true, then the question arises: what generation is rock music?

Rock performers sang about the issues that worried the rebellious youth: about the violation of the civil rights of the disadvantaged, about racial prejudice and the persecution of dissidents, about the need for social reforms, about the expansion of the anti-war movement in connection with US aggression in Vietnam, and much more. They were listened to, they were understood, they were sung along. One of the most popular songs of the “XU” ensemble, “My Generation,” was sung along by the entire audience. “Tomorrow may never come!” - American guys who were sent to die in Vietnam repeated after Janis Joplen. Rock performers sang about what was close and understandable to their listeners.

I have already talked about amateur rock musicians who have found certain organizational forms for their activities. Amateur artists are no less popular among young people. However, things are not going so well for them.

Muscovites and guests of the capital are accustomed to exhibitions and sales of paintings by amateur artists on Arbat, in Izmailovsky Park. Leningraders have the opportunity to see a similar exhibition on Nevsky Prospekt next to Catherine’s garden. There are similar exhibitions in other cities. They exist quite officially, but they allow solving a small part of the problems facing this type of amateur creativity. And strictly speaking, only one provision of young artists with the opportunity to exhibit and sell their paintings. The range of problems that they do not solve is quite wide. First of all, they include the absence of a single center that could become a kind of creative workshop for amateur artists. There is a need to establish the hitherto missing close connection between amateur artists and local organizations of the artists' union. Such a community would significantly enrich the art of amateur artists, raise their professional level, and help identify brighter talents and talents. The issue of informing the public about the activities of amateur artists has not been resolved; there is no discussion of their paintings or the creative directions they are developing. Finally, the exhibitions look good in the summer, but make an extremely miserable impression in the winter: amateur artists have no roof over their heads (literally).

Collectors also have their own problems. Despite a significant number of various amateur associations and clubs (philatelists, numismatists, etc.), many issues are resolved outside of them.

III. Conclusion.

So, this concludes our acquaintance with informals. It’s hard for me to judge how successful it turned out to be, but it’s good that it happened.

I would like to remind you that I spoke only about the most widespread and well-known informal associations, and the assessments I gave were valid only at the time of writing the coursework. They, of course, can and probably will change as the informal associations themselves change. The nature of these changes depends not only on the informals, but to a large extent on us - on our support or our rejection of this or that association.

The activities of each association require in-depth analysis.

Having chosen such a complex problem for my course work, I sought to show that the time had come to turn to the informals. Today they are a real and quite powerful force that can promote and hinder the development of society or the state.
BIBLIOGRAPHY:

A.V. Gromov, O.S. Cousin "Informals, who is who?"

V.T. Lisovsky “Is truth born in every dispute?”

Encyclopedic Dictionary “Golden Fund” on CD-rom (Laser CD for PC)

Global Internet (WWW) Internet address: http//www.russia.lt/vb/referat/

Types and types of informal youth groups

There are a number of youth public organizations with a positive orientation. All of them have great educational opportunities, but recently the number of informal children's and youth associations of various orientations (political, economic, ideological, cultural) has sharply increased; among them there are many structures with a pronounced antisocial orientation.
In recent years, the now familiar word “informals” has flown into our speech and taken root in it. Perhaps it is here that the overwhelming majority of so-called youth problems are now accumulated.
Informals are those who break out of the formalized structures of our lives. They do not fit into the usual rules of behavior. They strive to live in accordance with their own, and not other people’s interests imposed from outside.
A feature of informal associations is the voluntariness of joining them and a stable interest in a specific goal or idea. The second feature of these groups is rivalry, which is based on the need for self-affirmation. A young man strives to do something better than others, to get ahead of even the people closest to him in something. This leads to the fact that within youth groups they are heterogeneous and consist of a large number of microgroups united on the basis of likes and dislikes.
They are very different - after all, the interests and needs for the sake of satisfying which they are drawn to each other are diverse, forming groups, trends, directions. Each such group has its own goals and objectives, sometimes even programs, unique “rules of membership” and moral codes.
There are some classifications of youth organizations according to their areas of activity and worldview.

Musical informal youth organizations.

The main goal of such youth organizations is to listen, study and distribute their favorite music.
Among the “musical” informals, the most famous organization of young people is metalheads. These are groups united by a common interest in listening to rock music (also called “Heavy Metal”). The most common groups playing rock music are Kiss, Iron Maiden, Metallica, Scorpions, and domestic ones - Aria, etc. Heavy metal rock contains: a hard rhythm of percussion instruments, colossal the power of the amplifiers and the solo improvisations of the performers that stand out against this background.
Another well-known youth organization tries to combine music with dance. This direction is called breakers (from the English break-dance - a special type of dance, including a variety of sports and acrobatic elements that constantly replace each other, interrupting the movement that has begun). There is another interpretation - in one of the meanings, break means “broken dance” or “dance on the pavement.” Informals of this movement are united by a selfless passion for dance, the desire to promote and demonstrate it in literally any situation.
These guys are practically not interested in politics; their discussions about social problems are superficial. They try to maintain good athletic shape, adhere to very strict rules: do not drink alcohol, do not drink drugs, and have a negative attitude towards smoking.
Beatlemaniacs also fall into the same category, a movement in whose ranks many parents and teachers of today’s teenagers once flocked. They are united by their love for the Beatles ensemble, its songs and its most famous members - Paul McCartney and John Lenon.

Informal organizations in sports.

The leading representatives of this trend are famous football fans. Having manifested themselves as a mass organized movement, the Spartak fans of 1977 became the founders of an informal movement that is now widespread around other football teams and around other sports. Today, in general, these are fairly well-organized groups, distinguished by serious internal discipline. The teenagers included in them, as a rule, are well versed in sports, in the history of football, and in many of its intricacies. Their leaders strongly condemn illegal behavior and oppose drunkenness, drugs and other negative phenomena, although such things do occur among fans. There are also cases of group hooliganism on the part of fans and hidden vandalism. These informals are armed quite militantly: wooden sticks, metal rods, rubber batons, metal chains, etc.
From the outside, fans are easy to spot. Sports caps in the colors of their favorite teams, jeans or tracksuits, T-shirts with the emblems of “their” clubs, sneakers, long scarves, badges, homemade posters wishing success to those they support. They are easily distinguished from each other by these accessories, gathering in front of the stadium, where they exchange information, news about sports, determine the signals by which they will chant slogans in support of their team, and develop plans for other actions.
Those who call themselves “night riders” are also close to sports informals in a number of ways. They are called rockers. Rockers are united by a love of technology and antisocial behavior. Their mandatory attributes are a motorcycle without a muffler and specific equipment: painted helmets, leather jackets, glasses, metal rivets, zippers. Rockers often caused traffic accidents that resulted in casualties. The attitude of public opinion towards them is almost definitely negative.

Philosophizing informal organizations.

Interest in philosophy is one of the most common in informal environments. This is probably natural: it is the desire to understand, to comprehend oneself and one’s place in the world around him that takes him beyond established ideas and pushes him to something different, sometimes alternative to the dominant philosophical scheme.
Hippies stand out among them. Outwardly, they are recognized by their sloppy clothes, long unkempt hair, and certain paraphernalia: the obligatory blue jeans, embroidered shirts, T-shirts with inscriptions and symbols, amulets, bracelets, chains, and sometimes crosses. The Beatles and especially their song “Strawberry Fields Forever” became the symbol of hippies for many years. The views of hippies are that a person should be free, first of all, internally, even in situations of external restriction and enslavement. To be liberated in the soul is the quintessence of their views. They believe that a person should strive for peace and free love. Hippies consider themselves romantics, living a natural life and despising the conventions of the “respectable life of the bourgeois.” Striving for complete freedom, they are prone to a kind of escape from life, evasion of many social responsibilities. Hippies use meditation, mysticism, and drugs as means to achieve “self-discovery.”
The new generation of those who share the philosophical quest of the hippies often calls themselves “the system” (system guys, peoplez, people). The “system” is an informal organization that does not have a clear structure, which includes people who share the goals of “renewing human relations” through kindness, tolerance, and love for one’s neighbor.
Hippies are divided into “old wave” and “pioneers”. If the old hippies (they are also called the old ones) mainly preached the ideas of social passivity and non-interference in public affairs, then the new generation is prone to fairly active social activities. Outwardly, they try to have a “Christian” appearance, to resemble Christ: they walk the streets barefoot, wear very long hair, are away from home for a long time, and spend the night in the open air.
The main principles of hippie ideology were human freedom. Freedom can be achieved only by changing the inner structure of the soul; drugs contribute to the liberation of the soul; the actions of an internally uninhibited person are determined by the desire to protect his freedom as the greatest treasure. Beauty and freedom are identical, their realization is a purely spiritual problem; everyone who shares what has been said forms a spiritual community; spiritual community is an ideal form of community life. In addition to Christian ideas. Among the “philosophizing” informals, Buddhist, Taoist and other ancient Eastern religious and philosophical teachings are also common.

Political informal organizations.

Neo-fascists (skinheads).

In the 20-30s of the 20th century, something appeared in Germany that killed millions of people, something that makes the current residents of Germany shudder and apologize for the sins of their ancestors to entire nations. The name of this monster is fascism, called by history the “brown plague.” What happened in the 30s and 40s is so monstrous and tragic that some of the young people sometimes even find it difficult to believe what those who lived in those years tell them.
More than 50 years have passed, and history has taken its new turn, and the time has come to repeat it. In many countries of the world, fascist youth organizations or so-called neo-fascists are appearing.
“Skinheads” were born in the mid-60s as a reaction of a certain part of the British working class to hippies and motorcycle rockers. Then they liked traditional work clothes, which were difficult to tear in a fight: black felt jackets and jeans. They cut their hair short so as not to interfere in fights.
By 1972, the fashion for “skinheads” began to wane, but unexpectedly revived 4 years later. A new round of development of this movement was indicated by already shaved heads, army boots and Nazi symbols. English “skinheads” began to get into fights more often with the police, fans of football clubs, fellow “skinheads”, students, homosexuals, and immigrants. In 1980, the National Front infiltrated their ranks, introducing neo-Nazi theory, ideology, anti-Semitism, racism, etc. into their movement. Crowds of “skinheads” with swastikas tattooed on their faces appeared on the streets, chanting “Sieg, Heil!”
Since the 70s, the uniform of the “skins” has remained unchanged: black and green jackets, nationalistic T-shirts, jeans with suspenders, an army belt with an iron buckle, heavy army boots (such as “GRINDERS” or “Dr. MARTENS”).
In almost all countries of the world, “skins” prefer abandoned places. There the “skinheads” meet, accept new sympathizers into the ranks of their organization, become imbued with nationalist ideas, and listen to music. The basic teachings of the “skins” are also indicated by inscriptions that are quite common in their habitats:
Russia is for russians! Moscow is for Muscovites!
Adolph Hitler. Mein Kampf.
“Skins” have a clear hierarchy. There is a “lower” echelon and a “higher” echelon – advanced “skins” with an excellent education. “Unadvanced skins” are mainly teenagers 16-19 years old. Any passer-by can be beaten half to death by them. There is no need for a reason to fight.
The situation is somewhat different with “advanced skinheads,” who are also called “right-wingers.” First of all, these are not just loose youth with nothing to do. This is a kind of “skinhead” elite - well-read, educated and mature people. The average age of “right-wing skins” is from 22 to 30 years. In their circles, thoughts about the purity of the Russian nation are constantly being circulated. In the thirties, Goebbels advanced the same ideas from the rostrum, but only they were talking about the Aryans.

Functions of youth organizations.

A conversation about the informal youth movement will not be complete without touching on the question of what functions amateur associations perform in the development of society.
First of all, the very layer of “informality” as an unregulated social activity will never disappear from the horizons of the development of the human community. The social organism needs a kind of life-giving nourishment, which does not allow the social fabric to dry out and becomes an impenetrable, immobilizing case for a person.
It is correct to assess the state of the informal youth movement as a kind of social symptomatology that helps to diagnose the entire social organism. Then the real picture of modern, as well as bygone, social life will be determined not only by the percentage of completion of production tasks, but also by how many children are abandoned by their parents, how many are in the hospital, committing crimes.
It is in the space of informal communication that a teenager’s primary, independent choice of his social environment and partner is possible. And instilling a culture of this choice is possible only in conditions of tolerance from adults. Intolerance, a tendency to expose and moralizing primitivize the youth environment, provoke teenagers to protest reactions, often with unpredictable consequences.
The most important function of the youth movement is to stimulate the germination of social fabric on the outskirts of the social organism. Youth initiatives become a conductor of social energy between local, regional, generational, etc. zones of public life and its center - the main socio-economic and political structures.

The influence of youth groups on the personality of a teenager.

Many of the informals are very extraordinary and talented people. They spend days and nights on the street, not knowing why. Nobody organizes or forces these young people to come here. They flock together on their own - all very different, and at the same time somehow elusively similar. Many of them, young and full of energy, often want to howl at night from melancholy and loneliness. Many of them lack faith in anything and therefore suffer from their own uselessness. And, trying to understand themselves, they go in search of the meaning of life and adventure in informal youth associations.

Why did they become informal?

Because the activities of official organizations in the field of leisure are uninteresting. 1/5 – because official institutions do not help in their interests. 7% - because their hobbies are not approved by society.
It is generally accepted that the main thing for teenagers in informal groups is the opportunity to relax and spend free time. From a sociological point of view, this is wrong: “bullshit” is one of the last places on the list of what attracts young people to informal associations - only a little more than 7% say this. About 15% find an opportunity to communicate with like-minded people in an informal environment. For 11%, the most important thing is the conditions for developing their abilities that arise in informal groups.

Features of the psychology of informality.

The psychology of informality includes many components. The desire to be yourself is only the first of them.This is precisely the desire in the absence of the ability to be oneself. The teenager is preoccupied with finding the meaning of “I,” separating the “true” self from the “untrue” self, determining his purpose in life—he persistently takes him on the path of searching for something unusual. And identifying this unusual thing is very simple. If adults don’t prohibit it, it’s a common thing and therefore boring. If they prohibit it, here it is, that same sweet fruit.
The second component of the psychology of informality is the emergence and maintenance. He begins to imitate, without even noticing that his masquerade is gradually becoming commonplace. Origin and maintenance make it easier to isolate from the environment - only the first ones have to puzzle. The rest, like an obedient herd, follow.
The third term is the herd instinct.It seems like a group only in appearance. Deeply, psychologically, this is herd behavior. And even if the desire to stand out, to gain autonomy and independence is of an individual nature, it is difficult to stand out alone. And in a heap it’s easier. Infection and imitation, layered on the individualistic desire to stand out, distorts the purpose for which the teenager takes informal actions, and ultimately does not single out, but dissolves the teenager in a crowd of his own kind. The vast majority of informal groups are based not on conscious unity - this rarely happens among teenagers - but on the similarity of loneliness of its members.
An indispensable attribute of almost any herd and at the same time another component of the psychology of this type is the presence of competitors, opponents, ill-wishers and even enemies. Almost anyone can become them: teenagers from the neighboring yard, and fans of other music, and just adults. The same separation and isolation are at work here, but not at the individual, but at the group level. Disagreeing with the adult world, the teenager joins an informal group, and his spontaneous protest begins to spread to other informals. There can be a lot of “enemies”. Maintaining the image of the enemy is one of the conditions for the existence of such groups.
The psychology of informality is by its nature dual, active-reactive in nature. On the one hand, this is in many ways a natural outburst of youthful energy. On the other hand, we ourselves often provoke this energy to be directed in a negative direction. By prohibiting even what is useful and beneficial to society, we confuse them and push them to blind protest in clearly negative forms.
Another feature is inflated claims. This is the same “consumerism” that is so often blamed on young people. Publicity and openness make it possible to compare our life with the West, and then loudly express the results of this comparison, which is absurd for us.

Senior teacher of the 6th company of Suvorov students of the UGSVU P. Skvortsov