1 conquest of the streets and Tiverts by Russian princes. Life of individual Slavic tribes: Ulichs and Tivertsy, Dulebs or Buzhans, Volynians, Drevlyans, Polyans, Northerners, Krivichi, Polotsk

Battle of Svyatoslav with the Khazars

Little information about the Russian state of the early 10th century has reached our time. But it is known that at that time there were about 15 centers of tribal Slavic unions. For example, on the Oka there was a tribal union of the Vyatichi. The tribes were led by princes elected at the veche. At the head of the union was the supreme prince of the union. The territory of Vyatka was called Vantika. Every year, princes with a cavalry squad in chain mail traveled around the tribes under their control in order to collect tribute. By analogy with the Vyatichi, we can talk about other Slavic tribes of Eastern Europe. In the area of ​​nomadic raids, tribal alliances united to repel enemies. In the 6th century AD, the center of unification became the Russian Union of Tribes, which united the glades and northerners. By the 9th century, the union extended its power to the unions of the Drevlyans, Dregovichs, Volonians and other tribal unions. The borders of Kievan Rus - a union of tribal unions - were changeable. Unions could leave the association, defending their sovereignty. Therefore, Kyiv had to wage repeated wars with the Slavic tribes.

The feudal hierarchy in Kievan Rus was formed by involving the tribal nobility in the general process. The first such national event was polyudye. For six months, often in winter, the Kiev prince and his retinue traveled around the territories of the tribal unions under his control, sometimes traveling up to 1,500 kilometers long in order to collect tribute. The second, summer half of the year was devoted to military trade expeditions along the Russian (Black) Sea, the Caspian Sea, by land under the protection of armed detachments of the Varangians to the southern states for the sale of goods collected during Polyudye: grain, honey, furs, wax, handicrafts. etc. Extortions from tribes in excess of the norm could lead to unpredictable consequences. This is what happened to Prince Igor Rurikovich (the Old) - the Kyiv prince, the son of the Novgorod prince Rurik from his marriage to Efanda. He was born in Novgorod the Great in 865 or 877. In 879, after the death of Rurik, his associate and brother-in-law Oleg, a Swedish jarl, who left Novgorod went to reign in Kyiv, killing the local rulers Askold and Dir, became his guardian. (Various sources. According to some, Askold dealt with Diros in 876. According to other sources, the Prophetic Oleg killed Askold, seizing the throne in Kyiv).

There is little information about the life of Igor Rurikovich before his reign. It is known that when he was still under the tutelage of Oleg, his wife Olga was brought from Pskov. The first deeds of Igor Rurikovich, when he became the Grand Duke in Kyiv, were the pacification of the Drevlyans, whom he punished by increasing tribute, and the second conquest of the streets. Prince Igor gave part of the tribute to his beloved governor Sveneld, which caused outrage in the squad. In 915, Igor Rurikovich made peace with the Pechenegs for 5 years. In 935, the ships and troops of the Grand Duke sailed with the Greek fleet to Italy. But in 941, peaceful relations with Byzantium broke down. And then Igor Rurikovich with a large fleet - according to the chronicle of 10 thousand ships - went to Constantinople. The Emperor of Byzantium was notified of the Russian campaign by the Bulgarians. Roman Lakanin, the emperor, sent an army against Igor Rurikovich under the command of Theophanes Protovestiary. However, the Russian flotilla managed to devastate the environs of the Bosphorus and anchored near Fara. When the Greek fleet came out to meet them, Prince Igor, confident of victory, ordered his soldiers to spare the enemy and capture them alive. But the Greeks used “Greek fire,” which the Russians saw for the first time. The warriors, frightened, fled to the shores of Asia Minor, to Bithynia. But Patrick Vardas and the governor John forced the soldiers to return to the ships. On the way, the Russians once again fought with the Greeks off the coast of Thrace and returned home with great damage. In 945, a peace treaty was concluded in Constantinople. That same year, the Grand Duke, as usual, went to Polyudye to collect tribute. Having collected tribute from the Drevlyans, he had already driven off when he heard a murmur in the squad about the small amount of tribute collected, most of which went to Sveneld. Igor had to turn his horses back to the Drevlyans to collect tribute again. The Drevlyan prince Mala did not like this. He and his squad attacked Igor Rurikovich, killed Prince Igor’s squad, and they tied him to two leaning birch trees, released them, tearing his body in half. This happened in 945. Igor Rurikovich the Old reigned for 33 years and had three sons in his marriage to Olga. The middle one was called Svyatoslav. Prince Igor Rurikovich was a pagan, and he swore an oath on the hill, “where Perun stood and laid down his weapons and shields and gold.” Olga buried him according to pagan rites under a huge mound.

Olga's first action after the death of her husband was revenge on the Drevlyans for the death of her husband, which she gave a state-ritual character. According to the legends, these events developed as follows. The Drevlyans sent an embassy to Kyiv with an offer to Olga to become the wife of the Drevlyan prince Mal. “The Drevlyansky land sent us to tell you: they killed your husband because he was like a wolf, raping and robbing, and our princes are good, because they ruled the Drevlyansky land well. Marry our prince Mal." Olga demanded that these ambassadors be brought to her in a boat. The ambassadors allowed themselves to be carried to Olga’s stone tower, where a hole had been dug in advance, where they were buried alive. In the Drevlyan land they did not yet know about Olga’s reprisal against the ambassadors, when she sent her ambassadors there with a request to send the best Drevlyan husbands to her, otherwise she would not marry Mal. By order of Olga, these men were locked in a bathhouse upon arrival and burned. After this, Olga went to the Drevlyansky land, where she held a funeral feast for her deceased husband. After the funeral feast, a funeral feast began, at which Kyiv warriors hacked to death 5,000 drunken Drevlyans. The final part of the “Tale” talks about the siege of the Drevlyan city of Iskorosten, which lasted a whole year. But the Iskorosten people did not give up, fearing Olga’s revenge. Then Olga demanded three pigeons and three sparrows from each yard. The Iskorostenians rejoiced at this small tribute. Olga, having received the birds, ordered pieces of sulfur to be tied to each bird, in the evening the sulfur was set on fire, the birds returned to their nests. The city of Iskorosten was all on fire. Those people who escaped the fire were either killed by Olga's warriors or taken into slavery. This was the result of Olga’s struggle with the Drevlyans for the death of her husband. Some historians believe that all these terrible tales are inventions of the chronicler Nestor, who despised the Drevlians. In fact, the Drevlyan war lasted 2 years. The fortress-city of Iskorosten fell after a long siege. Olga actually executed someone, liquidated the Drevlyan principality, arrested Prince Mal, but saved his life.

The head of state, regent during the childhood of Svyatoslav (Olga continued to rule the state even after Svyatoslav matured, since he spent all his time on campaigns) became Igor’s widow Olga, a Pskovite, who, according to the Slavic Encyclopedia, was the daughter of a certain Sloven the Young , born from the marriage of Izbor, the son of Gostomysl and Beautiful. The Slavic Encyclopedia indicates the year of her marriage to Igor Rurikovich - 903. The author of the book “The Birth of Rus'” Boris Rybakov gives other figures for the birth of Princess Olga on page 147: “In Ancient Rus' people usually got married at the age of 16-18. Olga, according to these calculations, was born in the interval 923-927. At the time of conversations with the Byzantine Emperor Constantine, she must have been 28-32 years old.” She was probably Igor's younger wife. Her son Svyatoslav was born around 941 (3).

After the murder of her husband by the Drevlyans, Olga in 945 took the reins of government into her own hands, established the amount of tribute from the tribes subordinate to Kiev, expanded the possessions of the Kiev Grand Duke's House, organized administrative centers throughout the state - graveyards and encampments - strongholds of polyudye, determined the boundaries of princely hunting grounds lands - “traps”, main fishing spots, fishing grounds that provided honey and wax, demarcated the lands, organized the protection of the borders of the reserves and appointed appropriate servants for their systematic use.

The difference between the camp and the graveyard was small. Once a year the camp received the prince himself, his squad, and servants to collect tribute. Since polyudye was held in winter, the camps had warm rooms, supplies of fodder and food, and horses. Pogosts were introduced by the princely authorities into the midst of peasant “veseys” (villages) and “verveys” (communities). There should be the same buildings as in the camps, only they were more isolated from the princely center. The churchyard should be a small fortress with a small garrison. The people who lived in the churchyard should be not only servants, but also warriors. To survive, they had to engage in agriculture, hunting, fishing... In the graveyard there were more rooms for storing tribute, food for the garrison and tributaries, and fodder than in the encampment. The graveyards and encampments were like the nodes of a huge network thrown by the princes over the tribes subordinate to them. Each graveyard with its buildings, defensive tyn, adjoining villages and arable lands was, as it were, a semi-independent dwarf state, standing above the peasant ropes. Its strength was in connection with Kiev. Polyudye began in November and ended in April, with stops at camps for 2-3 days. Konstantin Porphyrogenitus immortalized some of the names of polyudye camps, for example, the path from Kyiv: Iskorosten, Vruchiy, Chernobyl, Bryagin, Lyubech, Strezhev, Rogachev, Kopys, Odrsk, Kasplya, Krasny, Smolensk. The route from Smolensk: Dogobuzh, Yelnya, Rognedino, Patsyn, Zarub, Vshchizh, Debryansk, Trubech, Novgorod - Seversky, Radogoshch, Khodogoshch, Sosnitsa, Blestovit, Snovsk, Chernigov, Moraviysk, Vyshgorod, Kiev, etc.

Polyudye did not penetrate into the depths of the tribes. Local princes collected tribute in advance in the outback and brought it to the camp. The most extensive tribal union was the Krivichi. Tributes from them flocked to their capital - Smolensk.

From April to November, the sale of polyudye took place in Rus'. Kyiv was the center of international trade relations in Eastern Europe. Everything collected from Polyudye was brought there and distributed for sale along trade routes. Trade was carried out by merchants, accompanied by an armed squad, some of whom were mercenaries - Varangians, who had to be paid for the protection of merchant ships and caravans. And there was someone to protect from. Along the trade routes with weapons there were enemy barriers from the Khazars, Magyars, Pechenegs, Polovtsians, internal Bulgarians and other robbers. Grain, furs, honey, wax, weapons, jewelry, blacksmiths' products, etc. were sold. Through Kyiv there was a route to the west to Poland, to Krakow, to Regensburg on the Danube. Through Kyiv there was a route from “Greeks to Varangians” and vice versa, connecting Byzantium with Scandinavia and with the peoples of the Baltic. The trade route from Kyiv to Bulgar on the Volga was well organized, and along the Volga to Asian countries and India. This route was divided into 20 stations located at a distance of 70 kilometers from each other. Messengers covered this route in a day, merchants with cargo took two days and a day to rest. Through the Russian lands to the east, the route went through the following stations: Kyiv, Supoe, Priluk, Romen, Lipitskoye fortification, Gochevo, etc. The tenth station - the middle of the route - was located south of Voronezh. Here then was the eastern border of Rus'. Only 1400 kilometers. In the eastern direction there were three shopping centers: Artab, Salab (Slava - Pereyaslavl) and Kuyaba (Kyiv).

The 10th century traveler Khudul al-Alem described these three cities of Rus' as follows:

“Cuyaba (Kyiv) is a city of Rus'... a pleasant place, the residence of the king. Various furs and valuable swords are taken out of it. Slava (this is obviously Pereyaslavl) is a pleasant city. From there, when peace reigns, they go to trade in the Bulgarian district. Artab (this is obviously the third Rus' in Western Siberia - Lukomorye) is a city where foreigners are killed when they get there. They produce valuable sword blades and swords that can be bent in two, but when released, they return to their original state.”

Another traveler... Haukal adds that the inhabitants of Artania, Artaba - Arsy do not allow strangers in, “they themselves go down the water to trade and do not report anything about their affairs and their goods and do not allow anyone to follow them and enter the country yours” (p. 113, B. Shcherbakov, “The Birth of Rus'”).

Every spring, Kievan Rus exported a huge amount of Polyudye goods. With the goods they sold, merchants bought everything that the rich East produced. Boats with barrels of honey, wax, beaver furs, silver foxes and other goods were preparing to sail in Kyiv, Vyshgorod, Vitichev, Pereyaslavl Russky, Rodna. The southernmost structure was the Voin settlement on the Dnieper. The journey along the Dnieper was dangerous and difficult. On the Dnieper it was necessary to overcome rapids. The first threshold was called “Don’t sleep!” The Russians had difficulty dragging their ships across each threshold. Sometimes they even pulled the luggage ashore and dragged the boats along the shore. The entire route was under fire from the Pechenegs. Near modern Zaporozhye, having passed the rapids, on the island of Khortitsa the Rus made sacrifices of live roosters at a huge oak tree, stuck arrows all around, placed pieces of bread and meat... From Khortitsa the Rus sailed to the island of Berezan, near the mouth of the Dnieper, where they equipped themselves before sailing by sea . At Berezan the path of the Rus split into two. Some sailed to Constantinople, to Constantinople, others to the distant countries of the Caliphate. The voyage along the western shore of the Black Sea ended in Constantinople, where the Rus spent the whole summer and returned to Rus' for a new polyudye.

If Russian merchants passed through the Kerch Strait, which at that time belonged to the Khazars, the Khazars took a large bride price from them for the right of passage. Having completed a difficult and expensive journey through Khazaria (300 kilometers along the Sea of ​​Azov, 400 kilometers up the Don and portages, and 400 kilometers down the Volga), the Russian flotilla entered the Caspian Sea. Sometimes merchants delivered their goods on camels (from the Caspian Sea - Khazar, Khvalis, Djurdzhan) to Baghdad, paying a poll tax...

Of the five trade routes coming from Kyiv: Constantinople, Transcaspian-Baghdad, Bulgarian, Regensburg and Novgorod-Scandinavian, the first two routes were the most important for the state. Russian merchant warriors were distant predecessors of the famous traveler Afanasy Nikitin. Treaties between Rus' and the Byzantine Empire (907, 911, 944) ensured the possibility of peaceful trade. The agreement was drawn up in two languages: Greek and Russian, in two copies on behalf of the emperor and the Russian princes who headed the tribal unions. Russian ambassadors received ambassadorial allowances from the Greeks “as much as they wanted.” The visiting merchants also received monthly allowances (business allowances, in modern terms) for six months, during which they had to sell everything that was collected during the winter polyud. The Russians, living in Constantinople, received food from the Greek government and used baths - thermal baths. Since the Byzantines were afraid of the armed Rus, upon their arrival in a foreign country, the imperial official compiled a list of Russian guests (for issuing allowances) and accompanied them at the entrance to the city. The Russians were supposed to enter the city only through one gate, without weapons, in groups of 50 people. When returning home, the emperor was obliged by contract to provide them with food for the return journey, anchors, ropes, and sails. ...The purchase of oriental silk fabrics by merchants was limited (50 pieces). Each purchase was sealed by the Tsar's husband. The agreements provided for the actions of the parties in case of shipwrecks, there were articles about captive slaves, etc., so the foreign trade of Rus' was a state matter.

By the beginning of the 9th century in Rus' there was the following socio-political stratigraphy:

Grand Duke of Russia. Khakan - Rus (a title equal to the emperor).

Heads of chapters, bright princes (princes of tribal unions).

Every prince is the prince of individual tribes.

Great boyars.

Boyars, men, knights.

The guests are merchants.

People. Smerda.

Servants. Slaves.

There was also a concept at that time - “smerda”. Their honorable duty was to serve in the prince's cavalry. They also plowed the land, lived in villages, but were assigned to churchyards. In Ancient Rus', an ordinary village was called “vesya”. The saying has reached our time: “Get lost.” A princely or boyar village was then called a village. Smerds lived in “villages”, not “villages”.

The system of exploitation of peasants - ropers (from communities) in their villages consisted of the following elements: tribute collected during polyudye, and a number of duties (cart, making boats and sails, building camps) in the form of labor rent. The tribute was collected by the tribal nobility, which was shared with the Kyiv prince.

Prince Igor was a pagan. His wife Olga maintained friendly relations with Byzantium. Byzantium believed that a people who adopted Christianity from the hands of the Greeks became a vassal of the Greek emperor, that is, a people and state dependent on Byzantium. There was a political duel between Byzantium and Kiev. Each side sought to defend its position. The negotiations were secret. Details of the negotiations are unknown. Therefore, Olga delayed the baptism of Rus'. Princess Olga visited Constantinople several times on a friendly visit, which Tsar Constantine Porphyrogenitus himself described his meetings with Olga in the book “On Ceremonies” under 957 and about gifts to the princess from Byzantium. A golden dish is mentioned on which 500 miliaris (silver coins) were presented. The main subject of discussion during Olga's visits to Constantinople was the point about military assistance to Byzantium from Kievan Rus and the organization of the Russian church... In 962, the Byzantine emperor again asked for military assistance from Kyiv. Russian soldiers were sent to Syria to fight the Arabs. At the same time, in Kyiv, Olga received the embassy of the German Emperor Otto the First. In 968, Princess Olga led the defense of Kyiv from the Pechenegs. She died on July 11, 969. Her relics rest in Kyiv in the Church of the Tithes. Canonized by the Russian Orthodox Church.

So, Olga’s era is marked by innovations: the creation of graveyards and the establishment of standards for duties, an attempt to introduce Christianity, the creation of epic works about Princess Olga, in particular “The Tale of Revenge” (about how Olga took revenge on the Drevlyans for the death of her husband by destroying the capital of the Drevlyans with fire) - the first monarchical work in Rus'. The state of Kievan Rus looked already fully formed.

At that distant time, the word “Olga” - “Helga” meant not only the name, but the title of not only the ruler of the state, but also the high priestess of the troops and the state. This means that the princess had to participate in rituals and sacred ceremonies. At that time, state rituals among the Baltic Slavs and the peoples of Scandinavia were accompanied by human sacrifices. Olga did not like this, and she began to think about the issue of faith. We do not know when she came to Christianity, but she came to Byzantium in 955 with her confessor Gregory. She received her baptismal name Elena. She could not have accepted Christianity from the West, where worship was then conducted in Latin, or in Byzantium, where worship was conducted in Greek. She most likely converted to Christianity in Bulgaria, where they began to conduct services in the Slavic language. Olga was baptized not just as a Slavic woman, not just as a princess, but also as a high priestess.

In 955-957 Olga visited Constantinople. Her visit is described in detail in the Greek chronicles of that time. She arrived by ship in Constantinople with a retinue of 35 women and 88 men. Of the men, 44 were “guests” - merchants, 22 - representatives of the boyars from the volosts and cities of Rus'. There were representatives from Svyatoslav, her son. In the Byzantine chronicles, an article about Olga’s visit is entitled “On the invasion of the Russians.” She arrived in Constantinople in June and was received by His Highness on September 9.

Before meeting with the emperor, Olga and her retinue had to go through all the halls of the palace, through the galleries of the palace, before entering the room where Solomon's throne stood, on top of which the emperor sat, surrounded by his retinue. The music of organs covered with carpets could be heard. At the foot of the throne stood roaring golden lions. Mechanical birds sang in the golden trees. When the ambassadors bowed and then raised their heads, the emperor was already sitting in a different robe. Everything was calculated to impress the “barbarians.”

Then Olga was given the honor of having a private reception in the empress’s chambers, where the emperor was present with his family. Next was a ceremonial dinner in the Justinian Hall. And again there was a distance between the Byzantine emperor and Princess Olga. The imperial family sat down at the table, and Princess Olga had to stand until she was shown a place at another table with the ladies of the court. At the end of the dinner, sweets were served at a separate table, where the royal family approached and Olga was invited. It was a great honor, but the princess hardly liked it.

Her retinue was treated separately, with the junior court ranks. Then they handed over gifts, meticulously calculating how much to whom. The princess received 500 silver coins on a golden platter. For other members of the embassy, ​​respectively - from 24 to 2 coins. On October 18, a second lunch was held. Olga was in one hall with the empress, and the emperor was in another hall with the princess's retinue. The dinner ended with meager gifts. Olga was given 200 silver coins, the rest - correspondingly less.

The arrogance and swagger of the Byzantines offended Olga. Having given the dish with coins to the church of St. Sofia, she left for her homeland with her retinue. Olga realized that the Byzantines - the Romans - are the enemies of Rus' and an alliance with him is impossible. The next year, a reciprocal Greek embassy came to Kyiv with a demand to send troops to Byzantium for the war with the Arabs, slaves for the emperor, furs and wax. Princess Olga replied: “When your king stands with me on Pochaina (pier) as long as I stood with him in the Court (harbour in Constantinople), then I will send him gifts and an army.” The ambassadors had to leave empty-handed.

Without allies, it was difficult to fight Khazaria, from which all Slavic and non-Slavic tribes were tired. If Byzantium is an enemy, where to look for allies? In 959, an embassy from Rus' arrived at the court of Otto I (Germany) with a request to send a bishop and priests. Olga wanted to establish a Russian church organization. At that time the Church was still united. Olga rejected the creation of a Russian Orthodox center from Byzantium. To subordinate the Russian Church to Constantinople means to get dependence and spies in the form of missionaries. Bulgaria was then an ally of Khazaria. And then I had to turn to the German king for help. But the mission from Germany was not lucky. She was not accepted, perhaps because the service there was conducted in Latin. On the way back, the mission from Germany was robbed by the Varangians. But Olga has nothing to do with it. Perhaps the words of 20-year-old Svyatoslav, Olga’s son, played a role in the failure of the embassy from Germany. To his mother’s proposal to convert to Christianity, he replied: “Can I pass a new law on my own so that my squad will laugh at me.” The adoption of a new faith during this period would lead the Eastern Slavs to a split. Olga understood this and decided to wait until the adoption of Christianity for Rus'.

The memories of contemporaries about Svyatoslav Igorevich are full of chanting of valor, bravery, and courage of the young prince - Olga's son. Svyatoslav is depicted by chroniclers for the first time at the age of 3-5 years, when he opened the battle with the Drevlyans with a throw of his spear. When, at the age of 15, his mother persuaded him to follow her example and accept Christianity, Svyatoslav replied: “How do I want to accept the same law? And the squad starts laughing at this...” The authors praise Svyatoslav for his loyalty to his pagan squad. Svyatoslav immediately rejected Christianity, anticipating that with the adoption of Christianity, Rus''s dependence on Byzantium would follow. He stated: “The Christian faith is ugliness.” Svyatoslav Igorevich lived a short life (944-972), reigning from 964 to 972. In 964, the Chronicle wrote this about Svyatoslav: “I grew up and matured to Prince Svyatoslav. When you started to buy a lot, you were brave and brave. And walking lightly, like a pardus, you create many wars. As he walked, he did not drive the cart, nor did he cook the cauldron, nor did he cook the meat, but he cut up the horse meat or the animal, or the beef, and baked the meat on the coals. You don’t have a tent, but the lining is comfortable, and the saddle is in your head. The same goes for his other voices. And he sent to the countries saying: “I want to go to you!”

He was a real Spartan, accustomed to the harsh life of a camp, noble, warning the enemy about his campaign with the words: “I’m coming to you.” Before battles, Svyatoslav always inspired the warriors with incendiary, patriotic speeches. The Byzantine chronicler of the 10th century, Lev the Deacon, cites one of Svyatoslav’s speeches: “... Let us be imbued with the courage that our ancestors bequeathed to us, let us remember that the power of the Russians has hitherto been indestructible, and we will bravely fight for our lives! It is not proper for us to return to our homeland, fleeing for our lives. We must either win and survive, or die with glory, having accomplished feats worthy of valiant men!”

The chronicle also passed on to descendants one of Svyatoslav’s speeches (around 969):

“We no longer have children - willy-nilly or unwillingly we are against it.

Let us not disgrace the Russian land, but let us strike that bone!

Mortvi for shame is not an imam,

If we run away, then it’s a disgrace to the Imam.

And the imam will not run away, but we will stand strong!

I will go before you,

If my head falls, then provide for yourself.”

And deciding howls: “Where is your head,

Let us lay down our chapters!”

Svyatoslav fought in Volga Bulgaria, in Khazaria near the Caspian Sea, in the Pecheneg steppes, on the territory of Bulgaria and in Byzantium. According to the most minimal estimates, Svyatoslav hiked 8000-8500 kilometers over several years. (B. Rybakov, “The Birth of Rus'”, p. 152, Moscow, 2004)

Svyatoslav's military activities took place in two directions: the Volga-Caspian (Khazar) and Byzantine, since they were the main ones in state exports. The struggle for the security of trade routes was a pan-European affair.

The Khazar state, which held all exits to the east in its hands, charged huge taxes on travel and return.

Byzantium then carried out aggressive actions against Bulgaria, past which the Russian trade route to Constantinople passed. These two areas required military support.

Related information.

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The chronicler, having no information about the existence of the Russian state already in the first half of the 9th century, identified the origin of Rus' with the origin of the ruling Varangian dynasty of the Rurikovichs. Therefore, he, apparently, identified the Varangians of Novgorod legends with Russia, fortunately in Rus' in the 11th-12th centuries. Almost all Europeans were called Varangians, as in the 17th century. used the term "Germans". In addition, in the Greek chronicle, which was used by the Russian chronicler, the origin of Rus' is laconically said “dew from the Frankish family,” which was translated into Slavic as “Rus from the Varangian family.”
After the “calling of the Varangians,” Rus' disappeared from the pages of the chronicle for a long time. Going on a campaign to the south, Prophetic Oleg takes with him: Varangians, Slovenians, Chud, Krivichi, “everyone” - all (Vepsians) and Merya. This list is completely identical to the list of participants in the drama called “The Calling of the Varangians”: the Varangians of Rurik themselves (they are not called Russia here!) and five “tribes” who paid tribute to the Varangians, then expelled them and invited them again to restore order.
On the way to Kyiv, Oleg “took” Krivichsky Smolensk, “took” Seversky Lyubech (in both cities he imprisons his “husbands”) and took possession of Kiev by cunning. Here the multinational army suddenly evaporates: Oleg’s squad is so small that he disguises it as a trade caravan in order to lure out the Kyiv rulers by cunning. Obviously, the forces of his squad and the Kyiv Varangians were relatively equal, and Oleg chose not to risk it. Here it is clearly clear that we are dealing with a complex text, which, on the one hand, reflects the chronicler’s ideas about what happened, and the more ancient epic tradition about how it happened. The chronicler did not very successfully try to combine these into a single narrative. Having lured Askold and Dir out of Kyiv, Oleg presented them with the baby Igor Rurikovich, accused him of usurpation and executed him, after which he buried him very decently, judging by the fact that the mounds of the Varangian brothers were a local landmark at the beginning of the 12th century.
Kyiv becomes the capital of Oleg's young power. After he captured Kiev, his six-tribal army was resurrected again, which already in Kiev, judging by the strange phrase, acquired the name “Rus”: “And Oleg, the prince, sat down in Kiev, and Oleg said: “Let this be the mother of cities.” Russians." And he had Varangians, and Slavs, and others who were called Rus.” With such a Russian army it was possible to play big politics.
To begin with, the Prophetic Prince strengthened the rear: “That Oleg began to build cities and established tribute to the Slovenes, and Krivichi, and Meri, and established that the Varangians should give tribute from Novgorod 300 hryvnia annually for the sake of preserving peace, which was given to the Varangians until the death of Yaroslav.” Then he launches an offensive on all fronts: he subjugates the Drevlyans, then opposes the Khazars, from whom he takes away the rights to tribute of the Severas and Radimichi. He apparently had no luck with the streets and Tiverts, since the chronicler limits himself to the laconic “he fought with the streets and Tiverts.” There was no luck with the Magyars - the Ugrians who were heading to their new homeland. But then he gathers all his forces and those of others in order to set out on a victorious campaign against Constantinople. Accompanying him are the Varangians, Slovenes, Chud, Krivichi, Merya, Drevlyans, Radimichi, Polyans, Severans, Vyatichi, Croats, Dulebs and Tivertsy.
This is one of the most mysterious PVL lists. Firstly, all participants in the hike can be divided into three groups:
Varangians, Slovenes, Chud, Krivichi and Merya - Oleg’s original comrades (only all of them fell out, maybe just by mistake);
Drevlyans, Radimichi, Polyans and the North - the “tribes” of the Middle Dnieper subjugated by Oleg after the capture of Kyiv;
Vyatichi, Croats, Dulebs and Tiverts.
The appearance of the members from the latter group is completely unclear. The Vyatichi remained tributaries of Khazaria until 964 (according to the PVL chronology). The Tiverts fought with Oleg and he failed to subdue them. The Dulebs were mentioned only in connection with the Avars, and the Croats were mentioned in the description of the settlement of the Slavs. Again the Croats will appear in our chronicle in connection with the campaign of Vladimir the Baptist against them. The easiest way is to assume that we have before us an artificially created list that included all the peoples that were later subject to Kyiv. But then it is unclear why the list does not include the Ulichs, the allies of the Tiverts, Muroms, Dregovichs, and the Polotsk residents are not particularly singled out. In addition, the chronicler’s unexpected comment about the Tiverts, called “interpretations”, i.e. shepherds. The Dulebs, judging by the chronicle legend, in the chronicler’s mind were part of the distant past, and in other places he speaks only about the Buzhans and Volynians. This makes us think that the chronicler was aware of a certain tradition that claimed the participation of these four peoples in the campaign, apparently as allies. Otherwise, the choice of the chronicler is simply impossible to explain.
Secondly, in the epic legend itself, which is then given in the chronicle, we will not see this list. The participants in the campaign are only “Rus” and “Slovenes”. Moreover, in the original legend, “Slovenes” apparently had a broad meaning - Slavic tributaries of Rus', but at the time of the chronicler it could be perceived as an indication of the Novgorodians (as is the case with other mentions of this ethnonym in the chronicle lists). The legend about the campaign against Constantinople in its epic presentation was supposed to emphasize the subordinate position of the Slavic population of Rus', but in the context of the ideological rivalry between the people of Kiev - Russia and the Novgorodians, which runs like a red thread through the PVL and NPL, it turns into another hairpin against the Novgorodians hated by the chronicler.
The epic account of the circumstances of Oleg’s campaign against Constantinople becomes the first mention in the chronicle tradition of Rus' proper! The description of the next large-scale campaign of Rus', Igor’s first campaign against the Greeks in 941, the chronicler completely copied from the Byzantine chronicle, so there we are dealing with only Russia, but the second campaign, 944, the chronicler did not find in the chronicle and turned again to to its epic sources. The list of participants in this campaign differs significantly from Oleg’s comrades: Varangians, Rus, Polyans, Slovenes, Krivichi, Tivertsy and Pechenegs. Firstly, we see that Rus' is already mentioned among the participants. Secondly, this Rus' is clearly different from the Varangians. Regarding the Varangians and Pechenegs, it is specifically explained that they were mercenaries: in 941, Rus' suffered heavy losses, so Igor decided to replenish the army with northern and southern adventurers. Numerous “allies”/tributes of Oleg from the list of 907 disappear. It is difficult to understand in what sense “Sloven” should be understood, but for the chronicler and his readers it was certainly about the Novgorodians. We see the Tiverts again. Their mention seems logical, since the Pecheneg allies could only get to the Balkans through their lands.
This list is interesting because the Polyans are mentioned here for the last time, as a force different from Rus'. This allows us to approximately date exactly when the glades and Rus' became one people (“the glades are like now calling Rus'”).
In general, the last list is distinguished by its realism. It is clearly stated that the Varangians are an external force in relation to Rus'. Mention is made of the Pechenegs, without whose participation not a single military conflict in the region could have happened in the 10th century. The only surprise is the absence of the Dnieper Slavs. We know from the chronicle legend that after the death of Oleg, Igor suppressed the Drevlyan rebellion and completed the conquest of the streets. From reliable modern sources we know a list of tributaries of Rus' in the middle of the 10th century. Konstantin Porphyrogenitus names the Drevlyans, Dregovichs, Northerners, Krivichis and the mysterious Lenzanians, who should be seen, apparently, as distant Lendzians to the west of the Bug. Perhaps “Sloven” in this case should be understood in a broad sense? In this case, the mention of especially Polyans, Krivichi and Tivertsi should be explained. The latter were independent allies of Igor, like the Varangians and the Pechenegs. Polyane and Krivichi were the only Slavinia at that time on whose territory the military-administrative centers of Rus' were located: Kyiv and Gnezdovo\Smolensk.
In subsequent descriptions of military enterprises of the Russian state, the lists become more and more concise. Neither the suppression of the second Drevlyan uprising, nor the campaigns of Svyatoslav the Brave against the Khazars, Vyatichi, Bulgaria and Greeks, are accompanied by lists of mobilized “tribes”. Judging by the context, they were carried out by the forces of Rus' itself in full accordance with foreign modern sources. We also do not see lists in the legend about the conflict between Yaropolk Svyatoslavich and his brother Oleg Drevlyansky. Only Vladimir Svyatoslavich, going on a campaign against Polotsk and then against Yaropolk Svyatoslavich, gathers the Varangians, Slovenes, Chuds and Krivichi under his banners. The Varangians are here again as overseas mercenaries. Slovenes, Krivichi and Chud (?) made up the population of the Novgorod principality, which was ruled by Vladimir. Later, having already established himself in Kyiv, Vladimir strengthens the southern borders of his power. To defend against the Pechenegs, he resettles the “best men” from the Slavs, Krivichi, Chuds and Vyatichi to the Dnieper region. This data seems reliable: the Vyatichi were subjugated by Vladimir as a result of two campaigns several years before the construction of a fortified line on the southern border, and such a policy provided Vladimir with hostages.
Vladimir, to a greater extent than his predecessors, pursued a policy of annexing dependent Slavinia and reorganizing them into Russian principalities - governorships. During Vladimir’s life, the following were added to the Drevlyans, “mastered” by Olga and Svyatoslav, where Vladimir planted his son Svyatoslav:
the Novgorod principality of Vladimir himself, where he first placed his son Vysheslav, and after the death of the latter, Yaroslav;
the Principality of Polotsk, where Izyaslav, the grandson of the last Polotsk prince Rogvolod on his mother’s side, became prince;
The Principality of Turov on the site of the Dregovichi, where Svyatopolk was installed to rule;
the Volyn principality, which included the Cherven castles and the entire land of the Buzhans (the new Russian center of Vladimir-Volynsky was founded here, and Vsevolod became the first prince);
The Rostov principality on the lands of Mary, where Yaroslav was first planted, and after his transfer to Novgorod Boris became the prince of Rostov;
the Principality of Murom in the far southeast, where Gleb was sent;
The Tmutorakan principality on the lands of Khazaria conquered by Svyatoslav and pacified by Vladimir. According to Byzantine sources, Vladimir’s brother Sveng, unknown to PVL, ruled here first, and only then Mstislav the Brave, who, according to the chronicle, was Vladimir’s son.
Judging by the fragmentary information of the chronicler and other sources, as well as the results of archaeological research, Severa and Radimichi remained autonomous, and Vyatichi even regained independence for a while. Not everything is so simple with the Rostov and Murom principalities. Judging by the legend about the founding of the city of Yaroslavl, the chronicle legend about the pagan uprising in the Suzdal land and the hagiographic legends of the Boris-Gleb cycle, these territories largely still had to be conquered, which was the task of Yaroslav, Boris and Gleb. Apparently, Rostov was a Russian border outpost in this region.
The fate of St. Gleb is interesting. The legend says that the Murom residents did not let him into the city and Gleb and his retinue were forced to live in a neighboring settlement, from where he carried out predatory raids on the Murom lands, since it is doubtful that in such circumstances he had the opportunity to legitimately collect tribute. It can hardly be said that Murom at that time was part of the Russian state. Thus, the annexation of such an important trade center as Murom to Rus' was Gleb’s task, but the squad of the “Murom” prince clearly did not correspond to the task. Otherwise, Gleb would not have had such difficulties with the local residents. Such a humiliating situation could hardly last long, which means Gleb was sent to Murom shortly before Vladimir’s death in 1015.
The events that followed the death of Vladimir the Baptist show that not all reigns were equal. In the civil strife of the Vladimirovichs 1015-1024. As an independent military force, in addition to Rus' itself (residents of Kyiv, Chernigov, Pereyaslavl, Vyshgorod, Belgorod and other cities of the Middle Dnieper region), Slovenians/Novgorodians, Polochans/Krivichi, Tmutorakans/Khazars and the North act. In addition, participants in the wars of 1015-1024. actively used mercenaries and foreign allies: Yaroslav relied on the Varangians, Svyatopolk on the Pechenegs and Poland.
Novgorod, Polotsk and Tmutorakan pursued an active policy. So, soon after the death of Vladimir, around 1015-1016, Sveng helps the Byzantines in suppressing the uprising of George Tsul in Chersonesus, in 1022 Mstislav the Brave subjugates the Kasogs, and in 1024 he acts with his Kasog-Khazar squad against Yaroslav.
Yaroslav himself rebelled against his father back in 1014 and refused to send tribute to Kyiv. In 1016 he opposed Svyatopolk with the Varangians and Novgorodians. Moreover, Yaroslav’s forces were approximately equal to the forces of “Rus in the narrow sense.”
Bryachislav Izyaslavich of Polotsk tried to win independence from Kyiv and made a successful campaign against Novgorod in 1021, although he was ultimately defeated by Yaroslav. Nevertheless, the uncle and nephew settled all the issues: Bryachislav recognized the seniority of Yaroslav, and he transferred two important cities to Bryachislav - Vitebsk and Usvyat.
During the struggle for power, the Drevlyans, Turovians and Dregovichi, Volyn do not show themselves in any way. The fate of the Drevlyan prince Svyatoslav is especially indicative here. According to legend, having learned that Svyatopolk had taken the throne in Kyiv, the prince of the once freedom-loving Drevlyans, successor to the proud Mal and daring Oleg Svyatoslavich, simply fled with his retinue to Hungary. He does not even try, following the example of Yaroslav Novgorod, to oppose the center. But throughout almost the entire 10th century, the Drevlyans acted as the most active fighters for independence from Rus' and at some point acted as real rivals of the Russian princes. Twice the Drevlyans rebelled against Kyiv - after the death of the Prophetic Oleg and during the murder of Igor. After the Drevlyans were reorganized into a Russian principality, the Drevlyan prince Oleg opposed Yaropolk of Kyiv, seeking to defend the independence of his principality. Apparently constant defeats greatly affected the capabilities of this proud principality. In 1015, the forces of Svyatoslav and Svyatopolk were clearly not comparable. As a result, the fleeing Prince Drevlyansky was overtaken somewhere in the Carpathian region by Svyatopolk’s people and he was killed. The Drevlyans do not participate in any way in the unfolding drama. This clearly shows that the Drevlyans' own military elite had been destroyed by this time.
One would have expected more activity from the Turovites, whose prince was the active Svyatopolk. We know that shortly before his father's death, Svyatopolk opposed his father, but there was hardly talk of a military confrontation, as was the case with Yaroslav in 1014. Most likely, Svyatopolk was trying to organize a conspiracy to seize power. Moreover, a Catholic priest, the confessor of Svyatopolk’s Polish wife, was involved in the conspiracy. Probably, behind the conspirators stood the father-in-law of the Prince of Turov, Boleslav the Brave, Prince of Poland.
Given the level of threat posed by Poland, one would expect that in Volhynia we would see a strong and active druzhina corporation playing a role in the struggle for Vladimir's legacy. Surprisingly, everything was exactly the opposite. We can conclude that by 1015 Volyn did not have its own prince. If Vsevolod Volynsky is identical to “King Vissavald” from the Scandinavian sagas about Sigrid the Proud, then it turns out that back in the 990s. he left Rus', none other than because of a conflict with his father, and died in Sweden. Later sources report that Pozvizd-Vasilko, one of Vladimir’s younger sons, became the new Volyn prince, but he died during his father’s lifetime. But the Volynians did not support any of the contenders for Kyiv and none of them, according to sources, tried to win them over to their side. Moreover, the Cherven Castles act as a bargaining chip in Russian-Polish relations: in 1018 Boleslav annexed them to Poland, and in 1031 Yaroslav and Mstislav jointly returned them under the control of Rus'.
Another ethnopolitical entity whose forces were undermined in the fight against Russia were the Radimichi. We know that as a result of the struggle of Yaropolk, Oleg and Vladimir Svyatoslavich, the Radimichi, as well as the Vyatichi and Khazars, stopped paying the tribute that they had paid to Kyiv since the time of the Prophetic Oleg. Voivode Vladimir Wolf Tail corrected this situation. It is interesting that the Radimichi were not completely deprived of independence, as happened with the same Dregovichi, and continued to maintain autonomy until the middle of the 12th century, when their cities were last mentioned. However, as an independent force they are never mentioned in the chronicles again.
The Croats, Tivertsy and Ulichi, it seems, maintained their independence from Rus' until the complete victory of Yaroslav, and perhaps until the end of the 11th century. Speaking about Vladimir’s campaign against the Croats in 992, the chronicler does not report the results of this campaign at all. In the following, only three cities are mentioned (Przemysl, Zvenigorod and Terebovl), which are located on the very outskirts of the territory that we can attribute to Carpathian Croatia. This suggests that only at the end of the 11th century the outcast princes Rurik, Volodar and Vasilko Rostislavich, having received these three outlying cities from Vsevolod Yaroslavich, began the systematic conquest of Upper and then Lower Transnistria (the lands of Tivertsi and the streets that fled to them around the middle X century). This led to the creation in the 12th century of the Galician land, independent of Kyiv. However, archeology shows that approximately during the reign of Yaroslav the Wise the cities of the Tiverts were destroyed, and they were destroyed, apparently, by Russian squads.
The same fate befell Severa soon after the death of Mstislav the Brave in 1036. In 1024, taking advantage of the fact that Yaroslav suppressed pagan uprisings in Suzdal, Mstislav tried to capture Kyiv, but the Kiyans did not accept the prince from the Khazar city with a squad of Khazars and Kasogs. Mstislav decided to settle in neighboring Chernigov, which he made his capital. The “Khazar” prince was supported by the neighboring North. In the Battle of Listven, the Khazars, Kasogs and Severans fought on Mstislav’s side, and Yaroslav could only oppose them with the hired Varangian squad of Prince Yakun. For some reason, neither the Novgorodians, nor the Kiyans, nor the Polotsk vassals took part in this battle. The Varangians were defeated. Yaroslav and Yakun fled to Novgorod. Mstislav was not in the mood to continue the war, since Kyiv had already said its word. He proposed to make peace with Yaroslav.
According to the agreement, Yaroslav remained the supreme overlord of all Russian principalities. The Russian land (apparently there is “Rus in the narrow sense”) was divided between Yaroslav and Mstislav along the Dnieper. Yaroslav retained Kyiv and all the lands between the Dnieper, Pripyat and the Western Bug, as well as, as far as we can judge, Novgorod, the Smolensk Dnieper region, and the Rostov-Suzdal land. Mstislav became the ruler of a huge power, which included, in addition to Tmutorakan and the country of Kasogs, the territories of the future Chernigov, Seversky, and Pereyaslavl principalities. After the death of Yaroslav under the division of Rus' in 1054, his son Svyatoslav of Chernigov also received the Radimichi region, part of the Vyatichi and the Murom land. We can only guess whether they were already part of Mstislav’s state, but probably in earlier times the Chernigov squad was responsible for collecting tribute from the north and Radimichi, just as the Vyshgorod residents were responsible for collecting the Drevlyan tribute.
The Vyatichi, judging by the fact that Gleb did not dare to travel from Murom to Kiev through their lands and preferred a roundabout route through Rostov and further along the Dnieper, during Vladimir’s lifetime they were not meek tributaries, and perhaps even achieved independence by taking advantage of the unstable situation the last years of the reign of the Baptist. Back in the 1070s. the journey from Chernigov to Rostov “through Vyatichi” was regarded as a feat that Vladimir Monomakh boasts of. In those same years, being the prince of Chernigov, Monomakh made campaigns against the leader of the Vyatichi Khodota and his son. It seems that only after this can we talk about the final entry of Vyatichi into Rus'. Their lands were divided into three parts: the Moscow region fell under the jurisdiction of Rostov, the Ryazan Poochye eventually became part of the special Murom-Ryazan principality, and the indigenous lands in the Upper Poochye (Verkhovsky principalities of the 14th-15th centuries) remained under the control of Chernigov. Verkhovsky Vyatichi (actually the Vyatichi region) back in the middle of the 12th century. retained its autonomy, and the highest authority here was the veche in the city of Dedoslavl. Only at the end of the XII - beginning of the XIII century. Chernigov Olgovichi are beginning to actively develop these lands.
However, we digress. Archeology shows that soon after the death of Mstislav in 1036, the developed Seversk cities were destroyed, the Romny culture at the peak of its development was destroyed. In place of destroyed cities, new ones are being built, the culture of which is synchronous with ancient Russian monuments. A significant part of the Seversky population leaves their lands and goes to the Vyatichi. Judging by archaeological materials and toponymy, it was the Seversk emigrants who settled the Moscow region, which was practically uninhabited until the 11th century. The chronicle also notes the small population of the Chernigov principality. It can be concluded that, having become the sole ruler of Rus', Yaroslav sought to eliminate the Seversk autonomy, but met resistance, which he harshly suppressed. After this, the North disappears from the pages of the chronicle, although the descendants of the northerners - the Sevryuks - have retained their identity until the present day. It is curious that at the same time Yaroslav sentenced his last brother Sudislav, the youngest of the Vladimirovichs, to life imprisonment. Sudislav did not receive any reign from his father and did not take part in internecine wars. It is quite possible that he was considered by the Chernigov and Seversk nobility as Mstislav’s successor.
So, we can conclude that in the process of annexing the former dependent but autonomous Slavs to Rus' under Vladimir, the local elites were destroyed. The only exceptions are Novgorod, as the reign of Vladimir himself, the Tmutorakan Khazaria (due to the high level of development of the Khazar state?) and the Principality of Polotsk, which apparently, despite the defeat of Polotsk and the destruction of the princely family, remained quite powerful. The latter circumstance explains why Rogneda, the last representative of the ruling family of Polotsk princes, became Vladimir’s legal wife despite the fate of her relatives, and retained her special status until Vladimir’s marriage to the Byzantine princess Anna. This marriage may have been part of an agreement with the local elite. It is curious that in the view of the Kyiv authorities, the Polotsk princes were Rurikovichs and in the middle of the 12th century. were perceived as “Krivichi princes”. This suggests that the Krivichi identity was preserved by the Polotsk nobility.
Administrative reforms that followed the death of Yaroslav the Wise confirm the fact of the liquidation of local military elites in the southwest of Rus'. In 1054, according to the “will of Yaroslav” in the PVL, the three senior Yaroslavichs Izyaslav, Svyatoslav and Vsevolod divided the country among themselves (with the exception of Polotsk). In fact, this meant the division of tribute income between the druzhina corporations of Kyiv, Chernigov and Pereyaslavl - the main centers of the Russian land “in the narrow sense.” If Chernigov inherited the military and economic infrastructure of the times of Mstislav the Brave, Pereyaslavl received the “Zalessky tribute” from Rostov, Suzdal and the Yaroslavl Volga region, then all other lands were assigned to Kyiv according to the division of 1024. Although in 1054 the younger Yaroslavichs Igor and Vyacheslav received Vladimir-Volynsky and Smolensk, how the older brothers disposed of these tables after the death of first Vyacheslav and then Igor clearly shows the absence of a strong druzhina corporation in these centers. Nevertheless, these corporations were formed and gained strength. The processes of fragmentation of Kievan Rus were in fact the struggle of the growing new local elites for control over the redistribution of “financial flows” - tribute. The chronicles show us how the Vladimir-Volynsky druzhina corporation was the first to enter this “Great Game” during the reign of Vsevolod Yaroslavich. For several decades, it fought for the status of one of the “older cities”, equal to Kyiv, Novgorod, Polotsk and Chernigov.
The core of the emerging corporations on the outskirts of Rus' were the squads of tribute workers, who were responsible for collecting and sending tribute to Kyiv from the annexed territories. These squads, as a rule, accompanied young princes who received princely tables as they grew older: Svyatopolk in Turov, Vsevolod in Volyn, Svyatoslav in Drevlyany, Yaroslav in Rostov, etc. Obviously, these were the personal squads of the young princes. Using an example from a later time, we see that such squads accompany their princes when moving to another city. Yaroslav's squad probably followed him to Novgorod, and in its place Boris' squad arrived in Rostov. Boris himself spent a lot of time with his father and seems to have been considered by him as a successor. In 1015, it was he who led the army that was supposed to set out to suppress the uprising of Yaroslav. This Kiev-Russian squad did not support Boris after the death of Vladimir and went over to the side of Svyatopolk. It can be assumed that Boris’s squad, which served as tributers in Rostov, became the basis of the Zalesye squadron corporation, since only at the beginning of the 12th century Rostov would receive its prince.
Using the example of Svyatoslav Drevlyansky and Gleb Muromsky, we saw that the tribute squads were not large and did not play a big role in politics. We can get an idea of ​​their approximate numbers. During civil strife 1015-1024. a certain relative of the Rurikovichs, Chrysohir, tried to take refuge in Byzantium with a squad of 800 people. Probably, quite a lot of knights who did not see a future for themselves under the new order joined Chrysochir. The average number of tribute workers most likely reached 300-500 people. These detachments were located in Russian “colonies”, new administrative centers of the annexed territories founded by the Kyiv authorities. Like Roman veterans who received estates in the provinces, the druzhina-administrative elite of the new centers (Rostov, Suzdal, Vladimir-Volynsky, etc.) carried with them a new RUSSIAN identity, in which the previous identities of the 9th-10th centuries dissolved.

Life of individual Slavic tribes. We saw that the social structure of the Slavs in Rus' was communal, not tribal. Now let's see how communalism developed among one or another tribe. Slavic tribes, having come to Rus' from the Danube, occupied the land from the Black to the Belago and Baltic seas. Naturally, with such settlement, they did not all live the same way: some of them rather felt the need for a communal life and developed it, while others, on the contrary, could remain with the old tribal way of life. Let's start with the tribes that lived in the south. Russia; These include:

Ulich and Tivertsy.These tribes lived along the Black Sea coast, from the lower Danube to the Dnieper. Threatened from the west by the same enemy who forced them to move to Russian land, and from the east by various nomads, the Ulichs and Tivertsy, soon resettled, were forced to turn to communal life. The Bavarian geographer, dating back to the second half of the 9th century, counts 318 cities among the Ulichs, and 148 among the Tivertsi. The existence of cities among these tribes proves that their life was communal. But how developed it was among them, how each city was structured, we do not know in detail. Nestor only says that they were strong, so Oleg could not conquer them, although he fought with them for 10 years. Igor fought a war with them with great difficulty; his troops stood near one of their cities, Peresechny, for about 3 years. But it is not known whether these tribes were conquered by him, all that is known is that they paid tribute to Igor.

Duleby or Buzhany (“zane satosha along the Bug”) and Volynians lived along the river Bug to the north from Ulichi and Tivertsi. We have little information about their internal structure. According to Nestor, these tribes moved very early and in the middle of the 7th century were conquered by the Avars, who treated the conquered too harshly. To the north of the Dulebs and Volynians lived the wild Lithuanians and even more wild, warlike Yatvingians, a tribe that, despite all efforts to conquer it, existed for about 500 years. The proximity to these tribes, of course, forced the Dulebs and Volynians to live in nothing other than societies and have cities. Thus, we have, albeit indirectly, an indication in the chronicle that the Dulebs and Volynians lived in communities, but besides this we have another historical evidence - myths, which we find in the epics of St. Vladimir. In them, the Ulichs and Volynians are presented as extremely rich people. Further, in these myths there are indications of the internal structure of these tribes; From this region, Vladimir St. had two heroes who had a special character from other heroes, these were Duke Stepanovich and Churilo Plenkovich. Churilo Plenkovich, a handsome young man, accompanied by a rich squad, goes to Kyiv to visit Vladimir , who receives him very kindly and asks him who he is. “I am the son,” says Churilo, of old Plen from Volyn; my father asks you to take me into your service.” Vladimir accepted him, but after a while he decided to visit old Captivity himself. Here he finds a magnificent dwelling, surrounded by huge buildings; Everywhere one could see amazing wealth and splendor. There is another legend about Duke Stepanovich. The Galician Duke, after the death of his father, came to Vladimir’s service with a magnificent retinue and boasted of his wealth, so astonished everyone. At a dinner with Vladimir, he sharply spoke out against the poverty of the people of Kiev. The irritated prince sent an ambassador to find out about Duke's wealth. The messenger, returning, said that Duke’s wealth was truly immense: “to rewrite it, you need two cartloads of pens and ink, and who knows how much paper.” But neither Duke Stepanovich nor Churilo Plenkovich are called princes anywhere. Therefore, the Ulichs, Tiverts, Dulebs and Volynians did not have princes, but some rich people lived here, on whom the other residents were completely dependent.

To the east of Dulebov and to the northeast of Tivertsi lived Drevlyans, neighboring the upper reaches of the Irsha and Teterev with Polyany. About the social structure in this tribe, Nestor retained several precious news when describing the war of the Drevlyans with Igor and Olga. From this news it is clear that the head of the Drevlyansky tribe was the prince, he was the main trustee of the entire land, he grazed the Derevsky land, as the chronicle puts it, tried to spread it, about the order and outfit of the whole country. But together with the prince, the best men, whom Nestor directly calls those who hold the land, also participated in the administration; So, when describing the secondary embassy of the Drevlyans to Olga, he says: “The Drevlyans elected the best men who held the village land.” It is remarkable that the chronicles call these holders of the Drevlyansky land the best men, and not elders, a clear sign of community life in strong development. Then, together with the prince and the best men, the entire Drevlyan tribe took part in the administration. So the chronicler, describing Igor’s second attack on the Drevlyansky land, says: “The Drevlyans, having thought with their Prince Mal, sent to Igor saying: why are you coming again.” Or the Drevlyan embassy says to Olga: “We have been sent to the village land.” Here the community appears in all its development; the ambassadors directly say that they were sent from the entire Derevskaya land, and not from the prince or elders; Consequently, the village land constituted something whole, a community, a moral personality. The social structure of the Drevlyans is exactly the same as the social structure of the Serbs, as it appears from Dushanov’s Law Book and other ancient monuments. The Serbs, like the Drevlyans, had their own prince or zhupan, his rulers or the best people holding the land, as they are called in Serbian monuments, also their national meetings or veches, called cathedrals. And the Serbian social structure, according to the latest word of science, is recognized community, or, as the Serbs call it, optina, obkina(Dr. Krestich). Consequently, it is clear that the ancient structure described by Nestor was communal. Also, a note regarding the best people. The best people cannot be seen as ancestors or elders, but only land owners, like the volosts of the Serbs. The existence of private property serves as the best proof that their life was not tribal, but communal. Among peoples living in a tribal way of life, land belongs to the whole clan, but there can be no private property. Such was the ownership of the land by the Germans. On the contrary, in communal life there are two types of ownership: community, when the land belongs to the whole community, and its member only enjoys the income from the plot of land he occupies, without the right to sell, and private, belonging to one person as property (patrimony) and thus formed: land in some place, for example, in a forest, remains uncultivated due to inconvenience and does not generate any income; to make it generate income, capital must be expended and one must have the power to protect it, which is impossible for a person of limited means. When land is owned by communal rights, then one part protects it, and the other cultivates it; but among the people of the community there may be strong, better people - they can occupy land in the forest, cultivate it and protect it with wealth. Consequently, private land ownership can only exist in a community and, moreover, one that is sufficiently developed.

To the east of the Drevlyans, right along the western bank of the Dnieper, they lived Glade . Nestor left quite a lot of evidence about this tribe, about its social structure. According to Nestor, the Polyanes came from the Danube under the influence of clan life: at the initial settlement, they sat down near the Dnieper in the Danube style, scattered, each clan separately, in the mountains and in the forests, and were engaged in hunting, as Nestor directly says: “ A person living in the glade and ruling over his clans, and each living with his clan and in his own places, each owning his clan; and beat the catching beast.” But a foreign land soon forced the Polyans to deviate from their ancestral life. Among them, one clan soon grew stronger, with its settlements directly adjacent to the Dnieper, and the oldest representatives of this clan, brothers: Kiy, Shchek and Khoriv, ​​became the main leaders, princes of all Polyana clans, and built the first city of Kyiv in this region. After the death of Kiy and his brothers, the power acquired by them passed to their clan: “and after these brothers, according to Nestor, their clan began to reign in the Fields.” Thus, even in the first generations of the Danube settlers, the Polyanian clans were united into one whole, and at the same time their original clan structure suffered a strong change. And when the descendants of Kiya, who ruled the Polyany, died out, the communal principles in this tribe received full development - the Polyana began to be governed by the veche; so that Nestor already compares them with the Novgorodians: “The Novgorodians and Smolnyans and Kiyans, and all the authorities, as if they were converging on a council at a meeting, whatever the elders decide, the suburbs will become the same.” Thus, with the suppression of Kyiv's descendants, the entire Polyan tribe formed a union of communities and the former clan eldership turned into a new eldership - communal, based as much on eldership as on power and wealth; It was not the clan or its representative, the ancestor, who became the eldest, but the city, which served as the first foundation of the community, and the youngest were its settlements and suburbs. Clan life here has decisively lost its former significance, society has taken a completely different path, its benefits are completely at odds with the benefits of the clan. The clan demanded separation and removal from others, and society sought communication and unification into one whole and found it in the subordination of the suburbs to the older city. In Polyany, the representative and leader of the whole tribe became not the ancestor, but the eldest city in that region - Kyiv; There is no mention of clans as representatives of tribal life in the entire subsequent history of the Polyan tribe. We encounter the first news of the communal structure of Polyany, attested by history, during the attack of Kozar. Nestor says: " Most of all I am Kozare, sitting on these mountains, and I decide to Kozare: “he will pay us tribute.” Polyane thought and gave away the sword from the smoke.” Here is the first Kiev known to us veche. We meet the second veche during the invasion of Askold and Dir.

Under the communal structure, the Polyanas began to grow stronger, which was greatly facilitated by the benefits of the area they occupied along the trade route from the Varangians to the Greeks . The glades became representatives of communal life, the principles of which began to penetrate into their family life. The very structure of the Polyan family was special. Marriage was determined by an agreement, which determined the amount of dowry for the bride, and the agreement determined the child of the community. Polyan's family relationships were particularly strict and orderly: "P The Olyans have the custom of being gentle and quiet with their fathers and shame towards their daughters-in-law, sisters, and brothers-in-law of great shame in the name, marriage customs in the name. I don’t want a son-in-law to marry a bride, but I spend the evening, and in the morning I bring her what is given to her.” . The religion of the Polyans itself was influenced by the communal structure. According to Procopius, the Slavs on the Danube did not change ancient customs and strictly observed them, while the Polyans, having moved, changed their religion. Initially, their religion consisted of worshiping lakes, rivers, forests, mountains, but later we see other gods among them - Perun, Stribog, Volos, etc., which they borrowed from the Lithuanians and Finnish tribes. This borrowing of foreign gods, unthinkable in tribal life, serves as irrefutable proof that the Slavic tribe moved from alienation and isolation to community on the widest scale.

To the east of Polyany, on the opposite bank of the Dnieper, lived Northerners. This tribe, according to Nestor, was made up of deportees who came from the Krivichi; Nestor calls the Krivichs the deportees of Polochan, and Polochan comes from the Ilmen Slavs or Novgorodians. Thus, the Northerners belong to the same generation with the Novgorodians, Polochans and Krivichi, and were colonists of the Ilmen colonists, which, in addition to the testimony of Nestor, is proved by the very name of the Northerners, that is, newcomers from the north. This news about the origin of the Northerners indicates their communal structure, for the colonists of the communalists could not but be communalists; Moreover, we have no news that the Northerners had princes in ancient times, and this further indicates a communal structure in this tribe, for in the princes, although it is not always true, one could also assume ancestors. The communal structure of the Northerners is indicated by a number of Northern cities from Lyubech to Pereyaslavl, already in the 10th century known to the Byzantines for their trade, as clearly evidenced by Konstantin Porphyrorodny, who says that every year boats from Lyubech and Chernigov converge at Kiev to depart for Constantinople. In addition to Constantinople, the Northerners also carried on extensive trade with Kazaria and Kama Bulgaria, as mentioned by I bn - Fotslan , Ambassador Kalifa Muktadera , formerly in Bulgar and Itil in 921 and 922. According to him, in Itil Khozar there was a special settlement for northern merchants, where their homes and barns with goods were located; They lived there in societies and, due to their trade affairs, sometimes lived for quite a long time in Itil and Bulgar, and in one grove they had their own special idol, where they came for sacrifices. The extensive and active trade of the Northerners with Byzantium, Bulgaria and Kozaria testifies to the sufficient development of the Northern tribe, for it is impossible to agree that this trade was a consequence of the natural needs and infertility of the land, because the region occupied by the Northerners is very fertile and abundant in order to feed savages and keep them at home, without wandering through distant lands to support themselves by trade; It is clear that trade was a consequence of the development of needs that were not purely physical, but more moral and civil. For the Northerners, according to the testimony of Ibn Fotslan, they needed gold, silver, Greek brocade and other items of contentment and abundance, unknown and not needed by poor savages.

Nestor gives us some information about the life and morals of the Northerners. So he says that they had the custom of gathering for games that took place between their villages, to which men and women converged: “I go to games, to dances, and to all the demonic games, and I kidnap my wife, who is with her? having conferred » . The existence of such a custom makes us assume that the life of the Northerners was communal: they do not need each other, they do not live in isolation, as they usually live in a tribal way of life. The approval of marriage contracts also has the character of communal life: the bride was given to the groom in the presence of a large meeting of the people, however, not without prior consent between them. This custom has been preserved in general terms to this day in the provinces of Kursk, Oryol and some districts of Chernigov. Weddings took place at general gatherings on the occasion of some solemn holiday, or at a fair, and if the groom announced his bride, then she was considered his real bride, and the groom was no longer able to refuse her. In addition to evidence of marriage customs among the Northerners, Nestor also reports funeral rites. In these rituals the influence of communal life is also noticeable. Just as publicity is required when entering into a marriage or joining a family, so publicity is also required when leaving a family, that is, upon the death of one of its members. The funeral consisted of burning the dead man and placing his ashes, collected in some kind of vessel, in places where several roads intersected, after which a funeral service was performed: “If anyone dies, I perform a funeral feast on him, but for this I will give a great and to blaspheme the dead man’s treasure, to burn it, and to put this, having collected the bones, into a small vessel and place it on a pillar, on the way.”. Trizna is a communal, not a tribal rite; Games were held in honor of the deceased, and in addition to his relatives and friends, everyone could attend. The third part of the property left after the deceased was allocated for this funeral.

Fellow tribesmen and ancestors of the Northerners - Krivichi, which, as we have already seen, belonged to in the same generation with the Novgorodians, according to Nestor, they lived along the upper reaches of the Dnieper, Western Dvina and Volga. This tribe was one of the most numerous and occupied a country that, although not rich in earthly products, was most advantageous in location: the Dnieper showed the Krivichi the way to Constantinople. The Western Dvina and Neman opened the way for them to the Baltic Sea and Western Europe, and the Volga opened the gates to Kama Bulgaria and Khozaria. The Krivichi were not slow to take advantage of the benefits of their location; Emperor Konstantin Porphyrogenitus, a writer of the 10th century, testifies to the trade of the Krivichi with Byzantium: according to him, merchant boats from Smolensk annually came to Constantinople in the month of June, or around this time; in the north, the Krivichi traded with the Novgorodians in Kholma and with Chud in Izborsk, from where Lake Peipus and Narova reached the Baltic Sea; in the east, along the Volga, the Krivichi apparently traded with Kama Bulgaria and Kazaria, for under the name of the Slavic merchants, according to the testimony of Ibn-Fotslan, who came to Itil and lived there in a special settlement called Khazeran, one should mean no other Slavs than the Novgorodians and Krivichi, who came to Bulgaria and Khozaria along the Volga from the north-west. But it seems that the predominant trading activity of the Krivichi was directed towards the Lithuanian country, where they had no rivals for their trade and where, through the Neman, they could have communication with the Baltic Sea. The close and active relations of the Krivichs with the Lithuanians and in general with the Latvian tribes are indicated by the habit that has survived to this day of calling all Russians Latvians Krivichi, and Russian land Crooked land. Nestor testifies to the communal structure of the Krivichi or Smolnyans, according to their main city; he says that the Smolnyans, as well as the Novgorodians, were governed in ancient times by the veche and that the veche of the older city of Smolensk was the leader of all the Kriv suburbs.

Polotsk residents, fellow tribesmen and ancestors of the Krivichi, lived along the Polota and Western Dvina rivers; their oldest city, Polotsk, was located at the confluence of the Polota and the Dvina, then along the Dvina their villages reached almost its mouth in the Baltic Sea, for, according to the Livonian chronicle, there were the Polotsk cities of Kukeinos and Bersik. Further, to the south of the Dvina, through the land of Lithuania, the settlements of Polotsk reached the Neman, and beyond the Neman in the southwest, perhaps to the Bug and Vistula, as hinted at by the purely Polotsk names of the rivers Disna and Narev, and the cities of Poltovesk or Pultusk. The same deepening of Polotsk into the lands of Lithuania and Latvia is also indicated by Nestor’s testimony that the non-Slavic tribes there: Lithuania, Zimgola, Kors and Lib paid tribute to Rus'; and the entire subsequent history of Lithuania clearly shows that the Polotsk people have long been the dominant people in Lithuania and were in close relations with the Lithuanian and Latvian tribes, so there is no doubt that most of the cities of the Lithuanian land, and precisely the oldest of them, were built by the Polotsk and Krivichi , who gradually colonized this region with Slavic settlements, just as the Novgorodians colonized the lands of Chudi, Meri and Vesi. We have two testimonies from Nestor about the social structure of Polotsk: in the first, he calls the Polotsk land a reign, therefore he recognizes the princes of Polotsk, and in the second he says that Polotsk, as if they came to a Duma at a meeting, and whatever the elders decide on, the suburbs will become ; Bykhovets also confirms this in the Lithuanian chronicle; According to him: “The men of Polochane celebrated like the great Novgorod.” From the testimonies of Nestor and Bykhovets it is clear that the social structure of Polotsk was communal, identical with the structure of the Drevlyans and Serbs. As for the trade of Polotsk, then, in all likelihood, it was directed along the Western Dvina to the Baltic Sea, where Polotsk were masters right up to the seashore, as can be concluded from the fact that, according to the Livonian chronicles, the Germans, for the initial settlement on this bank, they asked for the consent of the Polotsk princes. The Western Dvina was one of the main trade roads along which the Russian Slavs since ancient times traded with Western Europe; Nestor points to it as one of the oldest routes of communication with the West. We have no news, not even hints, about the eastern trade of Polotsk and the Greek one. In all likelihood, the Polotsk residents did not go to trade either in Constantinople, or in Bulgaria, or in Kozaria, for the roads to these countries lay in the possession of the Krivichs, Novgorodians, Polyans and Severians, with whom the Polotsk residents exchanged goods received from the West.

Nestor says: “In the summer of 6393.. Oleg would have possessed the Polyans and the Drevlyans, the Northerners and the Radimichi, and from the Ulichi and Tivertsi there was a name for the army.” Art. 11 Laurel. sp.

Nestor says: “We found a warrior on Slovepy and the most important thing is Dudeby, who is Slovenian and does violence to the wives of Dulebsky: if you go to Obrin, you won’t give away a horse or an ox, but you will order to bring 3, 4, 5 wives in a cart and lucky Obren, tako muchahu Duleba.” Art. 5, Laurel. sp.

Nestor says: “To the glades who lived in these mountains, there was a path from the Varangians to the Greeks; and from the Greek Dnieper and the top of the Dnieper was dragged to Lovat, along Lovat bring the great lake into Ilmen, from which the Volkhov lake will flow and flow into the great Lake Nevo, that lake will have its mouth in the Varazh Sea, and therefore the sea will go to Rome, and from Rome should come along the same sea to Constantinople, and from Constantinople come to the Sea of ​​Pontus, but the Dvepr River will not flow into it” (page 3 of the Laurel Art.).

Laurel. sp. page 6.

Laurel. sp. page 6.

Laurel. sp. p.6.

Having gained a foothold in Kyiv, Oleg begins to subjugate the Slavic tribes living east and west of the Dnieper. The first were the Drevlyans (their lands were located in Polesie west of Kiev along the Teterev, Uzh, Ubort and Stviga rivers to the Sluch River), who at that moment had long been at war with the glades (their territory extended between the mouths of the Desna and Ros rivers, flowing into the Dnieper). The Drevlyans refused to voluntarily come under the rule of Oleg and, as a result of short military operations, agreed to pay tribute to a black marten per house.
The next year (884), Oleg went to war against the northerners (living northeast of Kyiv in the basin of the Desna, Seim and Sula rivers). Having won, he imposed a small tribute. Perhaps due to the weak resistance of the northerners or, on the contrary, fear of uprisings of this people, who were under the Khazars. At that time, the northerners paid tribute to the Khazars. According to legend, Oleg told the northerners: " I am the enemy of the Kozars, and not you at all". And the northerners agreed.
The next came the Radimichi (located along the upper reaches of the Dnieper and the Sozh River with their tributaries). Oleg was able to come to an agreement with them without bloodshed through negotiations. As N.M. writes Karamzin " Oleg sent to ask them: “Who are you giving tribute to?” They answered: “To the Kozars.” “Don’t give it to the Kozars,” Oleg ordered to tell them, “but rather give it to me,” and the Radimichi began to pay the Russian prince the same two rubles from the raal that they gave to the Kozars".
Subsequently, Oleg managed to conquer a number of independent tribes: Dulebs, Croats and Tiverts. The only tribe that did not surrender was the Ulichi (who occupied lands along the Dniester to the Black Sea and the Danube). According to the chronicler, Oleg was never able to conquer him.

Igor is the son of the Novgorod prince Rurik. The Tale of Bygone Years says that in 879, when Rurik was dying, Igor was a small child, whom his father handed over to his relative Oleg. And in the Novgorod first chronicle of the younger edition, Igor, during the capture of Kyiv in 882, acts as an adult, mature ruler. According to the “Tale of Bygone Years” in 903, Igor is the “helper” of the Great Russian Prince Oleg. It also reports Igor’s marriage to Olga, and under 907 it is said that when Oleg went on a campaign against Constantinople, Igor was his governor in Kyiv. And the Novgorod chronicler states that the campaign against Byzantium was organized not by Oleg, but by Igor.

According to the Tale of Bygone Years, Igor took the throne in 913 after the death of Oleg the Prophet. In 914, he suppressed the uprising of the Drevlyans, who did not want to obey him. In 915 he made peace with the Pechenegs. In 920 he again fought with the Pechenegs. The results of this war are not known. During his reign (in 913 and 943), two Russian military campaigns were carried out against the Caspian countries. In 940, Kyiv submitted to the streets, on which tribute was imposed “according to the black kuna from the smoke.”

BEGINNING: IGOR GOES TO DREVLYAN

According to the chronicler, Oleg's successor Igor, the son of Rurik, reigned for 33 years (912 - 945) and only five legends are recorded in the chronicle about the affairs of this prince; for Oleg's reign, 33 years were also calculated (879 - 912). The chronicle says that Igor remained an infant after the death of his father; in the legend about the occupation of Kyiv by Oleg, Igor is also a baby who could not even be taken out, but was carried out in their arms; if Oleg reigned for 33 years, then Igor should have been about 35 years old upon his death. Under the year 903, the marriage of Igor is mentioned: Igor grew up, says the chronicler, walked around Oleg, obeyed him, and they brought him a wife from Pskov named Olga. During Olegov's campaign near Constantinople, Igor remained in Kyiv. The first legend about Igor, recorded in the chronicle, says that the Drevlyans, tortured by Oleg, did not want to pay tribute to the new prince and closed themselves off from him, that is, they did not allow either the prince or his husbands to come to them for tribute. Igor went against the Drevlyans, won and imposed a tribute on them greater than what they had previously paid to Oleg.

UNIFICATION OF SLAVIC TRIBES UNDER THE AUTHORITY OF IGOR

The Tale of Bygone Years connects the expansion of the possessions of the Kyiv prince with the name of Oleg. In addition to the territories of the Slovenes, Krivichi and Polyans, which he owned after the capture of Kyiv, dated by the chronicle of 882, Oleg imposes tribute on the Drevlyans, the north and the Radimichi. His successor Igor, according to the Initial Code, subjugated the streets. The chronicle information about the conquest of “Slavinia”, however, is not only chronologically inaccurate, but also clearly incomplete: for example, they say nothing about the Dregovichi and communities of Volyn territorially close to Kyiv. But for the 1st half of the 10th century. there is a unique opportunity to compare four multilingual sources containing extensive information about Rus', with mention of toponyms and anthroponyms, and at the same time created almost simultaneously, within one decade. This is the treatise of the Byzantine emperor Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus “On the administration of the empire” (948-952), the work of the Arab author al-Istakhri “The Book of Paths and Countries” (the edition that has reached us is c. 950), the agreement of Igor with Byzantium, which came down in the Old Russian version (which is a translation from the Greek original) as part of the “Tale of Bygone Years” (944), etc. The "Cambridge Document" is a letter in Hebrew sent from Khazaria (c. 949).

In Chapter 9 of Constantine’s work it is said that “the monoxyls (ships with a keel part hollowed out from one log - A.G.) coming from outer Russia to Constantinople are from Nemogard, in which Svendoslav, the son of Ingor, the archon of Russia, was sitting, and others from the Miliniski fortress, from Teliutsa, Chernigoga and from Vusegrad (Smolensk, Lyubech, Chernigov and Vyshgorod. - A.G.). So, they all descend along the Dnieper River and converge in the fortress of Kioava, called Samvatas. The Slavs, their paktiots, namely the Kriviteins, Lenzanins and other Slavinians, cut down monoxyls in their mountains during the winter and, having equipped them, with the onset of spring, when the ice melts, they introduce them into the neighboring reservoirs. Since these [reservoirs] flowed into the Dnieper River, they, too, from those [places] there, enter this very river and go to Kiova. They are pulled out for [equipment] and sold to the dews. The Rosys, having bought some of these dugouts and dismantled their old monoxyls, transfer them to these oars, rowlocks and other accessories... equip them. And in the month of June, moving along the Dnieper River, they descend to Vitichev, which is a paktiot fortress of the Ros, and, having gathered there for two or three days, until all the monoxides are united, then they set off and descend along the named Dnieper River.” Then there is a story about the route of the “Rus” to Constantinople, and at the end of the chapter it says: “The winter and harsh way of life of those same Dews is as follows. When the month of November comes, their archons immediately leave Kiava with all their dews and go to polyudium, which is called the “circling”, namely in Slavinia of the Vervians, Druguvites, Krivichi, Severians (Drevlyans, Dregovichi, Krivichi and Severians. - A. G. .) and other Slavs who are paktiots of the Ros. Feeding there throughout the winter, they return to Kiaw again, starting in April, when the ice on the Dnieper River melts.”

Under the author's pen, Igor is presented as the head of Rus', and Kyiv as the main center. His son Svyatoslav reigns in Nemogard (Novgorod). “Rosy” go to polyudye - a circular detour for the purpose of collecting tribute - to the Slavic communities of the Drevlyans, Dregovichs, Krivichis, northerners and “other” Slavs; The latter should apparently include the Ulitsch and the “Lendzanin” - the Lendzan (localized, most likely, in Eastern Volyn), since in Chapter 37 both of them are called tributaries of the “Rus”, and at the beginning of Chapter 9 the Lendzanin together with the Krivichi they are called their “Paktiots” (this term indicates tributary-allied relations). The list of cities through which “monoxyls” descend to Kyiv goes from north to south, along the path “from the Varangians to the Greeks”: Novgorod, Smolensk, Lyubech, Chernigov, Vyshgorod...