Yavlinsky's swan song: I'm going to live in London! Wife Elena: “I’ll cut off everything you have hanging around if you ever use your child in your political interests again.” Where does Mr. Yavlinsky permanently live?

Grigory Yavlinsky can rightfully be called one of the old-timers among Russian politicians. His Yabloko party, of which he has been the leader for a long time, is in opposition to the current government.

Since 1989, Yavlinsky's political biography has been developing rapidly. He works as Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the RSFSR.

At the same time, he is the head of the commission responsible for the transformation of economic reforms.

The result of his labors was the so-called “500 days” program. In it, he explained the transfer of the existing economy to market conditions, as well as the introduction of private property.

In 1991, Yavlinsky, who sympathizes with him, comes to power. Yeltsin even planned to give the post of prime minister to Yavlinsky, but this position still goes to Yegor Gaidar.

Soon, relations between Yavlinsky and Yeltsin deteriorated sharply. Grigory Alekseevich expresses a categorical protest regarding the signing of the Belovezhskaya Accords.

In 1993, a sharp turn occurred in Yavlinsky’s biography. He creates his own party, calling it “Yabloko”. Despite a good start, in the last elections the new political force took only 6th place.

It is noteworthy that party members have never been part of the current government. The ideology of Yabloko at that time was to end the Chechen war, modernize the army, and anti-monopoly in the economic sector.

In subsequent elections in 1996 and 2000, Yavlinsky ran for the post of head of government, first taking fourth and then third place.

In 2002, Yabloko did not enter the State Duma, and the politician himself, speaking about an unfair struggle for power, refused to participate in future elections.

In fact, leaving politics, he begins a new stage in his biography, namely teaching at the Higher School of Economics.

Ten years later, in 2012, at the Yabloko congress, party members again nominated their leader for the presidency. However, the Central Election Commission refuses to allow the politician to participate in the election race due to a lack of votes.

Naturally, the politician himself did not agree with the commission’s decision.

Personal life

Grigory Yavlinsky is legally married to Elena Anatolyevna. They have two children: the eldest is Mikhail (born 1971), his wife’s son from her first marriage, and their common son is Alexey (born 1981).

Yavlinsky presidential candidate

In 2018, a new struggle appeared in Yavlinsky’s biography: he again became a presidential candidate, promising to win the elections against Putin.

There are eight candidates in total:

Grigory Alekseevich Yavlinsky is a Russian politician, Doctor of Economics, founder of the opposition party Yabloko. He ran for president several times (1996, 2000 and 2018; registration for the 2012 elections was denied).

Family

Grigory Yavlinsky was born on April 10, 1952 in the Ukrainian city of Lvov. His father, Alexey Yavlinsky (born 1919), lost his parents during the Civil War, grew up in a labor colony near the village of Kovalevka, Poltava region, and in 1942 went to the front. The battery under his command was the first to enter the Czech city of Olomouc. For his front-line exploits, Gregory’s father was awarded the Order of the Red Star, the Medal “For Military Merit” and the Order of the Patriotic War, II degree.


In 1947, Alexey met his future wife Vera Naumovna (born 1924). She was a native of Kharkov, during the war years she lived in evacuation in Tashkent, and at the end of the war she moved to Lvov. The wedding took place a month after they met. The couple remained in Lvov: Alexey graduated from the history department of a local pedagogical university, then from the Higher School of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, worked with street children; Vera graduated from the Chemistry Faculty of Lviv University and began teaching chemistry at the Forestry University.

The family did not live richly, but the parents tried their best to give Gregory and his 5-year-younger brother Mikhail the best. And if new toys and clothes appeared in the house infrequently, and Grisha saw many fruits only in pictures, then the brothers could always count on quality education and relaxation during the holidays.


As a result, Grigory studied with straight A's (he only had a B in his report card - in the Ukrainian language), spent a lot of time reading Russian classics, and began studying English at the age of 6. Yavlinsky was also distinguished by his talent for music - as a child he played the piano. Grisha went to Lviv school No. 3 in first grade, and later transferred to a special school with in-depth study of the English language.

Youth years

Grigory grew up as a rather thin and shy young man. To overcome his inhibitions, in 1964 he enrolled in a boxing section and quickly proved himself to be a promising athlete. The coaches noted his iron will and lack of the slightest self-pity. In 1967 and 1968, Yavlinsky won the championship title among junior boxers in the 2nd welterweight. After that, the guy was faced with the question: to fight his way into professional boxing with his gloves or to quit. He chose the second, by that time he was seriously interested in economics.


As the politician himself noted, the starting point was an episode from childhood. He walked down the street, clutching in his hand 6 rubles that his mother gave him for a soccer ball. In the sports store it turned out that the ball costs 8 rubles 30 kopecks. The upset boy began to rack his brain: why exactly 8.30? Why does a bicycle cost 27 rubles, and a loaf costs 12 kopecks? Who sets prices for things?

Later I learned that the question of price in all economic theories and systems is the most important one. And the one who knows the answer to it becomes either a great scientist or a great financier.

. The purposeful young man was inspired by the idea of ​​​​entering the Moscow Institute of National Economy named after Plekhanov - the famous “Pleshka”, where a resident of the province could not even think of enrolling without money and connections.


Grigory graduated from 10th grade at an evening school for working youth: he himself argued that the family needed money, his critics believe that the passing score for applicants to universities with work experience was lower. There was also a version that Yavlinsky was forced to leave secondary school due to a scandal - supposedly he was used to resolving conflicts not with words, but with his fists. One way or another, he got a job as an electrician at a local glass factory, and in 1969 he entered the Faculty of Labor Economics of the Institute. Plekhanov.

Students

The young man did not feel like a provincial; he easily joined the team of Moscow youth. Studying was easy for Gregory, because he had a good knowledge base in economic disciplines. But alcohol and tobacco, even in his free student years, were not on his list of interests.

Among the best students, Gregory visited Czechoslovakia, although the trip had unfavorable consequences. Together with the group, he went to the bathhouse, where a scandal broke out between him and the Komsomol organizer: Grisha argued that, given the amount of blood shed for socialism, Soviet people deserved a much more dignified life, his opponent replied: “They could have given a hundred times more for socialism.” of people". The student defended his position not only with his fists, but also with a washing basin. The Komsomol organizer remained alive, but filed complaints to all possible authorities. Paradoxically, the story ended with a recommendation to include Yavlinsky in the ranks of the CPSU.


Together with his classmates, Yavlinsky was engaged in “samizdat” - illegally publishing the student newspaper “We”. However, he was stopped from immersing himself in the political environment by an affair with his classmate Elena. In 1973, Grigory graduated from the university with honors and continued his education in graduate school. The topic of his Ph.D. thesis, which he successfully defended in 1976, was “Improving the division of labor of workers in the chemical industry.”

Labor activity

After graduating from graduate school, Yavlinsky began climbing the career ladder from the position of senior engineer at the All-Union Research Institute of Coal Industry Management (then he was promoted to senior researcher). His duties included compiling manuals with instructions for every position, from ordinary miner to mine manager.


In those years, Yavlinsky had to travel a lot around the country. He visited all the mining towns, and everywhere he saw the same picture: empty shelves in stores, lack of comfortable housing, lack of transport, complete disregard for labor standards, dirt and devastation all around. Since then, the question “How can we make sure that people live and work normally?” stuck firmly in his head.

One day, a young specialist and his colleagues fell under a rubble and stood waist-deep in icy water for 10 hours. They were rescued, but of the five people, three died in the hospital.

In the early 80s, Yavlinsky moved to the Labor Research Institute of the State Committee for Labor and Social Issues, and was the head of the heavy industry sector. For two years he studied ways to improve the economic mechanism in the country, and in 1982 he sent out a report to fellow scientists summarizing the results of his work. The conclusion was this: we must either return to Stalin’s times, or provide industry with economic freedom.

Three days after the mailing, Yavlinsky was called to the carpet before the investigator. The questioning visits continued every day, from May to November. On November 10 – the day of Brezhnev’s death – the investigator said: “You don’t have to come again.” But the misadventures did not end there: a medical examination suddenly revealed that Yavlinsky had acute tuberculosis. Despite certificates from other doctors proving that he was healthy, Grigory was sent to a dispensary (according to the recollections of his friends, the conditions there were comparable to prison) for 9 months, and in his absence someone entered his apartment and burned all his scientific research. .


After his release, Yavlinsky continued to work for the State Labor Committee. Over the next five years, he “grew” to the position of head of the department of social development and population. In August 1989, Leonid Abalkin, who taught under Grigory at the Plekhanov Institute and had just been elected deputy chairman of the Council of Ministers, invited Yavlinsky to his commission dealing with economic reforms.

Economic reforms

The “500 days” program (originally called “400 days of trust”) was developed by Yavlinsky, Mikhail Zadornov and Alexei Mikhailov and provided for the rapid transfer of the country’s economy to a market economy. Boris Yeltsin (at that time Chairman of the Supreme Council of the RSFSR) got acquainted with the document, who ordered the creation of a working group to further develop the program.

In July 1990, Yavlinsky was appointed deputy prime minister and head of the state commission for economic reforms.

Grigory Yavlinsky: briefly about the “500 days” program

On September 1, 1990, the program was presented to the Supreme Soviet of the USSR. However, due to disagreements with the Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the RSFSR Nikolai Ryzhkov, who was working on an alternative economic reform program, Grigory Yavlinsky resigned. Together with like-minded people, he created the Center for Economic and Political Research "EPIcenter" and became its permanent chairman.


In 1991, Yavlinsky continued to cooperate with the authorities: he dealt with issues of macroeconomics at the request of Mikhail Gorbachev, his candidacy was considered by Yeltsin for the post of prime minister, but the choice fell on Yegor Gaidar. When Yeltsin signed the Belovezhskaya Agreement in December 1991, which severed political and economic relations with the former republics of the USSR, Yavlinsky left the government in protest.

Epicenter continued to develop an alternative to Gaidar's reforms. In particular, Yavlinsky proposed eliminating the huge monetary overhang (money that ended up in the hands of citizens due to the lack of ways to spend it) through the privatization of small private property.


In May 1992, Yavlinsky tested a program of regional economic reforms in the Nizhny Novgorod region. At the same time, he joined the editorial staff of Novaya Daily Gazeta (the future Novaya Gazeta).

In 1993, the economist began creating a privatization program in Moscow. He proposed to carry out the privatization of state property through auctions: 10% of the proceeds were proposed to be given to the city budget, and 90% to be used for the development of the purchased enterprise. The management of the purchased enterprise would be carried out under a contract, and if the investor failed, Moscow would have to declare the enterprise bankrupt, appoint a new manager and, after reorganization, put it up for auction again. The main principles that Yavlinsky adhered to in his program: healthy competition, a strict system of anti-monopoly measures and protection of private property. In 1995, the Moscow government accepted Yavlinsky’s program, but revised the author’s version beyond recognition.

Yabloko Party

During the political crisis of 1993, Yavlinsky called on the president and parliament to compromise, but then abandoned this idea and condemned an armed rebellion.

Grigory Yavlinsky during the 1991 coup

In the fall, Grigory Yavlinsky announced the creation of the Yabloko electoral bloc, which stood apart from both the democrats and the communists. As stated in the faction's manifesto, they stood for democratic values, but criticized the ways in which the government achieved them.

Members of the party, whose leadership also included Yuri Boldyrev and Vladimir Lukin (“Yabloko” is an abbreviation of the surnames Yavlinsky, Boldyrev, Lukin), took an active part in the development of new economic laws of the country and participated in the investigation of the events of October 1993.


Yabloko members presented their election program “There is another way of development.” The document covered the following issues:

  1. The country lacks institutions of rights and freedoms, citizens are not involved in political life, and there is a high risk of becoming a country of “failed democracy.”
  2. Monopolies must be destroyed immediately, conditions must be created in the country for the development of competition and land reform must begin.
  3. In the field of social policy, it is necessary to place emphasis on preschool medicine and secondary education.
  4. To create a federal state and eliminate separatist sentiments, it is important to pay attention to the development of the local government system.
  5. The main thesis of the party is not to lie to voters.
In the elections to the State Duma of the first convocation, Yabloko received 7.86% of the votes (more than 4.2 million voters) and received 27 mandates. Subsequently, the percentage of those who voted for Yabloko decreased: 6.89% in 1995, 5.93% in 1999.


The faction put at the forefront:

  1. Maximum approximation of Russian legislation to European legislation with the hope of joining the European Union within two decades.
  2. Put the Russian economy on the rails of liberalism (simple economic legislation, low taxes, open competition), which was supposed to give impetus to the development of small and medium-sized businesses.
  3. To transform Russia into a democratic rule-of-law state that respects all constitutional rights and freedoms of the ordinary citizen.
The small “Yabloko” repeatedly went into opposition to the government: it voted against the budget, twice (in 1997 and 2003) it submitted a vote of no confidence to the government, it opposed allowing the import of spent nuclear waste into Russia and for the impeachment of Yeltsin in 1999.

Yavlinsky actively expressed his position regarding the situation in Chechnya: he advocated the withdrawal of Russian troops from Chechnya and allowing the residents of the republic to independently determine their future fate. During the Second Chechen Campaign, Grigory Yavlinsky once again expressed his opposition to military operations.

Grigory Yavlinsky talks about his program (1995)

During the hostage-taking at the Dubrovka Theater Center (Nord-Ost) in 2002, Yavlinsky was one of the few politicians with whom the terrorists were willing to negotiate - the reason for this was his critical attitude in the military campaign in Chechnya. Yavlinsky managed to remove eight children from the captured center.

In 2008, Yavlinsky ceased to be the head of Yabloko - his place was taken by the head of the Moscow branch of the party, Sergei Mitrokhin. However, Yavlinsky is still a member of the party's political committee.

Presidential elections

In 1996, Grigory Yavlinsky ran for president for the first time. The elections seemed to Russians to be a battle between the “democrat” Yeltsin and the “communist” Zyuganov. Yavlinsky acted as a “third force”. The slogan under which the Yabloko leader went to the elections sounded like “Choose a normal person.” Later, General Alexander Lebed and ophthalmologist Stanislav Fedorov appeared on the list of candidates.


Yavlinsky's election video, full version

When in 1999 Yeltsin named Vladimir Putin as a candidate for prime minister, it was discussed at a State Duma meeting. Yavlinsky opposed it - the politician believed that a person from the KGB had no place in power. Within Yabloko, the votes were divided: 40% voted for Putin’s candidacy, 17% were against, the rest either did not participate in the vote or abstained. Yavlinsky himself voted in favor of Vladimir Vladimirovich, asking permission from the remaining members of the faction.

On December 31, 1999, Yeltsin announced his resignation, and Vladimir Putin became acting president. On January 19, Yavlinsky was nominated for president. The slogan of Gregory’s second campaign: “For a Russia without dictators and oligarchs.” The politician outlined his ideas in the work “Breakthrough Strategy.”


From the first days of the election race, Yavlinsky refused to cooperate with Putin. The leader of Yabloko accused him of starting a war in Chechnya, infringing on the free press, and the risk of creating a brutal authoritarian regime. “Putin is a statist, I am a liberal and a democrat,” the politician noted. According to the results of the elections on March 26, 2000, Yavlinsky took third place with 5.8% of the vote. Vladimir Putin scored 50.94% and won.


In 2011, during the elections of the State Duma of the sixth convocation, Yavlinsky headed the lists of the Yabloko party. According to the voting results, the faction received 3.34% of the votes, Yavlinsky noted that about 20% of voters voted for Yabloko. Yabloko observers identified numerous violations at polling stations, which was one of the reasons for thousands of rallies throughout Russia. People who took to the streets demanded that the “Putin group” be removed from power.

In December 2011, Yavlinsky was nominated as a presidential candidate during the Yabloko congress. The politician called on like-minded people for a legal and non-violent change of power, advocated for the organization of new, fair parliamentary elections, reform of the judicial system, restoration of the elected governorship, and the elimination of total control over the press.


During the period of registration of candidates for the presidential elections, the CEC refused to Yavlinsky: out of 2.08 million signatures, 1.93 million were recognized as reliable. The percentage of falsified or unconfirmed signatures was 2.74% (with the allowed five percent threshold), but the CEC’s decision was final. Yavlinsky called this event politically determined; Among the protesters on Bolotnaya Square on February 4, 2012, there were many who demanded the reinstatement of Yavlinsky as a candidate.

Grigory Yavlinsky in the studio of Vladimir Pozner (November 2017)

Personal life of Grigory Yavlinsky

Elena Anatolyevna Smotryaeva (b. 1951), according to information from open sources, worked as a laboratory assistant at the Plekhanov Institute, where she met her future husband.


In 1971, their son Mikhail was born (a theoretical physicist by training, a graduate of Moscow State University, and works as a journalist for the BBC). In 1981, the youngest son Alexey (programmer, specialist in the field of Big Data) was born.


In the spring of 1996, when a prominent Russian politician participated in the presidential campaign that was gaining momentum, a terrible disaster befell the family. The criminals, whose identity was never established, kidnapped Mikhail Yavlinsky. The kidnappers got in touch, giving Yavlinsky Sr. a stern ultimatum: a political career or the life of his son. Attached to the letter were severed phalanges of fingers...

Grigory Yavlinsky about his sons

After this threat, the criminals immediately released the young man. Surgeons managed to restore his hand (although Mikhail could no longer play his favorite piano), but for safety reasons, the sons of Grigory Yavlinsky moved to the UK.

Grigory Yavlinsky now

In 2018, Grigory Yavlinsky nominated himself for the presidential election. The voters were presented with the “Road to the Future” program, the theses of which can be briefly summarized as follows:
  • End the conflict with Ukraine by recognizing the illegality of Russia’s annexation of Crimea, withdrawing Russian troops from Donbass and ceasing to cultivate hatred of Ukraine in the state media.
  • Gradually withdraw troops from Syria.
  • Establish diplomatic relations with Europe and the United States and not interfere in the political life of other countries.
  • Begin the “sanitization” of domestic political and social life.
  • Introduce a package of economic reforms aimed at supporting private property, small and medium-sized businesses, and providing citizens with income from the export of natural resources.


In addition to Grigory Yavlinsky, Pavel Grudinin (candidate from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation instead of Gennady Zyuganov), Ksenia Sobchak (“candidate against everyone”), Vladimir Zhirinovsky (LDPR), Alexey Navalny (the Central Election Commission refused to register his candidacy because of the “case”) expressed a desire to participate in the presidential elections Kirovles").

(born 1952) Russian economist and statesman

The leader of the Yabloko faction in the State Duma of Russia is now known not only in all countries of the former Soviet Union, but also practically throughout the world. Some people admire him, others scold him. However, a detailed analysis of its activities has probably not yet been done. And few people know Yavlinsky’s past life.

After all, unlike other politicians, he did not belong to either the party or industrial elite. He did not study at Moscow State University or the Academy of Social Sciences, where many leading politicians of the CIS and Russia received their education. Like Anatoly Chubais, Yavlinsky came to politics after a long practical work.

Gregory was born in the city of Lvov. His father was a military man, headed a children's reception center in Lvov, and as a child he himself was a pupil of Anton Semenovich Makarenko's colony. Mother taught chemistry at the Forestry Institute.

In the ninth grade, Grigory Yavlinsky dropped out of school and went to work as a mechanic, and continued his education at evening school. Then he worked as a forwarder, accompanying the mail of the Lviv Post Office, and was an apprentice as an electrician on duty at the Raduga glass company.

Only after this Grigory Alekseevich decided that it was time to get a higher education. He studied at one of the most prestigious educational institutions - the Moscow Institute of National Economy named after Georgy Valentinovich Plekhanov, after graduating from which he entered graduate school there and defended his PhD thesis in economics. His scientific supervisor was Academician L. Abalkin.

Then Grigory Yavlinsky was sent to the Coal Research Institute and there he worked his way up to senior researcher. He is still well known in the mines, where they still use the normative reference book by Grigory Alekseevich Yavlinsky.

From the Coal Institute he moved to the Labor Institute, where he soon became one of the chief economists. But even there he dealt with problems far from macroeconomics. Grigory Alekseevich Yavlinsky also worked for several years at the State Committee on Labor and Social Issues. It seemed that he had a typical career as a successful scientist, which led to a quiet and peaceful old age.

The appearance of Yavlinsky in big politics was a kind of tribute to the times. However, even here he did not remain in the shadows. Having demonstrated his natural intelligence and talent, Grigory Yavlinsky very soon turned into an interesting political figure. He first attracted attention when he became one of the authors of a program called “400 days,” which contained specific recommendations for economic reform. Soon after Boris Yeltsin became president, Yavlinsky was appointed deputy prime minister. We can say that he was lucky here too. He was a fairly narrow specialist, practically unknown outside the closed circle of his colleagues, and not involved in any political battles.

But the most significant event in his life was still ahead. Grigory Alekseevich Yavlinsky becomes one of the authors of the new program - “500 days”, which determined the future fate of the country. Along with other progressive economists, he tried to prove the necessity and expediency of the country's transition to a market system. Since 1991, Grigory Yavlinsky became an adviser to the Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the RSFSR, as well as a member of the Political Advisory Council under the President of the USSR.

In April 1991, Yavlinsky received an official invitation from the US State Department to take part in the G7 meetings. Having received Gorbachev's consent, he headed a group of Soviet and Western economists at Harvard University, which developed a project for the transition of the Soviet economy to a market under the motto “consent to chance.” That’s why journalists later called him “the gravedigger of the Soviet economy.”

In the August 1991 events, Grigory Alekseevich Yavlinsky participated on the side of B. Yeltsin and, in particular, went with a group of employees to arrest the former Minister of Internal Affairs B. Pugo. At the same time, he was appointed deputy chairman of the committee for operational management of the national economy. In the same year, Grigory Yavlinsky became chairman of the board of the scientific society “Center for Economic and Political Research”.

For some time, Grigory Alekseevich worked in Kazakhstan. At the invitation of President Nursultan Nazarbayev, he helped carry out reforms there and was the closest adviser to the head of state. But he soon left the republic along with the Epicenter research association he organized. The republic's leadership turned out to be unprepared for those decisive actions that Yavlinsky had always advocated, and instead of reforming the economy, they limited themselves to talking about this topic.

After the publication of decree No. 1400 on the dissolution of the Supreme Council of Russia, Grigory Yavlinsky took a wait-and-see attitude. However, already on the night of October 3-4, he appeared on Russian television with a decisive call to use force against the defenders of the Supreme Council of the Russian Federation, to make arrests among the “red-browns” and expel them from big cities.

In December 1993, as one of the leaders of the “Yavlinsky, Boldyrev, Lukin” bloc, he ran for election to the State Duma.

Both in 1996 and 2000, Grigory Alekseevich Yavlinsky participated in the presidential elections. He took the most intractable position among all the contenders, choosing the tactics of non-intervention, consistently dissociating himself from any initiatives not only of his opponents, but also of potential supporters.

In the election campaign, Grigory Yavlinsky often adheres to the following tactics - he deliberately intensifies the battle and comes out with vivid and rather categorical assessments of his opponents. But in a calm environment, he moves away and prefers not to stand out.

He is always followed by a small but politically positioned portion of voters who hope that their leader will one day achieve success.

Grigory Alekseevich Yavlinsky is married. His wife is an engineer-economist, and they have two sons.

Russian politician, economist Grigory Alekseevich Yavlinsky was born on April 10, 1952 in the city of Lvov (Ukraine). In his youth, he was actively involved in sports, twice becoming the champion of Ukraine in boxing among juniors.

In high school, Grigory Yavlinsky studied at an evening school for working youth and at the same time worked: first for a short time at the Lviv Post Office as a forwarder, then at a leather goods factory, in 1968-1969 as an electrician at the Lviv glass company "Rainbow".

In 1969 he entered the Moscow Institute of National Economy. Plekhanov, who graduated in 1973 with a degree in economics. In 1976 he completed his postgraduate studies at this institute.

In 1976-1980 he worked at the All-Union Scientific Research Institute of Coal Industry Management (VNII Coal): in 1976-1977 - senior engineer, from 1977 to 1980 - senior researcher.

In 1980-1984, Yavlinsky was the head of the heavy industry sector of the Research Institute of Labor of the State Committee for Labor and Social Issues (Goskomtrud).

From 1984 to 1989 - deputy head of the consolidated department, head of the department of social development and population of the State Labor Committee.

In 1989, he moved to the apparatus of the Council of Ministers of the USSR to the position of head of the consolidated economic department.

In July-August 1989, Yavlinsky led a group of economists who developed the “400 days of trust” program for radical economic reforms in the USSR.

In July 1990, he was approved as Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the RSFSR, Chairman of the State Commission of the Council of Ministers of the RSFSR on economic reform. Based on the “400 days”, he developed the concept and program of economic reforms “500 days”.

In October 1990, Yavlinsky resigned due to the fact that the implementation of the “500” days program, approved by the Supreme Council of the RSFSR and the Supreme Councils of the union republics, was delayed.

Yavlinsky is the author of many books, scientific works and articles, including “Lessons of Economic Reform” (1993), “Russian Economy: Legacy and Opportunities” (1995), “Crisis in Russia: the end of the system? The beginning of the path?” (1998), "Demodernization". (2002), “Peripheral capitalism” (2003), “Prospects for Russia” (2006), “Twenty years of reforms - interim results? Russian society as a process” (co-authored, 2011).

Grigory Yavlinsky is the winner of several awards, including the prize of the Czech public Liberal Institute "For his contribution to the development of liberal thinking and the implementation of the ideas of freedom, private property, competition and the rule of law" (2000), "For Freedom" (2004).

Yavlinsky is married and has two sons. His wife, Elena Yavlinskaya, is an engineer-economist by training, previously worked at the Giprouglemash Research Institute, and has been a housewife since 1996. The Yavlinskys' eldest son, Mikhail (born in 1971), graduated from the physics department of Moscow State University and works as a journalist. The youngest son Alexey (born in 1981) works as a research engineer creating computer systems.

The material was prepared based on information from open sources

For more than a quarter of a century, the name of Grigory Yavlinsky has been on a par with the names of Russian politicians advocating radical economic reforms in Russia. Despite the ambiguous attitude of the people, Yavlinsky's Yabloko party is still one of the leading opposition blocs in the country.

Grigory Yavlinsky was born on April 10, 1952 in the city of Lvov, Ukrainian SSR. The father of the future politician, Alexei Grigorievich Yavlinsky (1917-1981), lived an interesting, eventful life. Left orphaned in early childhood, Alexey became a street child. In 1930, the teenager ended up in a Kharkov commune under the leadership. After graduating, I went to flight school. He went through the Great Patriotic War and graduated with the rank of senior lieutenant in Czechoslovakia. After the war, Alexey Yavlinsky graduated from the Lvov Pedagogical Institute and the Higher School of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. He worked as the head of a children's distribution colony for street children.


Grigory Yavlinsky’s mother is Vera Naumovna (1924-1997). Gregory's father met her when he came to visit relatives in Lviv. A month after they met, the couple got married. Vera Naumovna graduated from Lviv University and taught chemistry. Gregory has a younger brother, Mikhail. He lives in Lvov and is engaged in private business.


The Yavlinsky family lived very poorly. But, according to Grigory Alekseevich, parents did not spare money for summer vacation and education of their children. Gregory loved to read and played the piano. He was seriously involved in boxing - he twice became the champion among juniors of Ukraine. From early childhood, the future politician gravitated towards foreign languages. The neighbor taught little Grisha English. Studied at school No. 3 in Lviv.


A few years before graduation, he transferred to evening studies. He worked at the post office, glassware factory, and tannery. After graduating from school in 1969, Yavlinsky went to Moscow and entered the Institute of National Economy. Plekhanov to the Faculty of General Economics.

Policy

In 1973, Grigory Yavlinsky graduated from the institute with honors, and in 1976 – graduate school. After graduating from graduate school, he compiled reference books and job descriptions at VNIIUugol. In 1978 he defended his Ph.D. thesis. In 1980, Grigory Yavlinsky became deputy head of the research institute department, and then head of the State Labor Committee. At that time, the first unspoken friction between the young economist and the authorities began.


The Labor Committee, headed by Yuri Batalin, did not like Yavlinsky’s work “Improving the economic mechanism in the USSR” (1985), which predicted an imminent economic crisis in the USSR. The printed 600 copies of the work were confiscated, and Yavlinsky became a frequent guest during interrogations at the KGB. The story ended with Yavlinsky's long stay in a closed sanatorium for tuberculosis patients. He was released only after coming to power.

In the summer of 1989, the former institute teacher of Yavlinsky and the former deputy chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR Leonid Abalkin appointed Grigory Alekseevich head of the Consolidated Economic Department of the Council of Ministers of the USSR. On July 14, 1990, the Supreme Council of the RSFSR approved Yavlinsky as Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the RSFSR. At the same time, he headed the state commission for economic reform.


The reform consisted of implementing a program called “500 days”, created by Yavlinsky together with Alexei Mikhailov. It consisted of transferring the union economy to market conditions, introducing private property, and strengthening the small business sector. On September 1, 1990, the “500 days” program was announced before the Supreme Council of the RSFSR.

After Gorbachev’s proposal to combine the “500 days” project with the alternative “Main Directions of Development”, created by order (of the Chairman of the USSR Council of Ministers), Yavlinsky resigned. In October 1990, Grigory Alekseevich opened the Center for Political and Economic Research. From October to December 1991, Yavlinsky was a member of the Political Advisory Committee under the President of the USSR.



In December 2002, the Yabloko party lost the elections to the State Duma. And in March 2004, by decision of the Yabloko presidium, Yavlinsky refused to nominate his candidacy for the presidential elections in Russia, calling the fight unfair. In June 2008, he also refused to participate in the re-election to the post of leader of Yabloko. Having practically stopped political activities, he became a teacher at the Higher School of Economics.

In December 2011, the Yabloko congress nominated Grigory Yavlinsky as a candidate for the presidency of Russia in 2012. The Central Election Commission refused to register Grigory Alekseevich. The reason was the missing number of votes, but Yavlinsky called the decision of the Central Election Commission political.

Personal life

Grigory Yavlinsky is married. Wife – Elena Anatolyevna, engineer-economist. The couple has two sons. The youngest, Alexey, was born in 1981. He graduated from private school and the Open University in London. Works in England as a research engineer creating computer systems.


The eldest is Mikhail, the son of his wife from her first marriage, born in 1971. He graduated from the physics department of Moscow State University with a degree in nuclear physics and works as a journalist. After the kidnapping of Mikhail and political threats to Grigory Alekseevich in 1994, the family insisted on the young man moving to England.

Grigory Yavlinsky now

Yavlinsky's name regularly appears in the press. The name of the politician, like any public person, is associated with many scandalous publications on the topics: “real name”, “nationality”, etc. Grigory Alekseevich even filed a lawsuit against the TV journalist and the M1 TV channel for the protection of honor, dignity and business reputation and won the case.


He sharply criticized the Russian government in foreign policy. Yavlinsky's statement about Crimea and Ukraine caused a great resonance in the press:

“...the annexation of Crimea also took place on the quiet... they want this (Ukraine) to be a failed state, so that it is an outskirts and an appendage of Russia”

On March 4, 2016, Yavlinsky announced his participation in the 2018 Russian presidential elections. The politician marked the start of his presidential campaign with the following statement:

“I will win the elections against Putin and return Crimea.”

Grigory Alekseevich’s latest initiative was the “Time to Return Home” campaign, which started on June 19, 2017. The goal is to collect signatures in favor of Russia's withdrawal from military conflicts. The presidential candidate's program, statements, biography, photos are regularly updated on the official website of Grigory Yavlinsky.

The politician’s slogan: “To behave like a superpower, you have to be one. And this is impossible with the economy we have today.”

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