Ours in Forbes. Stars, millionaires and companies of the Krasnodar region

Akhmed Tatlok worked in the city of Maykop as a cameraman on the republican television of Adygea until he married a primary school teacher, Saida. Life is pressing - a married man must have his own house and car to transport his heirs. Akhmed gave up his TV camera and started a business that feeds half of Adygea. In his native village of Teuchezhkhabl, Tatlok rented 5 hectares of land, grew 20 tons of tomatoes during the season and successfully sold them in the Kirov region. There was just enough money to buy a white Volga and a two-room apartment in Maykop.

Ahmed Tatlok tells everyone about his economic successes: relatives, friends, even a journalist from Moscow. But not the native administration. The farmer did not register a legal entity and did not pay taxes. Officially, Tatlok is unemployed, like many in Adygea; no one, however, knows exactly how many people like him are there. The economy, political structure and even the history of the republic are arranged in the most bizarre way.

Adygea is a tiny piece of land in the northwestern part of the Caucasus; 7800 sq. km - six times less than the Moscow region. The picturesque slopes of the Caucasus Range are home to 444,000 people, of which only 23% are Adyghe, the titular nation. But locals like to remember that it wasn’t always like this. Since ancient times, the territory of the present Krasnodar Territory and adjacent territories was inhabited by related tribes known under the common name “Adygs” or “Circassians”: Shapsugs, Natukhais, Kabardians, Ubykhs, Zhans, Abadzekhs, Bzhedukhs, etc. Caucasian War The 19th century completely changed the appearance of the region. General Nikolai Evdokimov wrote in his memoirs: “A fact happened that had almost no example in history. The huge mountain population, which once possessed great wealth, was armed and capable of military craft, occupied a vast region from the upper reaches of the Kuban to Anapa and the southern slope of the Caucasus Range from Sudzhuk Bay to the Bzyba River, owning the most inaccessible areas in the region, suddenly disappears from this land ... "

In 1864, 493,000 highlanders were sent by sea to Turkey. The basis of the new people, the Adygeans, consisted of 60,000 people from relatively peaceful tribes who remained on the territory of the Kuban, but even now the residents of Adygea, at every opportunity, point out that about 3.5 million of their fellow tribesmen live abroad. Under Soviet rule, areas of compact residence of Adyghe people received the status of an autonomous region within the Krasnodar Territory. Residents of the region grew tomatoes, cucumbers and sunflowers, made some furniture and parquet, and some equipment for oil workers. They lived well, they even had their own regional brand - soft Adyghe cheese. In the 1980s, the Ministry of Dairy Industry of the USSR paid Adyghe people for “tours” to the dairy factories of the USSR; young people had to be taught how to make the “correct” delicacy.

Adyghe cheese, it must be said, is still popular. And the Giaginsky dairy plant, owned by Sergei Guseinov, is a local landmark. During the Soviet years, the company made butter. After privatization, Huseynov decided to produce cheese here for the Moscow market and was right. The Giaginsky plant is now one of the largest enterprises in the republic: 3,500 tons of cheese worth $15 million per year, its own vehicle fleet, investment program (a whey processing workshop worth $2.2 million is being built on the territory of the enterprise). “I’ve been making Adyghe cheese for 32 years and I’m proud that we produce the only national product that is known from Sakhalin to the Baltic states,” says Guseinov in an interview with Forbes.

In 1991, the former first secretary of the Adyghe regional party committee, Aslan Dzharimov, “knocked out” the status of a republic for his territory and became the first president of the new subject of the federation. They don’t like to remember Dzharimov’s reign here. In the 1990s, most large enterprises closed (the Maikop brewery, the Druzhba furniture factory, poultry farms, food processing plants), the volume of production in the woodworking industry decreased by 85% compared to 1991, and in mechanical engineering by 70%.

The only one not sitting idle was Asya Eutykh, a master jeweler and specialist in Circassian weapons. Aslan Dzharimov pursued a consistent policy of “reviving Adyghe statehood.” Circassians from Saudi Arabia built a mosque in Maykop, the Adyghe people received a constitutionally guaranteed 50% of seats in the republic's government, and each high-ranking guest of the republic's authorities was given a richly decorated bladed weapon. “I made 60 checkers and 50 daggers, these checkers simply strangled me,” Eutykh says in an interview with Forbes. Patriarch Alexy II received a panagia made by Asya, Vyacheslav Ivankov (also known as Yaponchik) received an akinak sword, President Vladimir Putin received a rhyton vessel.

But expensive gifts did not help Dzharimov. Asya Eutykh now makes collectible jewelry that replicates precious finds from Adyghe burial mounds (sales in 2005 were $1.5 million). And the former president was sent to retire: in 2002, the head of the republic became a man who claimed to be the national hero of Adygea - the creator of the largest gold mining company in Russia, Khazret Sovmen.

Khazret Sovmen is the youngest son in a large family of Shapsug collective farmers (Adyghe subethnic group) from the village of Afipsip. In 1961, after serving in the Black Sea Fleet, he went “to the north” to pan for gold. A mine worker in the Khabarovsk Territory, then deputy chairman of the Voskhod prospecting artel, at 32 years old - chairman of the Soyuz gold mining artel. According to the recollections of colleagues, Sovmen had a tough character: he did not stand on ceremony with miners, forced them to work hard and did not allow them to drink. But he also allowed me to earn decent money. “You should have seen how a person changed when he knew that this year he would be able to buy a house, and next year a car, a dacha, and so on,” recalls Vadim Tumanov, the founder of the Pechora, Vostok and other artels. Since 1980, Khazret Sovmen has been the head of the Polyus artel, which received the Olimpiada gold deposit in the Krasnoyarsk Territory for development (proven reserves of 383,000 tons of gold).

The career of the future head of the republic was not always successful. In the mid-1980s, for example, Sovmen fell under the campaign against the leaders of mining cooperatives that worked on the principle of self-financing. “The ideologists of the CPSU considered them traitors to communism,” recalls the former head of Soyuzzoloto, Valery Rudakov, in an interview with Forbes. “I don’t know what the wording was, but I know that Sovmen was given a term for nothing.” However, quite quickly the gold miner was amnestied and reinstated as chairman of Polyus. “Khazret never hid the fact that he made good money; he was known as one of the most honest people in the industry,” says Rudakov.

In modern times, Polyus became the country's largest gold mining enterprise, and Khazret Sovmen became the owner of the company and the richest Circassian in the world (in 2005, for example, he took 72nd place in the ranking of the richest businessmen in Russia by Forbes magazine). In October 2001, Sovmen sold his company to Norilsk Nickel for $225 million and went to the presidential elections in Adygea. In February 2002, 68% of the republic's voters voted for his candidacy.

Why the entrepreneur went into politics, no one can say for sure, not even Sovmen himself. In one interview, he says that he wanted to “stop the massacre: in the post-perestroika years, shooting began in Adygea, people were dying” (according to other sources, the republic was and remains the calmest place in the Caucasus); in another he claims that he “wanted to help his native republic get out of the economic crisis.” Some political scientists hint that Sovmen was “set up by the Kremlin” in Adygea. “Of course, Sovmen was supported and persuaded in every possible way by the presidential administration,” says Sergei Markedonov, head of the department of problems of interethnic relations at the Institute of Political and Military Analysis. - The Kremlin sincerely thought that bureaucratic combinations could change the rules of the game in the Caucasian republic. They say that Sovmen is a European man and will serve them faithfully.”

And Khazret Sovmen, apparently, sincerely believed that the Caucasian republic could be managed as one’s own company. Is there a crisis in the economy? We will apply a number of standard procedures.

First, we will place our people in key positions. Sovmen replaced the previous administration, which consisted of Kabardians and Abadzes, with his fellow Shapsug tribesmen and Russians, who came after the president from the Polyus artel. The clans of fired managers, as usual in the Caucasus, became enemies of the new government.

Secondly, we will reduce current costs. Sovmen immediately reduced the republic's bureaucratic apparatus by 30%. He also announced his intention to cut the republic's bicameral parliament to one chamber and reduce its funding threefold: from 15 million to 5 million rubles (which took four years). Naturally, this did not add any more friends to the president in the republic.

Third, we will modernize production. Already in 2003, Khazret Sovmen spent 250 million rubles (partly his own, partly on credit) to purchase combines, tractors, fertilizers, and fuels and lubricants for the republic’s farmers. The farmers were deeply grateful to their president until it became clear that this was not a gift, but a loan. The peasants are still reluctantly paying off their debts, scolding the president’s initiative through clenched teeth.

Finally, the fourth standard move of an anti-crisis manager is to bring external investors into the economy. Sovmen did not achieve great success in this matter, although he does not feel guilty. “I invited investors, actually under my own name. Everything is agreed, everything is in order: the company is building, the bank is giving guarantees, loans. But at the very end of the process a breakdown occurs. I find out: it turns out that some of our respected neighbors managed to tell that warlike highlanders, Circassians, live in Adygea, Chechnya is nearby, they shoot, kidnap people, take hostages, etc. And this happened more than once. Well, is this like a neighbor, like a human being?” - the president complains in an interview with the Izvestia-Yug newspaper.

The Adyghe leader did not have good relations with the “respected neighbors”, the Krasnodar Territory and especially the representative office of the President of the Russian Federation in the Southern Federal District. In public speeches, Sovmen calls the Kuban governor Alexander Tkachev “an overbearing boy,” and the head of the embassy in the Southern Federal District as “a Cossack with a saber.” However, it is difficult to say with whom Sovmen gets along in the region. The president has established strong hostile relations with the Republican parliament. “Before you grunt something, count how much I invested in Adygea!” - a familiar passage from Sovmen’s speech to the people’s representatives, whom he calls “our smart guys.”

The president's own government ministers clearly irritate him. “At one meeting of the cabinet of ministers, he didn’t like something, he got up and left,” a local businessman, who wished to remain anonymous, says about Khazret Sovmen. “The ministers sat for another hour, waiting for him, and he already went to Krasnodar airport and flew to Moscow on a personal plane.”

There is no one left from the first team of the President of Adygea. Sovmen fired his closest adviser, his cousin Shamsudin Tuguz, at the end of 2003 - they say he didn’t like how the adviser spent government money. In total, since 2002, Adygea has had seven prime ministers, six ministers of agriculture, and five ministers of press. The last one and O. Prime Minister Yevgeny Kovalev was fired quite recently. According to a source in the office of the presidential envoy in the Southern Federal District, with the wording “for communication with the Southern Federal District.” Allegedly, at the beginning of September, Kovalev, at one of the protocol events, spoke too warmly with Alexander Pochinok, deputy plenipotentiary representative of the president in the Southern Federal District.

“Sovmen led an enterprise where it was clear who obeyed whom and demanded from whom, but here he was faced with difficult political relations and lost enthusiasm,” says Almir Abregov, one of the leaders of the Circassian Congress public movement. “It seems that Sovmen is no longer interested in the republic,” confirms a Maikop businessman who wished to remain anonymous. - I came to him a couple of times with some proposals, he listened and listened, and then said: “Do you know how we mined gold?” And let’s talk for half an hour.”

Voters now see their president less and less. The central square in front of the Government House of Adygea is overgrown with grass and resembles an abandoned football field. The leader of the Union of Slavs of Adygea, Nina Konovalova, calculated that over the past three years, Khazret Sovmen spent at most four months in the republic.

Only the president’s favorite brainchild, the Kh. M. Sovmen Charitable Foundation, is working successfully and at full capacity. Judging by the reports of the fund, thousands of people in the republic live at the expense of the personal funds of their leader. “Mashbash I. Sh. for the publication of the book - 60,000 rubles; Takhtamukai district for cleaning the river - 755,955 rubles; for the Ministry of Internal Affairs, cars, equipment, uniforms - 9,340,016 rubles; for the construction of schools and hospitals - 88,523,758 rubles” and so on. Over five years, the Sovmen Charitable Foundation spent 466.8 million rubles on the needs of the republic, which is a lot even for a wealthy gold miner. To this we should also add over 200 million rubles, which Sovmen spent in 2001 on the construction of a “Clinic of the 21st Century” in his native village: complex surgical operations are now performed here for patients from the republic and surrounding regions.

But direct injections do not have a beneficial effect on the economic system of Adygea, which is remarkable so far only for the leapfrog numbers in the reports. The Republican Statistics Committee declares economic growth for 2005 at 6%, but according to the Federal Statistics Service - only 0.4%. According to official data, there are only 9,446 unemployed in Adygea, and the presidential representative office in the Southern Federal District says that in the Takhtamukaisky district alone there are one and a half times more unemployed, and 76% of the working-age population of the republic goes to work in the Krasnodar Territory. Here are relatively indisputable figures: in terms of GRP per capita, Adygea has been in 77th place among 89 regions of Russia for five years; 73% of the budget revenue is provided by subsidies from the federal center. A mess, in a word.

Some economic successes are explained either by the tricks of geography or the quirks of statistics. For example, on September 8, a solemn ceremony of laying the first stone of the IKEA store and the Mega shopping center took place in the Takhtamukay district of the republic. Investments in the project will amount to $200 million. A great success for the Adyghe economy? It depends on how you look. The Swedes found this place themselves. Geographically, the Takhtamukaysky district of Adygea is the outskirts of the city of Krasnodar, something like Khimki near Moscow.

Or here's an example. In 2005, the total revenue of Adyghe enterprises increased by 70% to $1.1 billion. Economic boom? Only on paper. The Small Business Support Program has just launched in the republic. Small businesses are provided with “subsidized interest rates on loans received from banks,” but are unofficially presented with conditions - the “white” part of salaries in firms must be increased to at least the subsistence level, and at least 50% of trade transactions must be carried out through accounting. Many traders agreed to the partial legalization of business, which provided a statistical surge. “Our wholesale and retail trade indicators vary greatly, because we must keep in mind: we are a small republic,” explains Marina Petina, head of the small business department of the RA Ministry of Economic Development. “For example, last year we sold 10 expensive cars, and this year we sold 30, and now trade turnover has increased by 20%.”

In the absence of a clear economic policy, the development of the region follows the most extensive possible path, through the direct use of existing natural resources. More than a third of the republic’s territory is occupied by specially protected areas, including a significant part of the Caucasus State Biosphere Reserve. 120,000 people a year come to admire the beauty of the Lagonaki mountain plateau, Rufabgo waterfalls and Azish caves.

Looking at this, entrepreneur Alexander Kolesnikov began buying abandoned tourist sites back in 1996. Now Kolesnikov has two mountain camp sites, operated all year round, summer shelters “Siberia” on the Lagonaki plateau and “Mezmay” in the Guam Gorge, and a base “By the Sea” in Tuapse. Up to 1,300 people vacation on Kolesnikov’s farm every year. Last year, this business brought in $500,000 in revenue, although it took every penny of that revenue. “I don’t make my profit here,” says the entrepreneur. The company Nerudstroykom, owned by Kolesnikov, supplies cement factories with rubble stone, crushed stone and gravel from Adygea, for a total of $3.2 million. The entrepreneur would like to increase the profitability of the tourism business through additional services. For example, colleagues from the village of Kamennomostsky organize rafting for tourists on the Belaya River; one multi-person raft brings in up to $300,000 per season. “But my visitors mostly prefer to have fun with barbecue and vodka,” Kolesnikov complains.

And nature has also endowed Adygea with forests of valuable hardwood species - beech, oak, hornbeam, and boxwood occupy 40% of the territory of the republic. “In every yard, there is always someone sitting and making parquet,” says Ruslan Brantov, the owner of the Maykop company “Marka,” with irritation. He is the largest parquet manufacturer here, 330,000 sq. m per year. Fourteen years ago, Brantov also started “in the yard”: “At first we dried the products in an army tent.” Now “Marka” has a plant in the center of Maykop, brand new equipment worth $17 million, and the company’s products under the Alpenholz and WoodPecker brands are sold in construction supermarkets throughout Russia. Recently, Brantov has been thinking about expanding his business - production could be moved to the outskirts, and residential buildings could be built on the vacant plot. But is it worth it? The price per square meter of housing in Maykop is a maximum of $400. In addition, Khazret Sovmen's presidency expires in February 2007. Will they leave this leader, will they install a new one, will everything go smoothly or will there be difficulties, and how will all this affect the business? Brantov is in thought.

But Ahmed Tatlok, a television worker turned farmer, is not worried about his doubts. Now he “taxis” in Maykop in his white Volga. This occupation brings in no more than 10,000 rubles a month, and son Adam will soon need to be enrolled in a good school. What to do? Of course, go to your native village for the farming season. Presidents come and go. Stability either exists or it doesn’t. And tomatoes are always in demand.

Celebrities

Grigory Leps (real name - Lepsveridze)

Income:$9 million

Grigory Leps moved to Moscow at the age of thirty, but did not forget about his small homeland. In January 2015, the “Christmas on Rosa Khutor” festival, organized by Leps, was held for the first time at the Rosa Khutor ski resort in Sochi.



Stas Mikhailov

Income:$2 million

Before moving to Moscow in 1992, Stas Mikhailov sold homemade collections of hits on cassettes in his hometown and sang in local restaurants.

Power

Alexander Remezkov

State Duma deputy from A Just Russia

Income: total family income of $362.56 million

Although not a native of Kuban, Alexander Remezkov put a lot of effort into the good of the region. His track record includes work as chief engineer of Krasnodargrazhdanstroy, deputy of the regional Legislative Assembly, deputy head of the administration of the Krasnodar Territory, chairman of the board of directors of Krayinvestbank.

Companies



"Magnet"

Capitalization: 1 trillion rubles

Revenue: 950.6 billion rubles

Magnit's own distribution network includes 34 distribution centers and a vehicle fleet for 6 thousand cars. There are Magnit stores in 2.4 thousand settlements, two thirds of them are open in cities with a population of less than half a million people.



"Oil and gas industry"

Main asset: Afipsky Oil Refinery

Revenue: 158.9 billion rubles

The company owns its own oil products terminal in the port of Novorossiysk for export supplies. The refinery's share in the regional market is 18%, in the Russian market - 1.8%. In August, the company signed a contract with Rosneft to supply oil to the plant for three and a half years.



Novorossiysk sea trade port

Capitalization: 87 billion rubles

Revenue: 130 billion rubles

Novorossiysk sea trade port is the third port operator in Europe and the largest in Russia in terms of cargo turnover. At the end of 2015, the market share of the NCSP Group was 20.6% of the cargo turnover of all Russian seaports.



KEYAUTO

Main asset: more than 40 car dealerships in the south of Russia

Revenue: 39.9 billion rubles

Car dealer KLYUCHAVTO represents products from Mercedes-Benz, Lexus, Audi, Jaguar, Land Rover, Bentley, BMW, Toyota, Volkswagen, Hyundai, Mitsubishi, Nissan, Datsun, Renault, Smart, SKODA, Citroen on the local market.



"Agrocomplex"

Main asset: more than 40 agricultural, processing and trade enterprises

Revenue: 38.7 billion rubles

Vyselkovsky “Agrocomplex” was included in the Forbes rating for the first time this year. The scale of the enterprise is 24 thousand employees and 200 thousand hectares of arable land. The company's production sites are located in several districts of the Krasnodar region.

Businessmen



Sergey Galitsky

State:$5.7 billion

Capital: 35.1% shares of Magnit

The founder of the Magnit trading empire, Sergei Galitsky, owns the Embraer Legacy business jet, the Quantum Blue yacht and FC Krasnodar. A stadium with 36 thousand seats was built for the club. The billionaire spent $85 million to create a football club and academy.

Alexander Ponomarenko

State:$2.3 billion

Capital: President of the TPS company, which owns the Galereya shopping and entertainment complex in Krasnodar and a number of similar projects

In 1998, Alexander Ponomarenko, together with his business partner Alexander Skorobogatko, began buying shares of the Novorossiysk commercial sea port and stevedoring companies. In 2003, Ponomarenko took the post of Chairman of the Board of Directors of Novorossiysk Grain Terminal LLC. In 2004, he became chairman of the board of directors of Novorossiysk Bulk Complex LLC, chairman of the board of directors of Novorosslesexport OJSC, and chairman of the board of directors of Novorossiysk Sea Trade Port OJSC. Later he left the capital of NCSP.

In March 2010, Ponomarenko bought an unfinished complex of buildings, which became infamous as “Putin’s palace” in Praskoveevka near Gelendzhik.



Alexander Skorobogatko

State:$2.3 billion

Capital: co-founder of TPS Real Estate Holding and TPS Avia (owns almost 70% of Sheremetyevo Airport)

In 1994, Alexander Skorobogatko graduated from the Slavic State Pedagogical Institute with a degree in physical education teacher. In the 90s, he was engaged in business outside the region, and in 2001 he became a member of the board of directors of the Novorossiysk commercial sea port. In 2006, 63.36% of NCSP shares were registered in the offshore Kadina, owned in equal shares by the families of Skorobogatko and his business partner Alexander Ponomarenko. In 2008, Ponomarenko and Skorobogatko ceded part of NCSP to Vladimir Putin’s former sparring partner Arkady Rotenberg - structures associated with him received 20% of Kadina. Subsequently, Ponomarenko, Skorobogatko and Rotenberg sold 50.1% of NCSP to the tandem of Transneft and the Summa group.



Oleg Deripaska

State:$2.1 billion

Capital: controlling stakes in the companies Rusal and Basic Element

From 7 to 11 years old, Oleg Deripaska lived on a small family farm with his grandparents in the Zhelezny and Oktyabrsky farmsteads of the Ust-Labinsk district of the Krasnodar Territory. It was his grandparents, according to the businessman, who taught him strict work discipline, the basics of farming and the peculiarities of cultivating the land. In 1979-1985, Deripaska lived in the regional center - the city of Ust-Labinsk, where he graduated from high school No. 2. At the age of 11, the future businessman got his first job here as an assistant electrician at the factory where his mother worked. Today, the billionaire expects to open an industrial park in Ust-Labinsk with more than 20 industrial facilities. In February, the management company of the Kuban industrial park was registered. Its founders were the companies “Kuban”, “Glavstroy-Ust-Labinsk”, “Eurosibenergo-Kuban” and the sugar plant “Svoboda”, which are members of Basel.

Farhad Akhmedov

State:$1.4 billion

Capital: shares of the joint venture Northgas, Novatek, Lukoil, Gazprom, Norilsk Nickel, Sberbank and Magnit

Private investor Farhad Akhmedov was a representative in the Federation Council of the executive body of the Krasnodar Territory from 2004 to 2007, lobbied in the Federation Council the interests of Kuban and personally the governor Alexander Tkachev. In 2004, Akhmedov promised to invest about $30 million in the Krasnaya Polyana ski resort project. In 2006, Akhmedov in the Bulletin of the Federation Council estimated investments at 12 billion rubles and said that real estate should pay for itself in 2-3 years, and the sports part - more than 70 km of ski slopes with lifts - in seven years. About a year later, Akhmedov sold Krasnaya Polyana to former deputy of the Legislative Assembly of the Krasnodar Territory Akhmed Bilalov.

Lev Kvetnoy

State:$1.2 billion

Capital:"Novoroscement", bank "National Standard"

The nominal owner of 100% of the shares of Novoroscement is ZAO IC OEMK-invest, but the ultimate beneficiary is Lev Kvetnoy. The company owns two cement plants in the Krasnodar region - Proletary and Pervomaisky, which are supplied with high-quality local raw materials. In 2011, Kvetnoy bought the Verkhnebakansky cement plant from Elena Baturina for 17 billion rubles. By the way, this plant is the closest to Sochi, and the deal took place exactly on the eve of the announcement of the resort as the capital of the 2014 Olympics.

Alexey Bogachev

State:$0.95 billion

Capital: 2.9% shares of Magnit, Sistema Bank, Yug-Agro company, 51% shares of Sirius LLC

In 1999, Alexey Bogachev bought out the share (25%) of Sergei Galitsky’s partners in the Thunder company (Magnit chain of stores). During the company's IPO and after it, this stake was gradually sold off.



Vladimir Kogan

State:$0.6 billion

Capital:"Neftegazindustriya" (Afipsky Oil Refinery), 82% of shares of "Uralsib"

Investor Vladimir Kogan previously held positions in the civil service - he headed the State Construction Committee and was Deputy Minister of Regional Development.

Vladimir Gordeychuk

State:$0.4 billion

Capital: 1.03% of retail shares of Magnit

Private investor Vladimir Gordeychuk was one of the founders of the Magnit company. At one time, he held the positions of general director and member of the board of directors of OJSC Magnit, director and member of the board of directors of CJSC Tander.

Heirs



Polina Galitskaya

Inheritance:$5.7 billion

The daughter of the owner of the Magnit chain graduated from high school in Krasnodar and is now studying at the Kuban State University at the Faculty of Economics. “I want my child to grow up normal, and I don’t want my daughter to go into business, because a woman and a business are different concepts,” Galitsky once said in an interview with Vedomosti. At the same time, he admitted that he dissuaded his daughter from enrolling in the Faculty of Foreign Languages, which she really wanted.

Unemployment rate: 6,7%

Forbes notes that in 2010 Krasnodar remains one of the best Russian cities in terms of business climate, ease of doing business and infrastructure development. It is also one of the most actively developed cities in the country. The city is among the leaders in the ranking in terms of the number of federal retail chains present.

In preparing the article, materials from Forbes, Vedomosti, Kommersant, Wikipedia, Compromat.ru, analytical materials from the Krasnodar administration, IMSIT, KubSAU and the companies’ own materials were used.

18:19 — REGNUM

Advisor to the President of the Republic of Adygea Shamsudina Tuguza from the first days of his stay in power he has been accused of many things: of political intrigues, of misinforming the president Khazret Sovmena, does not allow anyone near him, has usurped power, etc. But the main accusation: he wants to seize Adygea - everything movable and immovable in it. The head of the republic often defends him from attacks in public speeches, but then they begin to hint at the selfish interest of the president himself.

Where is the truth and where is the lie - the correspondent tried to find out this in a conversation with himself Sh. Tuguz.

They talk about you as the person through whom all the cadres of the president’s team “pass” Khazret Sovmena. Are you satisfied with the composition of the current government of the republic??

Shamsudin Tuguz: I simply am not in the Government House, how can I formulate personnel policy? For the first six months, when the flood happened, I didn’t appear there at all, I was constantly in Khatukai and in other flooded places. You remember, in the first days of the flood, powerful equipment acquired by Sovmen began to arrive in Adygea, and we concentrated it in company "Vozrozhdenie", organized at the same time. I created it on behalf of the president, recruited local personnel, established strict discipline, and still oversee the work. And even now I am in my office at most 2 hours a day. The rest of the time is spent at facilities built by the company.

Would you like me to tell you my daily routine?

Why not?

I get up at 6 am. The first place I stop in is Adamiy village. There we are now finishing the mosque, which is being built with the money of the president. Then, in the same Krasnogvardeisky district, I’m going to build 30 houses for the families of flood victims who were deceived last year and were not included in the lists. Then Shovgenovsky district. Gasification is taking place here. If the region is now 27 percent gasified, then this percentage needs to be increased to 80 this year. In the same region is the Mamkheg school. The next point is the Government House, those two hours that I have already mentioned. Next are repair facilities in Maykop: Palace of Arts, Theater named after. Pushkin, Palace of Culture "Druzhba". From Maykop to the Maykop district, it also needs to be gasified by 80 percent, with an initial figure of 22 percent. I return home at 12 at night.

But here are the objects that I have not named, which I also visit, if not every day, then every other day: Shapsug reservoir - repair of hydraulic structures, a school in the village of New Adygea, a school in the city of Adygeisk, a hospital in the village of Ponezhukai - construction of all three objects from scratch . When Tuguzu engage in gossip, intrigue, politics?

And I'm not happy with the staff. More precisely, not everyone is happy. I am convinced, for example, that if someone criticizes the president today, it is not his fault. Sovmena, and his subordinates. There is nothing to criticize him for, because he does everything to help people. And discontent is born from the lack of professionalism of those entrusted with power. Plus, there are many functionaries on the team who do not know the specifics of the republic or the psychology of its people. In general, I believe that personnel should be formed from local specialists. And on the basis of national parity. They - Circassians, Russians, representatives of other nationalities - cannot help but root for their land. Now judge for yourself whether I can speak like that about my appointees.

How large do you think the opposition to the president is numerically? Sovmenu ?

No, in my opinion, it is very small. But there is an opposition, and we need to work with it. With those of them who are possible. I emphasize this because I had to deal with a situation where it was impossible to find a common language. I simply consider such people to be extremists. They hope that by pestering the president they will force him to drop everything and leave. But this calculation will not come true: the President of Adygea is a strong-willed, strong person, and does not waste words. And it will undoubtedly ease the economic crisis in the republic.

I don’t consider the people to be the opposition. This is the main thing. After all, in our country, wherever you go, the people are in opposition to the authorities. This is not the case in our republic. Therefore, I am more worried not about the opposition, but about the information vacuum in which the republic finds itself. And the conversations in the republic are taking place, I believe, because the media does not cover the president’s activities properly. Will people really not understand and support the president if they know about everything he is doing, what he faces, what and how he manages to accomplish for them?

It would be fine - only the opposition. But there is no agreement in the RA President’s team either. Siberian group (people invited Sovmen from the Krasnoyarsk Territory, where he headed for a long time gold mining concern "Polyus"), local and some other...

I don’t see any disagreements, as you said, between the Siberian and local groups. But if there is no coherence in the work of the presidential administration, and there really is none, who is to blame for this except? I personally have complaints about the office form of work chosen by some managers. I find it ineffective. In my opinion, it is impossible to boost the economy through meetings. If a specific problem is discovered, you need to go to where it occurred and fix it.

Yes, but the leaders whom you indirectly reproach, in my opinion, worked in "Pole, these are people Sovmena .

No, neither the Prime Minister nor the Chief of Staff worked for "Pole". Don't get me wrong, each of them is a professional in their field, but they don't know the region. And to get to know him, you have to travel and talk to people. They are now drawing up plans on how to bring the Adygea economy out of crisis within four to five years. Probably, during this period they would have had time to get to know the region better. But the residents of Adygea and, above all, the president, are not satisfied with this term.

At the beginning of our conversation, you spoke about parity. What did you mean?

At the time of coming to power Khazret Sovmena 193 enterprises of the republic were bankrupt. This is a huge figure for our republic. Only two of them - a distillery and a distillery - under normal operation could contribute 500-600 thousand rubles a year to the budget of Adygea. And they don't bring in a penny. Only losses. And so each of the bankrupt enterprises. In other words, Adygea is now in dire danger. We need to look at things realistically.

But ask anyone: who is to blame for the fact that everything in the republic is stolen, that a collapse is coming? They will answer you: the indigenous people are the Adygs. And this is even if we, the Circassians, did not participate in the theft. Because they didn't save it. I am not a nationalist, I have a very international family, but since such a situation has arisen, we, the indigenous people, need to take responsibility. We must bring the republic out of the crisis. That's why we need parity today. If, say, the vice president is Russian, then the prime minister should be an Adyghe.

Okay, I got that. But you mentioned the distillery. Now there are rumors about him in Maykop. They say you want to take him away.

Or "Renaissance", or you personally.

The point is that this enterprise, while remaining a joint-stock company, becomes state or municipal. No more, no less.

A company "Vozrozhdenie"- This is, first of all, the president of Adygea. I think there is no need to prove that he has no thoughts of taking over the distillery.

As for me personally, with the help Khazret Sovmena I have long become a rich man. He probably appreciated some qualities in me when he appointed me vice president at one time. "Poles", then here - as an adviser. For what Tuguzu cheating on yourself now? I assure you, I declare, if you like, officially: the day I covet a budget penny, I will immediately allow my hand to be cut off.

You speak - "Renaissance" as if it were some kind of monster. Do you know, for example, what our salaries are?

Our cleaning lady receives the least amount - 5 thousand rubles. And engineers and specialists - about $1,000 a month.

The question is not whether we want or don’t want to take over republican enterprises. We cannot do this even with willing construction organizations with whom we work, because we are not yet able to bring them up to our standards, either technically or economically.

If Forbes is going through your pockets, then you are worth it. This is what they think in the West, where the magazine has been counting other people’s money for decades. In our provinces, everything is a little more specific. The American dream, when everyone strives for his own goal, is being successfully replaced in our country by the communal doctrine - “so that your cow dies.” According to a VTsIOM survey, 39% of Russians were ashamed of their country when they learned that in terms of the number of billionaires it is second only to the leader of the list, the United States. It is clear that the survey results, first of all, indicate people’s disbelief in the legitimacy of fabulous fortunes. But don't these results also suggest that the rich in Russia are still disliked on a genetic level? In Russia, the Forbes list has become another meeting place for those who broke up in Courchevel. There are 100 names in the Russian Forbes rating. This friendly team is worth $141 billion today. And if you look closely, you can find a small list of “southerners” in the large Forbes list. These people were not necessarily born within the borders of today’s Southern Federal District, but they make their capital here (or rather, here too). “UR” decided to take a closer look at the representatives of the South... With a fortune of $5.8 billion. Oleg Deripaska occupies an honorable fourth place on the Forbes list. Among the “southerners” he is the undisputed leader. Why is Deripaska, whose empire is increasingly reaching the transnational level, counted among the “southerners”? Well, firstly, Deripaska was born in Kuban, and secondly, the entire 2004 passed for the tycoon under the slogan - “buy Kuban.” At the beginning of last year, Oleg Deripaska bought the Kuban football club, in the middle of the year Kuban Airlines, and at the end of 2004 it became known that he had acquired an oil refinery in the Krasnodar Territory. Purchases, by the way, were spread thinly throughout the entire financial year, so the Krasnodar Territory did not have the slightest opportunity to forget about Mr. Deripaska’s effective demand. Perhaps such a la political-economic effect was foreseen. President of Adygea Khazret Sovmen, with a fortune of $400 million, took seventy-second place in the Russian Forbes rating. However, the President of Adygea cannot fully enjoy his seventy-second place. Recently, rumors about the unification of the Krasnodar Territory and Adygea have become especially loud. Khazret Sovmen fights back the rumors. Still, a millionaire president is not at all the same thing as just a millionaire. There is something to fight for. At the senator from Kuban Farkhad Akhmedov Forbes counted $720 million. The president of Northgas promises intensive gasification of the region and participation in other investment projects of the Krasnodar authorities. The Kuban authorities, most likely, will not be able to observe such activity with indifference, and, apparently, how they can help Northgas in its protracted conflict with Gazprom. Sergey Galitsky born in the South. This is where I earned my initial capital. Mr. Galitsky's current success is fueled by a consumer boom - no one else has such a number of inexpensive stores. The network is called "Magnit". According to Forbes magazine, by the spring of 2005, Mr. Galitsky had accumulated $460 million. Recently, information appeared that the largest shareholder of Wimm-Bill-Dan, a native of Dagestan Gabriel Yushvaev, ready to connect to the operational management of the VBD. If, under the direct leadership of Yushvaev, the food holding begins to reach new heights, then Mr. Yushvaev will be able to become even richer. Now Forbes experts value Gavriil Yushvaev at $400 million. He is in 73rd place. Igor Babaev another representative of a large food business. Forbes believes that the president of the Cherkizovsky agro-industrial complex is worth $480 million. Describing Babaev’s meat empire, Forbes noted with particular touching that having acquired a meat processing plant in the Krasnodar Territory, Mr. Babaev named it by his own name - “Babaevsky”. Why not. Anyone in his place would allow himself such weakness. Capital thing Elena Baturina, oddly enough, can also be classified as “southerners”. The logic is simple - he is the one who brings investment to the region. Ms. Baturina's construction projects in Sochi have certainly made her one of her kind. Baturina has $1.4 billion. She is the only woman in the top-100. Contemporary English writer Tim Lott wrote in 2002: “Envying rich people is as pointless as envying birds. Just two different biological species that have nothing in common.” In principle, a fair point. But what to do with another, now Russian writer, who stirred up controversy back in the nineteenth century: “Why don’t people fly?” Apparently, you can still envy birds. But in white. For example, like this: I want to be an important bird, I want to earn a million. But envying someone else's takeoff with a slingshot in his bosom is ugly. We've already been through this.

Ruble test

“14 out of 500” are the billionaires of the Southern Federal District in the Russian market (according to the rating of the magazine “Finance”). Not as rich people as in Forbes, but their business is almost entirely concentrated in the district.
Sergey Kislov, President of the agro-industrial group “South of Rus'” (Rostov-on-Don). Net worth - 4.2 billion rubles. "Yug Rusi" claims 50% of the Russian bottled refined oil market and 5% of the domestic mayonnaise market. Alexander Denisov, head of AIC Karavay Plus (Taganrog) - 4.2 billion rubles. The company deals with grain, owns a bakery, and supplies products for beer production. Owns 40% of shares of the Taganrog commercial port Vladimir Vikulov, President of the agro-industrial corporation "Aston" (Rostov-on-Don) - 3.4 billion rubles. 11% of grain exports and more than 56% of crude sunflower oil exports. One of the largest players in the Russian alcohol market, the Istok company in North Ossetia owns Taimuraz Bokoev- 3.4 billion rubles. In addition, Istok operates an oil refining business in Canada. Mikhail Paramonov, Chairman of the Doninvest financial and industrial group - 2.8 billion rubles. Assembly of cars of Korean and French brands. Former general director of Dontabak Ivan Savvidi- 2 billion rubles. President of the Rostov football club and part-time State Duma deputy. Stanislav Derev from Karachay-Cherkessia, owner of the Mercury company, which produces vodka and mineral water - 1.4 billion rubles. In the early 80s he was convicted of “illegal business activities.” Vladimir Melnikov, President of the Rostov company "Gloria Jeans" (sewing children's knitwear and denim clothing) - 1.4 billion rubles. Representative offices in Russia and abroad, including in China and the USA. Mustafa Batdyev, President of the Republic of Karachay-Cherkessia - 1.3 billion rubles. Kirill Podolsky, General Director of Yugtransitservice - 1 billion rubles. The company's structure includes 2 marine grain transshipment complexes, the Taganrog shipyard, 2 elevators, and trading companies. Konstantin Babkin, Chairman of the Board of Directors of the New Commonwealth holding - 1 billion rubles. The holding owns a controlling stake in the largest manufacturer of combine harvesters in Russia, the Rostselmash plant, and the manufacturer of paint and varnish products, the Empils plant. Sergey Bidash, former general director of the Taganrog Metallurgical Plant (under investigation for tax evasion and waste of plant funds) - 1 billion rubles. Vladimir Gorbachev, former general director of the Southern Telecommunications Company, now a deputy of the State Duma - 1 billion rubles. President of Kalmykia Kirsan Ilyumzhinov- 1 billion rubles. The source of capital accumulation is unknown.

Larisa Kaftan

Yesterday, the Central Election Commission completed receiving information about candidates for State Duma deputies on party lists.

In recent political reading, the information submitted by parties to the Central Election Commission about their candidates is bestseller No. 1. And not only because the electorate is interested in the wallet of the elected representatives even more than their personal life (the political platform is not interesting at all). But because the documents contain surprises that voters never dreamed of in the last elections. True, the fundamental electoral principle has been confirmed: there are no cheap politicians.

The information is compiled on the basis of declarations submitted by the candidates themselves. And since Otto von Bismarck warned that people never lie as much as during a hunt, after the war and before elections, many data are questionable. However, the CEC claims that it verified them with the help of the Ministry of Internal Affairs and tax authorities.

At the current elections, the Central Election Commission was interested in the following information: total income for 2002, land plots, residential buildings, apartments, dachas, garages, cars, cash in banks, shares and securities.

Based on this information, we tried to compile a candidate rating.

The richest. You won't catch us!

1st place: Khazret Sovmen, more than 9 billion 354 million rubles (more than 300 million dollars), United Russia.

2nd place: Sergei Muravlenko, 341.5 million rubles (over 11 million dollars), YUKOS, Communist Party of the Russian Federation.

3rd place: Eduard Kozhevnikov, businessman from Chelyabinsk, 233 million rubles (about 8 million dollars), ATP.

4th place: Vladislav Reznik, 118 million rubles, “United Russia”.

5th place: Leonid Simakovsky, 113.9 million rubles, “United Russia”.

SSR member Anatoly Chubais, whose annual income is about 30 million rubles (million dollars), is far behind the leaders. Unexpectedly, SSP members Alfred Kokh (income of 7.2 million rubles) and Yegor Gaidar (income of 4.7 million rubles) turned out to be “poor”.

50 candidates for deputies from United Russia have incomes of over 1 million rubles. There are 26 “millionaires” in the Union of Right Forces, and 16 in the Communist Party of the Russian Federation.

The poorest. How to live on a ruble a year?

The poorest party was the liberal New Deal - Automobile Russia party, including its leader Viktor Pokhmelkin, whose income is only 289 thousand rubles. The richest candidate of the “motorists” - Georgy Zadonsky - has an income of 7.7 million rubles. 17 candidates have no income at all, and one of the “motorists” - Boris Zamai, who works in a consultation bureau - earned 1 ruble in a year. This “motorist” doesn’t have a car either.

The largest latifundists

Tsyrendorzhi Damdinov, “Yabloko” - 62.2 hectares, Aginsky Buryat Autonomous Okrug;

Evgeny Medvedev, “United Russia” - about 4 hectares, Moscow region;

Sergey Muravlenko, Communist Party of the Russian Federation - 3 hectares, Moscow region;

Alexander Khloponin, “United Russia” - about 2 hectares, Moscow region;

Boris Fedorov, “Automotive Russia” - 1.7 hectares, Moscow region.

Quote on topic

“Politics is the noble art of obtaining the votes of the poor and campaign money from the rich, in order to protect one from the other.”
Oscar Ameringer, American socialist.

Real estate rating of party members. From a wrecked house in Russia to an apartment in Switzerland

Yuri Shefler, SPS, two 150-meter apartments in Switzerland

Ivan Falkov, SPS, 22 real estate properties in the Voronezh region (including a water tower and a veterinary station)

Igor Negerev, Communist Party of the Russian Federation, 10 apartments in Astrakhan

Victor Saigin, SPS, 8 apartments in Murmansk, Belgorod, Krasnodar region

Sergey Shcherchkov, SPS, 7 apartments in the Perm region

None of the current applicants was able to overcome the record of Zhirinovsky’s son Igor Lebedev, who declared at the last elections that he had 28 apartments (at the time of signing the issue, the current declarations of candidates from the LDPR had not yet been made public).

Over the past four years, Yabloko leader Grigory Yavlinsky has improved his real estate situation: judging by his last declaration, he was generally homeless, and now he has two apartments: in Moscow and in Ukraine. Deputy Yavlinsky Sergei Ivanenko, also homeless in the previous Duma, now owns Moscow real estate of 186 meters. But the vice-speaker of the Duma, Yabloko member Vladimir Lukin, was not lucky: he has no apartment, no accounts, no shares, but only a dacha and a garage, in which he apparently stores pickles from this dacha, because cars Lukin doesn’t either. Lukin once remarked: “Brevity is the sister of my talent.” This probably applies to all aspects of this politician’s life.

It doesn’t matter with the property of SPS leader Boris Nemtsov: there are no cars, no dachas, no houses, no apartments, he even lost the land plots that he announced in the last elections.

Why do candidates need tractors?

SSP member Sergei Derkach, in addition to foreign cars, has about three dozen tractors and combines. Millionaire Igor Annensky from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation is a rocker: he has several cool motorcycles.

Multi-machine operators

There are candidates who can safely be classified as “multi-machine operators” - they indicated the largest number of sources of income.

Pavel Krasheninnikov, ATP, 12 sources of income, 626 thousand rubles.

Egor Gaidar, ATP, 11 sources, 4.7 million rubles.

Alexey Arbatov, Yabloko, 7 sources, 676.5 thousand rubles.

The most cunning. By stage - to the LDPR

The head of the Central Election Commission, Alexander Veshnyakov, discovered the most cunning candidates on the LDPR lists: two applicants did not declare their criminal records, and one attributed to himself a higher education. The LDPR, fearing a scandal, immediately crossed out the cunning people from its lists.

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