Walter Schellenberg - Memoirs. Book: Walter Schellenberg “Walter Schellenberg

The translation offered to the reader of the memoirs of the head of foreign intelligence of Nazi Germany, Walter Schellenberg, is based on the book “Memoirs”, published in 1959 by the West German publishing house “Verlag für Politician und Wirtschaft” in Cologne. This was the first edition in the original language.

The fate of the literary “legacy” of the chief of Nazi political intelligence is, perhaps, no less complicated than the fate of the author himself.

The idea to publish Schellenberg's notes initially came from the Swiss publisher Alfred Scherz in Bern. The publisher of the latest German edition of the Memoirs, Gita Petersen, recalls that in the summer of 1951 she, together with the young German journalist Klaus Harprecht, was invited to take part in the preparation of Schellenberg's memoirs for publication. But Schellenberg's death in March 1952 interrupted the work that had begun. Through the Munich publishing house "Quick", Schellenberg's manuscripts, as G. Petersen writes, came to England, where they were translated and published in 1956 under the title "The Schellenberg Memoirs" by the publishing house Andre-Deutsch Verlag. Allen Bullock, in his preface to the English translation of Schellenberg's Memoirs (translator Louis Hagen), introduced readers to the background to the publication of the memoirs.

Schellenberg, as Allen Bullock writes, after his release from prison, settled in Switzerland and in June 1951 entered into a contract with the Berne publishing house of A. Scherz to publish his memoirs. Soon he was forced to move to Italy, to the small town of Pallanza, located on the shores of Lake Lago Maggiore. Klaus Harprecht, hired by a Swiss publisher to prepare the manuscript for publication, was tasked with putting it in proper order. In addition, he had to “build” a single narrative line, correcting “memory errors” encountered in the author.

After the death of W. Schellenberg, his wife returned to Germany, taking with her the manuscripts of her memoirs. In Düsseldorf she met West, a former colleague of her husband. On his advice, Schellenberg's wife abandoned the idea of ​​publishing her memoirs in Switzerland and decided to transfer them to a German publishing house.

An announcement about the publication of memoirs without indicating the name of the author appeared in the West German magazine Kwik, signed by a fictitious person, the mysterious “Colonel Z.” The reasons for such secrecy are not entirely clear, notes A. Bullock. Perhaps the publishers of Kwik believed that the Swiss publishing house of A. Scherz had some rights to the manuscript, or Schellenberg’s wife did not want to reveal the authorship of her husband, fearing revenge from his political opponents. IN Eventually full text unpublished manuscripts was purchased from the Munich publishing house Kwik by the English publisher Andre Deitch.

The manuscript, delivered to London, was in complete disarray. The publishing house of A. Deutsch checked some of the notes, showing them to A. Schertz's partner Goverts, who met Schellenberg and his wife back in 1950. After this, A. Deutsch invited K. Harprecht to England to view the manuscripts. The German journalist carefully studied them and came to the conclusion that these were genuine notes from V. Schellenberg.

A. Bullock admits that the English edition of 1956 is not an authentic translation of W. Schellenberg’s text, which has undergone significant editorial changes, modifications and abbreviations. The English version differs from the last German edition of 1959 mainly in that it is shorter - the material in it is divided into 38 chapters, while in the German edition there are 41. English edition In particular, there is no separate chapter on Canaris, a chapter on the connections of political intelligence with imperial departments and institutions, as well as a chapter on the work of German intelligence in Spain and Portugal. Unlike the German edition, in the English version, a separate chapter contains a message about Hess’s flight to England, as well as about the organization of a spy network in Scandinavia. The organization of material within the chapters also differs; the chapters themselves in most cases have different names, which indicates that Schellenberg himself did not give them names, and the breakdown of memoirs into chapters is the work of the editors, in this case different editions, English and German, in As a result, discrepancies arose.

Following the English edition, an American edition of Schellenberg's notes appeared, published by Harper and Brothers. Released in 1957 French translation memoirs, made, in all likelihood, from English, due to which it is replete with inaccuracies and all kinds of editorial “liberties.” The book, published in France, had a subtitle clearly designed to attract attention general public- “This is the chief of Nazi counterintelligence speaking.” (Walter Schellenberg. La chef du contre espionnage nazi parle; Rene Julliard, Paris, 1957).

Only in 1958 did Schellenberg’s manuscripts again end up in Germany and fall into the hands of the same G. Petersen. She discovered that certain pages had disappeared from the materials, which spoke of Schellenberg's attempts to organize a compromise peace with the West, as well as a document known as the “Trosa Memorandum” - a report compiled by Schellenberg in the Swedish city of Trosa in 1945 about the measures he had taken with the aim of concluding a separate peace. Because of this, the publisher was forced to rely on English translation, which, according to her testimony, is close in its main features to the German original.

The German edition of Schellenberg's memoirs, from which our translation was made, is not only the most accurate, but also the most complete (not counting the lost and hitherto undiscovered materials from the Troz Memorandum). It is prepared on the basis of a careful study and comparison of all the sketches and passages written by Schellenberg, and is also equipped with an appendix containing a number of secret documents of the Third Reich and correspondence of some of the characters in the memoirs - Count Bernadotte, von Papen and others. All this allows us to conclude that the real Russian translation is the most authentic, reflecting all characteristics original.

The reader must take into account the specifics of the translated book. This is a memoir, the most subjective historical genre. The narrative of the past, in the center of which is the narrator himself, cannot but reflect, first of all, his personal likes and dislikes, his views, which have changed under the influence of new conditions, his intentions, dictated to a large extent by the opportunistic considerations of our time. It is in this spirit, in this manner, that the Memoirs were written. Schellenberg is driven by two main motives - firstly, he strives with all his might to whitewash himself, to isolate himself from the sinister executioners of the Hitlerite empire and the monstrous crimes they committed, to present himself in the eyes of the reader as “just” a modest “technical” employee, an armchair theorist standing above the fray priests of the “pure” art of intelligence. At the same time, he is haunted by the thought of raising his own shares in the secret markets of post-war Europe and America. Therefore, he tries in every possible way to emphasize his education, well-readness, and intelligence, which, as it seems to him, distinguish him favorably from the cruel executors of the Fuhrer’s will, devoid of any imagination and sophistication. At the same time, he contradicts himself, because the desire to show off in the leading roles overpowers his fear of exposure - a “modest technical” worker, an “armchair theorist”, it turns out, was almost the savior of Germany and even Europe, for whom brilliant prospects opened up, not if such an unpleasant “surprise” happened as the defeat of Germany by the forces of the anti-fascist coalition and, first of all, the Soviet Union.

Walter Schellenberg

Memoirs

(Labyrinth)

The translation offered to the reader of the memoirs of the head of foreign intelligence of Nazi Germany, Walter Schellenberg, is based on the book “Memoirs”, published in 1959 by the West German publishing house “Verlag für Politician und Wirtschaft” in Cologne. This was the first edition in the original language.

The fate of the literary “legacy” of the chief of Nazi political intelligence is, perhaps, no less complicated than the fate of the author himself.

The idea to publish Schellenberg's notes initially came from the Swiss publisher Alfred Scherz in Bern. The publisher of the latest German edition of the Memoirs, Gita Petersen, recalls that in the summer of 1951 she, together with the young German journalist Klaus Harprecht, was invited to take part in the preparation of Schellenberg's memoirs for publication. But Schellenberg's death in March 1952 interrupted the work that had begun. Through the Munich publishing house "Quick", Schellenberg's manuscripts, as G. Petersen writes, came to England, where they were translated and published in 1956 under the title "The Schellenberg Memoirs" by the publishing house Andre-Deutsch Verlag. Allen Bullock, in his preface to the English translation of Schellenberg's Memoirs (translator Louis Hagen), introduced readers to the background to the publication of the memoirs.

Schellenberg, as Allen Bullock writes, after his release from prison, settled in Switzerland and in June 1951 entered into a contract with the Berne publishing house of A. Scherz to publish his memoirs. Soon he was forced to move to Italy, to the small town of Pallanza, located on the shores of Lake Lago Maggiore. Klaus Harprecht, hired by a Swiss publisher to prepare the manuscript for publication, was tasked with putting it in proper order. In addition, he had to “build” a single narrative line, correcting “memory errors” encountered in the author.

After the death of W. Schellenberg, his wife returned to Germany, taking with her the manuscripts of her memoirs. In Düsseldorf she met West, a former colleague of her husband. On his advice, Schellenberg's wife abandoned the idea of ​​publishing her memoirs in Switzerland and decided to transfer them to a German publishing house.

An announcement about the publication of memoirs without indicating the name of the author appeared in the West German magazine Kwik, signed by a fictitious person, the mysterious “Colonel Z.” The reasons for such secrecy are not entirely clear, notes A. Bullock. Perhaps the publishers of Kwik believed that the Swiss publishing house of A. Scherz had some rights to the manuscript, or Schellenberg’s wife did not want to reveal the authorship of her husband, fearing revenge from his political opponents. Eventually the full text of the unpublished manuscripts was purchased from the Munich publishing house Kwik by the English publisher Andre Deutsch.

The manuscript, delivered to London, was in complete disarray. The publishing house of A. Deutsch checked some of the notes, showing them to A. Schertz's partner Goverts, who met Schellenberg and his wife back in 1950. After this, A. Deutsch invited K. Harprecht to England to view the manuscripts. The German journalist carefully studied them and came to the conclusion that these were genuine notes from V. Schellenberg.

A. Bullock admits that the English edition of 1956 is not an authentic translation of W. Schellenberg’s text, which has undergone significant editorial changes, modifications and abbreviations. The English version differs from the last German edition of 1959 mainly in that it is shorter - the material in it is divided into 38 chapters, while in the German edition there are 41. In the English edition, in particular, there is no separate chapter on Canaris, chapter on the connections of political intelligence with imperial departments and institutions, as well as chapters on the work of German intelligence in Spain and Portugal. Unlike the German edition, in the English version, a separate chapter contains a message about Hess’s flight to England, as well as about the organization of a spy network in Scandinavia. The organization of material within the chapters also differs; the chapters themselves in most cases have different names, which indicates that Schellenberg himself did not give them names, and the breakdown of memoirs into chapters is the work of the editors, in this case different editions, English and German, in As a result, discrepancies arose.

Following the English edition, an American edition of Schellenberg's notes appeared, published by Harper and Brothers. In 1957, a French translation of the memoirs was published, most likely made from English, which is why it is replete with inaccuracies and all sorts of editorial “liberties.” The book, published in France, had a subtitle clearly designed to attract the attention of the general public - “The Chief of Nazi Counterintelligence Speaks.” (Walter Schellenberg. La chef du contre espionnage nazi parle; Rene Julliard, Paris, 1957).

Only in 1958 did Schellenberg’s manuscripts again end up in Germany and fall into the hands of the same G. Petersen. She discovered that certain pages had disappeared from the materials, which spoke of Schellenberg's attempts to organize a compromise peace with the West, as well as a document known as the “Trosa Memorandum” - a report compiled by Schellenberg in the Swedish city of Trosa in 1945 about the measures he had taken with the aim of concluding a separate peace. Because of this, the publisher was forced, when preparing for publication of the last five chapters of the memoirs, to rely on the English translation, which, according to her testimony, is in its main features close to the German original.

The German edition of Schellenberg's memoirs, from which our translation was made, is not only the most accurate, but also the most complete (not counting the lost and hitherto undiscovered materials from the Troz Memorandum). It is prepared on the basis of a careful study and comparison of all the sketches and passages written by Schellenberg, and is also equipped with an appendix containing a number of secret documents of the Third Reich and correspondence of some of the characters in the memoirs - Count Bernadotte, von Papen and others. All this allows us to conclude that the real Russian translation is the most authentic, reflecting all the characteristic features of the original.

The reader must take into account the specifics of the translated book. This is a memoir, the most subjective historical genre. The narrative of the past, in the center of which is the narrator himself, cannot but reflect, first of all, his personal likes and dislikes, his views, which have changed under the influence of new conditions, his intentions, dictated to a large extent by the opportunistic considerations of our time. It is in this spirit, in this manner, that the Memoirs were written. Schellenberg is driven by two main motives - firstly, he strives with all his might to whitewash himself, to isolate himself from the sinister executioners of the Hitlerite empire and the monstrous crimes they committed, to present himself in the eyes of the reader as “just” a modest “technical” employee, an armchair theorist standing above the fray priests of the “pure” art of intelligence. At the same time, he is haunted by the thought of raising his own shares in the secret markets of post-war Europe and America. Therefore, he tries in every possible way to emphasize his education, well-readness, and intelligence, which, as it seems to him, distinguish him favorably from the cruel executors of the Fuhrer’s will, devoid of any imagination and sophistication. At the same time, he contradicts himself, because the desire to show off in the leading roles overpowers his fear of exposure - a “modest technical” worker, an “armchair theorist”, it turns out, was almost the savior of Germany and even Europe, for whom brilliant prospects opened up, not if such an unpleasant “surprise” happened as the defeat of Germany by the forces of the anti-fascist coalition and, first of all, the Soviet Union.

Walter Schellenberg

Memoirs

(Labyrinth)

The translation offered to the reader of the memoirs of the head of foreign intelligence of Nazi Germany, Walter Schellenberg, is based on the book “Memoirs”, published in 1959 by the West German publishing house “Verlag für Politician und Wirtschaft” in Cologne. This was the first edition in the original language.

The fate of the literary “legacy” of the chief of Nazi political intelligence is, perhaps, no less complicated than the fate of the author himself.

The idea to publish Schellenberg's notes initially came from the Swiss publisher Alfred Scherz in Bern. The publisher of the latest German edition of the Memoirs, Gita Petersen, recalls that in the summer of 1951 she, together with the young German journalist Klaus Harprecht, was invited to take part in the preparation of Schellenberg's memoirs for publication. But Schellenberg's death in March 1952 interrupted the work that had begun. Through the Munich publishing house "Quick", Schellenberg's manuscripts, as G. Petersen writes, came to England, where they were translated and published in 1956 under the title "The Schellenberg Memoirs" by the publishing house Andre-Deutsch Verlag. Allen Bullock, in his preface to the English translation of Schellenberg's Memoirs (translator Louis Hagen), introduced readers to the background to the publication of the memoirs.

Schellenberg, as Allen Bullock writes, after his release from prison, settled in Switzerland and in June 1951 entered into a contract with the Berne publishing house of A. Scherz to publish his memoirs. Soon he was forced to move to Italy, to the small town of Pallanza, located on the shores of Lake Lago Maggiore. Klaus Harprecht, hired by a Swiss publisher to prepare the manuscript for publication, was tasked with putting it in proper order. In addition, he had to “build” a single narrative line, correcting “memory errors” encountered in the author.

After the death of W. Schellenberg, his wife returned to Germany, taking with her the manuscripts of her memoirs. In Düsseldorf she met West, a former colleague of her husband. On his advice, Schellenberg's wife abandoned the idea of ​​publishing her memoirs in Switzerland and decided to transfer them to a German publishing house.

An announcement about the publication of memoirs without indicating the name of the author appeared in the West German magazine Kwik, signed by a fictitious person, the mysterious “Colonel Z.” The reasons for such secrecy are not entirely clear, notes A. Bullock. Perhaps the publishers of Kwik believed that the Swiss publishing house of A. Scherz had some rights to the manuscript, or Schellenberg’s wife did not want to reveal the authorship of her husband, fearing revenge from his political opponents. Eventually the full text of the unpublished manuscripts was purchased from the Munich publishing house Kwik by the English publisher Andre Deutsch.

The manuscript, delivered to London, was in complete disarray. The publishing house of A. Deutsch checked some of the notes, showing them to A. Schertz's partner Goverts, who met Schellenberg and his wife back in 1950. After this, A. Deutsch invited K. Harprecht to England to view the manuscripts. The German journalist carefully studied them and came to the conclusion that these were genuine notes from V. Schellenberg.

A. Bullock admits that the English edition of 1956 is not an authentic translation of W. Schellenberg’s text, which has undergone significant editorial changes, modifications and abbreviations. The English version differs from the last German edition of 1959 mainly in that it is shorter - the material in it is divided into 38 chapters, while in the German edition there are 41. In the English edition, in particular, there is no separate chapter on Canaris, chapter on the connections of political intelligence with imperial departments and institutions, as well as chapters on the work of German intelligence in Spain and Portugal. Unlike the German edition, in the English version, a separate chapter contains a message about Hess’s flight to England, as well as about the organization of a spy network in Scandinavia. The organization of material within the chapters also differs; the chapters themselves in most cases have different names, which indicates that Schellenberg himself did not give them names, and the breakdown of memoirs into chapters is the work of the editors, in this case different editions, English and German, in As a result, discrepancies arose.

Following the English edition, an American edition of Schellenberg's notes appeared, published by Harper and Brothers. In 1957, a French translation of the memoirs was published, most likely made from English, which is why it is replete with inaccuracies and all sorts of editorial “liberties.” The book, published in France, had a subtitle clearly designed to attract the attention of the general public - “The Chief of Nazi Counterintelligence Speaks.” (Walter Schellenberg. La chef du contre espionnage nazi parle; Rene Julliard, Paris, 1957).

Only in 1958 did Schellenberg’s manuscripts again end up in Germany and fall into the hands of the same G. Petersen. She discovered that certain pages had disappeared from the materials, which spoke of Schellenberg's attempts to organize a compromise peace with the West, as well as a document known as the “Trosa Memorandum” - a report compiled by Schellenberg in the Swedish city of Trosa in 1945 about the measures he had taken with the aim of concluding a separate peace. Because of this, the publisher was forced, when preparing for publication of the last five chapters of the memoirs, to rely on the English translation, which, according to her testimony, is in its main features close to the German original.

The German edition of Schellenberg's memoirs, from which our translation was made, is not only the most accurate, but also the most complete (not counting the lost and hitherto undiscovered materials from the Troz Memorandum). It is prepared on the basis of a careful study and comparison of all the sketches and passages written by Schellenberg, and is also equipped with an appendix containing a number of secret documents of the Third Reich and correspondence of some of the characters in the memoirs - Count Bernadotte, von Papen and others. All this allows us to conclude that the real Russian translation is the most authentic, reflecting all the characteristic features of the original.

The reader must take into account the specifics of the translated book. This is a memoir, the most subjective historical genre. The narrative of the past, in the center of which is the narrator himself, cannot but reflect, first of all, his personal likes and dislikes, his views, which have changed under the influence of new conditions, his intentions, dictated to a large extent by the opportunistic considerations of our time. It is in this spirit, in this manner, that the Memoirs were written. Schellenberg is driven by two main motives - firstly, he strives with all his might to whitewash himself, to isolate himself from the sinister executioners of the Hitlerite empire and the monstrous crimes they committed, to present himself in the eyes of the reader as “just” a modest “technical” employee, an armchair theorist standing above the fray priests of the “pure” art of intelligence. At the same time, he is haunted by the thought of raising his own shares in the secret markets of post-war Europe and America. Therefore, he tries in every possible way to emphasize his education, well-readness, and intelligence, which, as it seems to him, distinguish him favorably from the cruel executors of the Fuhrer’s will, devoid of any imagination and sophistication. At the same time, he contradicts himself, because the desire to show off in the leading roles overpowers his fear of exposure - a “modest technical” worker, an “armchair theorist”, it turns out, was almost the savior of Germany and even Europe, for whom brilliant prospects opened up, not if such an unpleasant “surprise” happened as the defeat of Germany by the forces of the anti-fascist coalition and, first of all, the Soviet Union.

Therefore, the entire historical outline, against the background of which the narrator’s appearance appears before the reader, is written out from a certain angle of view in order to give the central acting person most favorable lighting. All the many historical figures passing through the pages of “Memoirs” fulfill, at the author’s will, the same “order” - to highlight his “non-involvement” and “exclusivity”. Given the above, it is difficult to count on the Memoirs being able to paint a broad, objective picture of Europe's recent past. And yet Schellenberg's memoirs have their enduring significance for the historian - as a living testimony of an eyewitness, as a first-hand account. The portrait “gallery” painted by Schellenberg is very interesting. Schellenberg's dry, bureaucratic, smooth and monotonous style suddenly comes to life and begins to play with colors when the author's pen sketches the features of this or that character. In these uneven, still subjective, but lively drawings, saturated with immediate, personal impressions, the images of the leaders of the Third Reich, familiar to the general reader mainly from caricatures and journalistic works, are filled with specific content, acquire flesh and blood, thanks to which the range of researchers interested in history World War II and Hitler's Germany receives additional depth.

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Reviews about the book:

Schellenberg's authorship belongs only insofar as. The last two years of his life he lived in France and Italy and wrote memoirs (about 1000 pages in total). These memoirs were prepared for publication (corrected) and published by the British 4 years after Schellenberg's death - in 1956. Career British intelligence officers took part in the preparation for publication. No one outside actually saw the original manuscripts and what was written there. By the way, Schellenberg died suspiciously quickly and immediately after Soviet representatives categorically demanded that the British give him the opportunity to interrogate him. The main complaint against the text is the fact, allegedly confirmed by Schellenberg, that “German intelligence instigated a major purge of the highest command staff in the USSR (the Tukhachevsky case, etc.)" and that Stalin allegedly "paid for this service with three million gold rubles." Modern researchers say something slightly different: that the Tukhachevsky conspiracy really existed (although its official content was very different from what it was revealed in fact - it was impossible in that situation to admit that a military coup almost took place in the USSR) and that Hitler was very dissatisfied when he learned that his senior officials General Staff maintained contact with Tukhachevsky and his entourage. Allegedly, this is why the commander-in-chief was removed from his post ground forces Wehrmacht Werner von Fritsch. Interestingly, the texts of the English and German editions are significantly different. On English language(translated into Russian): “Thus, the case of Marshal Tukhachevsky was a preparatory step towards a rapprochement between Hitler and Stalin. It was a turning point, marking Hitler's decision to secure his eastern front with an alliance with Russia while preparing for an attack on the West." On German(also translated into Russian): “The Tukhachevsky case was the first illegal prologue to Stalin’s future alliance with Hitler, which, after the signing of the non-aggression pact on August 23, 1939, became an event of world significance.” It was for the sake of this conclusion that everything was started. By the way, in Khrushchev’s famous report at the 20th Congress there was a direct reference to the facts given by Schellenberg and only by Schellenberg. And what happened next (the collapse of the European communist parties and the beginning of the collapse of the USSR) is well known to everyone.

Tolkachev Dmitry, 47, St. Petersburg

Biography

Born in 1910, in Saarbrücken, in the family of piano manufacturer Guido Schellenberg, where, besides him, there were six more children. In 1923, his parents, finding themselves in a cramped financial situation as a result of the war, moved to Luxembourg, where a branch of his father’s factory was located. In 1929 he began studying at one of the universities in the Rhineland. After some hesitation - first he entered the medical faculty - young Schellenberg decided, at the insistence of his father, who was inclined towards economics and the humanities, to study law. Graduated from the Faculty of Law of the University of Bonn in 1933. One of the teachers persuaded him to join (ticket no. 4,504,508) and (Spring 1933/ticket no. 124,817), explaining that this would open the way to his career. Schellenberg's reports on the development of German legislation attracted the attention of Schellenberg, who offered him a job in his department.

Schellenberg also managed to gain confidence in. Schellenberg once saved his life by pulling his arm when he carelessly leaned against the door.

All major intelligence operations are associated with his name.

In September 1939, during the Polish campaign - an assignment officer under the Reichsführer SS.

From November 1, 1939 to July 1, 1941, he headed department E (counterintelligence) in the IV directorate of the RSHA (Gestapo). His immediate superior was, with whom Schellenberg did not have a good relationship

Since the autumn of 1941, Schellenberg began to develop plans for concluding a separate peace with the Western allies. He was aware of Stalfort’s contacts with, to whom he informed that the president was ready to extend his hand to the Germans, subject to the physical elimination of Hitler.

Schellenberg also plotted against the Foreign Minister. He managed to create a group in the ministry headed by the Secretary of State

28 Assassination of Heydrich

Heydrich discusses shortcomings in the army - Bormann and Himmler's jealous attitude towards his successes in Moravia - Heydrich's car bombing - Elimination of Czech partisans - Heydrich's funeral - Himmler gives a speech - His interest in my future.

In the spring of 1942 in Prague, in the palace on Gradgany, Heydrich held several meetings at which I was supposed to attend. I was about to fly back to Berlin when he asked me to stay one more night so I could have dinner with him. I was tired and angry: I hated the prospect of an evening that would most likely end in a drunken orgy. But this time I was wrong, and we had a very interesting evening, discussing problems that interested Heydrich. To my surprise, he criticized Hitler's decision to take over the leadership of the army. Heydrich did not doubt his ability to command, but was afraid that the Fuhrer would not be able to cope with this additional burden. Then he began to scold the generals from the High Command. In Hitler's presence they answered “yes” to everything. They were afraid to talk about any difficulties until they left the office.

Heydrich was outraged by the shortcomings in the supply of the army. Goebbels's "clothes" campaign - the movement to collect and send winter civilian clothing to the troops - proceeded not only with the usual pomp, but with a fair amount of sincere enthusiasm. But be that as it may, this could not compensate for the damage caused. Heydrich proposed that for every 100 frozen German soldiers, someone from the quartermaster’s department should be shot, starting from the very top. Sending troops in summer uniforms to fight in the Russian winter was a crime.

Field Marshal von Brauchitsch (dismissed by Hitler) was simply made a scapegoat. Of course, he also bore a certain share of responsibility, but the direct culprits were still sitting in their cozy offices. They had already somewhat come to their senses, but still glittered with golden braid. Hitler relied more and more on Himmler, who, being a good tactician, could use his influence on the Fuhrer. “If only he would let me give him advice,” muttered Heydrich. He then briefly touched on the situation in France and Belgium.

To do this, he wanted to take advantage of the lack of resistance from the Wehrmacht to personally appoint the highest leaders of the SS police in these countries.

I didn't see it in that sense. In this case, the control system would be too complicated, and even find suitable people It was no longer easy to fill these positions.

Heydrich agreed absentmindedly and suddenly said: “Himmler insists on this, and just in time.” this moment I must demonstrate my good will. We are in a very tense relationship right now."

Apparently, there were serious disagreements between him and Himmler. In addition, the latter was jealous of Heydrich’s achievement. His policy in the protectorate turned out to be very successful. The Fuhrer agreed with Heydrich's plans and actions. He began to communicate one-on-one with Heydrich, and although he was flattered by the attention he received, he feared complications due to jealousy and hostility on the part of Bormann and Himmler. He feared that Bormann would respond with intrigue; One could expect meanness and cruelty from Himmler.

Indeed, Heydrich found himself in a difficult position. So far, Hitler had been favored by his successes, but he by no means felt secure and did not know how to cope with the obstacles that arose due to the rivalry between himself, Himmler and Bormann.

Openly attacking them was dangerous at all times, because Hitler cared even more than Himmler about the internal loyalty of the SS. Heydrich understood that, in any case, it was too late. It was only a matter of time before Hitler submitted to their influence and turned against Heydrich. Soon that time came. Heydrich was thinking about including me in the Fuhrer's retinue, but I managed to dissuade him. Before After my departure to Berlin, he again started talking about his proposal. It was especially important for him that his interests were defended by someone at the very top. He thought it would be a good idea for me to report directly to senior management for a while. In the end we came to a compromise: I was to remain in Berlin for another month, and in the meantime he would arrange for me to be seconded to headquarters. However, nothing came of this venture. Soon I went to The Hague to meet with technical specialists about ultrashort wave transmitters.

It was here, in The Hague, in June 1942, that I received a teletype message about an assassination attempt on Heydrich and his serious injury. I was ordered to urgently return to Berlin.

I wondered who was behind the assassination attempt and recalled the recent tensions between Himmler and Bormann. I could clearly imagine that people familiar with Heydrich's methods were wary of him. Both of his opponents knew that he would stop at nothing if his plans were threatened. His successes in the Protectorate must have irritated Himmler greatly, and the tension between them increased to the limit, otherwise Heydrich would not have been talking about it all the time we were communicating with him. It was the custom of Hitler and Himmler to rule by pitting their comrades against each other. However, it was impossible to do this with Heydrich. In addition, he will be the head of the Reich Security Office and the acting Reich Protector; he has become too powerful a figure for them. Suddenly I remembered the episode that Heydrich told me about. He was called to report to Hitler about some economic problems protectorate. He had been waiting in front of the bunker for quite a long time when the Fuhrer suddenly came out, accompanied by Bormann. Heydrich, as expected, greeted him, awaiting the order to begin the report. Hitler stared at him, and a hostile grimace ran across his face. Confidingly and naturally, taking the Fuhrer by the hand, Bormann again took him into the bunker. Heydrich waited, but the Fuhrer never returned. The next day, Bormann told Heydrich that his report was no longer interesting to the Fuhrer. Although this was said in the most friendly tone, Heydrich sensed an ineradicable hatred behind it. Hitler's dissatisfaction in this case was obvious, and most likely stemmed from the hints and slanderous statements of Bormann and Himmler.

It is curious that during my last conversation with him, Heydrich, despite his confidence in his abilities, seemed frightened to me. Undoubtedly, he was full of forebodings and his preoccupation with placing me in Hitler’s entourage stemmed precisely from this.

The attempt on his life, of course, influenced the work of the central department in Berlin. Instead of the hum that indicated business activity, silence reigned here, caused by an atmosphere of mistrust, almost fear. How could this happen?

Himmler ordered me to immediately fly to Prague, where the heads of Departments IV and V, Müller and Nobe, were already working. I arranged a meeting with Müller, who promised to briefly outline the information he had received. Heydrich, unconscious, was in the hospital, and his best enemies tried to save his life. The grenade fragments pierced his body, creating numerous pockets of infection. Pieces of fabric from his clothing got into the rank and increased the danger to his wounded spleen. On the seventh day, general blood poisoning began, which quickly led to death. Until the very end he was under the supervision of Professor Gebhart, whose recommendations aroused serious criticism from other specialists. Some suggested surgery to remove the damaged spleen to get rid of the main source of infection.

Mueller later told me the details of the assassination attempt. Heydrich was returning from his country villa to Gradgany. He sat next to the driver (this was not his personal chauffeur) in his large Mercedes. In the suburbs, the car had to make a sharp turn and slowed down. Three people stood along the road at short intervals: the first twenty yards before the turn, the second at the turn itself, the third twenty yards behind the turn. As soon as the driver slowed down, the first one jumped out onto the road and opened mad fire from a revolver. The car almost stopped completely, and at that moment the second one threw a spherical grenade under the car, which exploded right under the bottom. The seriously wounded Heydrich shouted to the driver, “Get him down, guy!”, jumped out of the car and shot several times after the attackers, who rushed from the scene on bicycles. Heydrich wounded one of them in the leg and collapsed unconscious. The driver was also wounded and drew a lot of blood. The car, despite powerful armor was almost completely destroyed.

If Heydrich's old, experienced driver had been driving, he would not have allowed the killer who jumped out onto the road to fool him. A resourceful driver would only have to press the gas pedal, the car would rush forward, and then the explosion would not be so destructive.

After a thorough examination, specialists from the criminal technical institute found that the grenade had an unusual, ingenious design, still unknown to them. The fuze was set to suit the throwing distance - in this case 8 yards - and was apparently operated with exceptional accuracy. The explosives were most likely made in England, but this in itself did not say anything about the attackers. Our service almost exclusively used a certain type of captured English explosive, it was very powerful and could be shaped into any shape.

The investigation was conducted using the achievements of modern criminology. The official line was that the perpetrators of the assassination attempt were members of the Czechoslovak resistance. Every piece of evidence was carefully studied, many suspects were arrested, and all known locations were raided. In fact, a police action was carried out against all resistance. The reports read like the script of an exciting film. In the end, four versions were formulated, but none of them led to a solution. The killers were never captured, and the man wounded in the leg was not found. In a ruthless Gestapo action, 120 resistance members were rounded up in a small church in Prague. On the eve of the storming of the church, on Himmler's instructions, I met with Müller. Himmler told me on the phone. “This investigation is quite difficult to follow. He did not say a word more about his feelings in connection with this case. I had nothing to do with the Mueller investigation in Prague, and he was not very open with me at first. Venen, although later he began to feel more free.

The Reichsführer infuriated him because he decided in advance that the assassination attempt was carried out by British intelligence, and three killers were parachuted near Prague to carry out the task. Müller did not deny the possibility of this: for in the end, the entire Czech underground is financed and directed either from London or from Moscow. Tomorrow we will take over the church and put an end to this matter. Let's hope the killers are in the church." Having said all this, Mueller quickly looked at me and asked: "Do you have any secret information? It seemed to me that Himmler said that you have it." But I was forced to disappoint him.

After he left, I couldn't help thinking that Mueller wasn't happy with the investigation. Somewhere, something was wrong. The next day the storming of the church began. None of the resistance fighters fell into German hands alive.

So, who killed Heydrich remains unknown. Were his killers in the church? Were they members of the resistance movement and what part of it did they belong to? Everyone hiding in the church died and whether this was done intentionally remains unclear. The report emphasized their fanaticism and determination to die, but out of 120 underground fighters there was not a single one with an old wound. The investigation into Heydrich's death reached a dead end and was not closed.

Heydrich's coffin was placed in front of the palace; the honor guard consisted of his closest associates. I was not easy, stand at attention for 2 hours in full uniform with a helmet on your head at a temperature of one hundred degrees in the shade.

Three days later funeral cortege delivered Heydrich's body to the railway station; he was then sent to Berlin. The people of Prague closely watched what was happening; Mourning flags hung from the windows of many houses. Undoubtedly, the townspeople took advantage of the opportunity to demonstrate their grief at the foreign occupation.

Before the funeral, Heydrich’s body was laid out for two days for farewell in the palace on Wilhelmstrasse, where his superbly furnished office was located. On the very first day in the morning, Himmler summoned all the heads of departments. In his short speech, he paid tribute to Heydrich’s merits, his character, and highly appreciated the significance of his works. He, like no one else, supervised the work of the gigantic apparatus of the RSHA, created and directed by him. The Fuhrer agreed that for the first time, until Heydrich’s successor was elected, Himmler personally headed the department. He called on the heads of departments to make every effort and demanded that conflicts should not arise between them. He warned them against mutual hostility and attempts to usurp power. For this, the Fuhrer threatened severe punishment. Pointing to the body of the deceased and turning to the heads of departments in turn, Himmler essentially gave them a severe dressing down, listing their shortcomings and failures with caustic irony. Finally it was my turn. I tensed up, waiting for the cold shower of reproaches to fall on me. Himmler must have sensed my condition. A shadow of a smile flashed across his deathly pale face. He looked at me for a while and then, turning more to the others than to me, said: “Schellenberg heads the most difficult department and he is the youngest of you. But be that as it may, the man to whom we are now saying goodbye , considered that he corresponds to his position and appointed him head of the department. I also believe that he is able to solve the problems facing him. Most importantly, he is unspoiled. Gentlemen, you know better than anyone What obstacles did you put in his way? You are outraged by his youth, and the fact that he is not a veteran of the National Socialist Party. I see no reason for your dissatisfaction and I want to explain once and for all that the decisions on I am not the only one who accepts this issue. He is, so to speak, the beloved child of our leading cadres, and therefore I especially support him. I speak openly about this in his presence, because your murdered boss thought so, and I consider Schellenberg too who is smart enough to become proud when he hears my words. On the contrary, I hope they will motivate him to more thorough and fruitful activity in solving the problems facing him. If anyone would like to add anything on this or other issues, he can speak up..."

An oppressive silence reigned. Up to this point I had been relatively calm, but then I began to blush - and even more so, since Himmler returned to this topic again, declaring that from now on he would like to work closely with me, that he needed my talents, and he wants me to communicate with him as often as possible. Then, rather abruptly, he closed the meeting. That same evening, Himmler again gathered all the leaders of the RSHA in Heydrich's office. SS Obergruppenführer Karl Wolf was also present at the meeting. This time Himmler made a speech in which he described major milestones Heydrich’s career and pointed out that SS leaders are obliged to preserve the memory of their deceased chief. This memory should inspire them to selfless work and exemplary behavior. He ended his speech by pointing out the growing importance of our work abroad, and expressed the hope that in the course of it we would get rid of mistakes and be able to overcome the weakness of traditions: for the time being, our achievements in this field still cannot be compared with the achievements of British intelligence . Therefore, our motto should be: “My fatherland, right or wrong,” just like the motto of our department - the SS - “My honor lies in fidelity.”

At the memorial service in the Reich Chancellery that preceded the funeral, Hitler and Himmler gave speeches. It was an extremely impressive performance, in which Himmler's penchant for pomp and theatrical effects was fully demonstrated. Both Hitler and Himmler spoke in their speeches about the “man with a heart of steel.” I could not help feeling that the entire ceremony, in which all the ministers, secretaries of state, senior party officials, and family members participated, looked like a Renaissance painting.

The coffin was lowered into the grave, and I was surprised to see Canaris crying. When we began to leave, he said to me in a voice broken with emotion: “Still, he was a great man. In his person I lost a friend.”

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Schellenberg Walter(1910-1952), one of the leaders of Hitler's intelligence service.