The reasons for the 1917 revolution in Petrograd are brief. February Revolution: day by day

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Sentinels guard the arrested royal ministers.

This is an article about the events of February 1917 in the history of Russia. For the events of February 1848 in the history of France, see February Revolution of 1848

February revolution(Also February bourgeois-democratic revolution) - a revolution in the Russian Empire, the result of which was the fall of the monarchy, the proclamation of a republic and the transfer of power to the Provisional Government.

Reasons and prerequisites: economic, political, social

Society's lack of opportunity to influence power is the limited capabilities of the State Duma and the lack of control of the government (and at the same time limited powers of the government).

The emperor could no longer single-handedly decide all issues, but he could radically interfere with pursuing a consistent policy without bearing any responsibility.

Under these conditions, politics could not express the interests of not only the majority, but also any significant part of the population, which caused spontaneous discontent, and restrictions on public expression of protest led to the radicalization of the opposition.

The draft composition of the Provisional Government, represented by representatives of the Cadets, Octobrists and a group of members of the State Council. Edited by Emperor Nicholas II.

February Revolution was not only a consequence of the failures of the Russian government during the First World War. But it was not the war that was the cause of all the contradictions that existed in Russia at that time; the war exposed them and accelerated the fall of tsarism. The war accelerated the crisis of the autocratic system.

The war affected the system of economic ties - primarily between city and countryside. The food situation in the country has worsened; the decision to introduce “food appropriation” did not improve the situation. Famine began in the country. The highest state power was also discredited by a chain of scandals surrounding Rasputin and his entourage, who were then called “ dark forces" By 1916, outrage over Rasputinism had already reached the Russian armed forces - both officers and lower ranks. The fatal mistakes of the tsar, combined with the loss of confidence in the tsarist government, led it to political isolation, and the presence of an active opposition created fertile ground for a political revolution.

On the eve of the February Revolution in Russia, against the backdrop of an acute food crisis, the political crisis is deepening. For the first time, the State Duma came forward with demands for the resignation of the tsarist government; this demand was supported by the State Council.

The political crisis was growing. On November 1, 1916, at a meeting of the State Duma, P. N. Milyukov made a speech. “Stupidity or treason?” - with this question P. N. Milyukov characterized the phenomenon of Rasputinism on November 1, 1916 at a meeting of the State Duma.

The State Duma's demand for the resignation of the tsarist government and the creation of a “responsible government” - responsible to the Duma, led to the resignation on November 10 of the chairman of the government, Sturmer, and the appointment of a consistent monarchist, General Trepov, to this post. The State Duma, trying to defuse discontent in the country, continued to insist on the creation of a “responsible government” and the State Council joins its demands. On December 16, Nicholas II sent the State Duma and State Council for the Christmas holidays until January 3.

Growing crisis

Barricades on Liteiny Prospekt. Postcard from the State Museum political history Russia

On the night of December 17, Rasputin was killed as a result of a monarchist conspiracy, but this did not resolve the political crisis. On December 27, Nicholas II dismissed Trepov and appointed Prince Golitsyn chairman of the Council of Ministers. During the transfer of affairs, he received from Trepov two decrees signed by the tsar on the dissolution of the State Duma and the State Council with undated dates. Golitsyn had to find a compromise through behind-the-scenes negotiations with the leaders of the State Duma and resolve the political crisis.

In total, in Russia in January-February 1917, only at enterprises subject to the supervision of the factory inspection, 676 thousand people went on strike, including participants political strikes in January were 60%, and in February - 95%).

On February 14, State Duma meetings opened. They showed that events in Russia were beyond the control of the authorities, the State Duma abandoned the demand for the creation of a “responsible government” and limited itself to agreeing to the creation by the tsar of a “government of trust” - a government that the State Duma could trust, the Duma members were in complete confusion.

Subsequent events showed that in Russian society there are more powerful forces, who did not want to resolve the political crisis, and the deeper reasons for the democratic revolution and the transition from monarchy to republic.

Difficulties in supplying the city with bread and rumors about the imminent introduction of bread rationing led to the disappearance of bread. Long queues lined up at the bread shops - “tails”, as they called it then.

February 18 (on Saturday at the Putilov plant - the largest artillery plant in the country and Petrograd, which employed 36 thousand workers - the workers of the Lafetno-stamping workshop (shop) went on strike, demanding a 50% increase in wages. February 20 (Monday) Administration The plant agreed to increase wages by 20% on the condition that they “start work immediately." The workers’ delegates asked for the Administration’s consent to begin work the next day. The administration did not agree and closed the gun-stamping “workshop” on February 21. In support of the strikers, they began to stop work on February 21 work and other workshops. On February 22, the plant administration issued an order to dismiss all workers of the Lafetno-stamping “workshop” and close the plant for an indefinite period - declared a lockout. .

As a result, 36 thousand workers of the Putilov plant found themselves in war conditions without work and without armor from the front.

On February 22, Nicholas II leaves Petrograd for Mogilev to the Headquarters of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief.

The main events

• On February 24, demonstrations and rallies of Putilov workers resumed. Workers from other factories began to join them. 90 thousand workers went on strike. Strikes and political protests began to develop into a general political demonstration against tsarism.

Announcement by the commander of the Petrograd Military District S.S. Khabalov on the use of weapons to disperse demonstrations. February 25, 1917

• On February 25, a general strike began, which covered 240 thousand workers. Petrograd was declared in a state of siege; by decree of Nicholas II, meetings of the State Duma and State Council were suspended until April 1, 1917. Nicholas II ordered the army to suppress workers' protests in Petrograd
• On February 26, columns of demonstrators moved towards the city center. Troops were brought into the streets, but the soldiers began to refuse to shoot at the workers. There were several clashes with the police, and by evening the police cleared the city center of demonstrators.
• On February 27 (March 12), early in the morning, an armed uprising of soldiers of the Petrograd garrison began - the training team of the reserve battalion of the Volyn regiment, numbering 600 people, rebelled. The soldiers decided not to shoot at the demonstrators and to join the workers. The team leader was killed. The Volynsky regiment was joined by the Lithuanian and Preobrazhensky regiments. As a result, a general workers' strike was supported by an armed uprising of soldiers. (On the morning of February 27, the rebel soldiers numbered 10 thousand, in the afternoon - 26 thousand, in the evening - 66 thousand, the next day - 127 thousand, on March 1 - 170 thousand, that is the entire garrison Petrograd.) The rebel soldiers marched in formation to the city center. On the way, the Arsenal - Petrograd artillery warehouse was captured. The workers received 40 thousand rifles and 30 thousand revolvers. The Kresty city prison was captured and all prisoners were released. Political prisoners, including the “Gvozdyov group,” joined the rebels and led the column. The City Court was burned. The rebel soldiers and workers occupied the most important points of the city, government buildings and arrested ministers. At approximately 2 p.m., thousands of soldiers came to the Tauride Palace, where the State Duma was meeting, and occupied all its corridors and the surrounding territory. They had no way back; they needed political leadership.

• The Duma was faced with a choice: either join the uprising and try to take control of the movement, or perish along with tsarism. Under these conditions, the State Duma decided to formally obey the tsar’s decree on the dissolution of the Duma, but by decision of a private meeting of deputies, at about 17 o’clock it created the Temporary Committee of the State Duma, chaired by the Octobrist M. Rodzianko, by co-opting 2 deputies from each faction. On the night of February 28, the Provisional Committee announced that it was taking power into its own hands.

• After the rebel soldiers came to the Tauride Palace, deputies of the left factions of the State Duma and representatives of trade unions created the Temporary Executive Committee of the Petrograd Council of Workers' Deputies in the Tauride Palace. He distributed leaflets to factories and military units calling for them to elect their deputies and send them to the Tauride Palace by 7 p.m., 1 deputy from every thousand workers and from each company. At 21 o'clock, meetings of workers' deputies opened in the left wing of the Tauride Palace and the Petrograd Council of Workers' Deputies was created, headed by the Menshevik Chkheidze and the deputy chairman of the Executive Committee, Trudovik A.F. Kerensky. The Petrograd Soviet included representatives of socialist parties (Mensheviks, Socialist Revolutionaries and Bolsheviks), trade unions and non-party workers and soldiers. The Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries played a decisive role in the Soviet. The Petrograd Council of Workers' Deputies decided to support the Provisional Committee of the State Duma in the creation of the Provisional Government, but not to participate in it.
• February 28 (March 13) - Chairman of the Provisional Committee Rodzianko negotiates with the Chief of Staff of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief, General Alekseev, about support for the Provisional Committee from the army, and also negotiates with Nicholas II, in order to prevent revolution and the overthrow of the monarchy.

Order number 1 disintegrated the Russian army, eliminated the main components of any army at all times - the most severe hierarchy and discipline.

The Provisional Committee formed a Provisional Government headed by Prince Lvov, who was replaced by the socialist Kerensky. The provisional government announced elections to the Constituent Assembly. The Council of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies was elected. Dual power was established in the country.

The development of the revolution in Petrograd after the overthrow of the monarchy:

• March 3 (16) - the killing of officers began in Helsingfors, among whom were Rear Admiral A.K. Nebolsin and Vice Admiral A.I. Nepenin.
• March 4 (17) - two manifestos were published in newspapers - the Manifesto on the abdication of Nicholas II and the Manifesto on the abdication of Mikhail Alexandrovich, as well as the Political Program of the 1st Provisional Government.

Consequences

The fall of autocracy and the establishment of dual power

The uniqueness of the revolution was the establishment of dual power in the country:

bourgeois-democratic power was represented by the Provisional Government, its local bodies (public security committees), local self-government (city and zemstvo), the government included representatives of the Cadets and Octobrist parties;

revolutionary democratic power - Councils of workers', soldiers', and peasants' deputies, soldiers' committees in the army and navy.

Negative results of the fall of autocracy

The main negative results of the overthrow of the Autocracy by the February Revolution in Russia can be considered:

1. The transition from the evolutionary development of society to development along a revolutionary path, which inevitably led to an increase in the number of violent crimes against individuals and attacks on property rights in society.
2. Significant weakening of the army(as a result of revolutionary agitation in the army and Order number 1), a decline in its combat effectiveness and, as a consequence, its ineffective further struggle on the fronts of the First World War.
3. Destabilization of society, which led to a deep split in the existing civil society in Russia. As a result, there was a sharp increase in class contradictions in society, the growth of which during 1917 led to the transfer of power into the hands of radical forces, which ultimately led to the Civil War in Russia.

Positive results of the fall of autocracy

The main positive result of the overthrow of the Autocracy by the February Revolution in Russia can be considered the short-term consolidation of society due to the adoption of a number of democratic legislative acts and a real chance for society, on the basis of this consolidation, to resolve many long-standing contradictions social development countries. However, as subsequent events showed, which ultimately led to a bloody civil war, the country's leaders, who came to power as a result of the February revolution, were unable to take advantage of these real, albeit extremely small (considering Russia was at war at that moment) chances to do so.

Change of political regime

• The old government bodies were abolished. The most democratic law on elections to the Constituent Assembly was adopted: universal, equal, direct with secret ballot. On October 6, 1917, by its resolution, the Provisional Government dissolved the State Duma in connection with the proclamation of Russia as a republic and the beginning of elections to the All-Russian Constituent Assembly.
• The State Council of the Russian Empire was dissolved.
• The Provisional Government established an Extraordinary Commission of Inquiry to investigate the malfeasance of the Tsarist ministers and senior officials.
• On March 12, a Decree was issued on the abolition of the death penalty, which was replaced in especially serious criminal cases by 15 years of hard labor.
• On March 18, an amnesty was announced for those convicted for criminal reasons. 15 thousand prisoners were released from places of detention. This caused a surge in crime in the country.
• On March 18-20, a series of decrees and resolutions were issued on the abolition of religious and national restrictions.
• Restrictions on the choice of place of residence and property rights were abolished, absolute freedom occupations, women had equal rights with men.
• The Ministry of the Imperial Household was gradually eliminated. The property of the former imperial house, members of the royal family - palaces with artistic values, industrial enterprises, lands, etc., became the property of the state in March-April 1917.

• Resolution “On the Establishment of the Police”. Already on February 28, the police were abolished and a people's militia was formed. 40 thousand people's militia guarded enterprises and city blocks instead of 6 thousand police officers. People's militia units were also created in other cities. Subsequently, along with the people's militia, combat workers' squads (Red Guard) also appeared. According to the adopted resolution, uniformity was introduced into the already created workers' militia units and the limits of their competence were established.
• Decree “On meetings and unions.” All citizens could form unions and hold meetings without restrictions. There were no political motives for closing unions; only a court could close a union.
• Decree on amnesty for all persons convicted for political reasons.
• The Separate Corps of Gendarmes, including the railway police and security departments, and special civil courts were abolished (March 4).

Trade union movement

On April 12, the law on meetings and unions was issued. Workers restored democratic organizations banned during the war (trade unions, factory committees). By the end of 1917, there were more than 2 thousand trade unions in the country, led by the All-Russian Central Council of Trade Unions (chaired by the Menshevik V.P. Grinevich).

Changes in the local government system

• On March 4, 1917, a resolution was adopted to remove all governors and vice-governors from office. In the provinces where the Zemstvo worked, the governors were replaced by the chairmen of the provincial zemstvo boards, where there were no zemstvos, the places remained unoccupied, which paralyzed the local government system.

Preparation for elections to the Constituent Assembly

Immediately after the February Revolution, preparations began for elections to the constituent assembly. The most democratic law on elections to the Constituent Assembly was adopted: universal, equal, direct with secret ballot. Preparations for the elections dragged on until the end of 1917.

Crisis of power

The inability of the Provisional Government to overcome the crisis caused an increase in revolutionary ferment: mass demonstrations took place on April 18 (May 1), in July 1917. The July uprising of 1917 - the period of peaceful development ended. Power passed to the Provisional Government. The dual power is over. Was introduced the death penalty. The failure of the August speech of the Commander-in-Chief of the Russian Army, Infantry General L. G. Kornilov became prelude to Bolshevism, since the elections to the Soviets that followed shortly after the victory of A.F. Kerensky in his confrontation with L.G. Kornilov brought victory to the Bolsheviks, which changed their composition and the policies they pursued.

Church and revolution

Already on March 7-8, 1917, the Holy Synod issued a decree that ordered the entire clergy of the Russian Orthodox Church: in all cases during divine services, instead of commemorating the reigning house, offer a prayer for the God-protected Russian Power and its Blessed Provisional Government .

Symbol

The symbol of the February Revolution was a red bow and red banners. The previous government was declared “tsarism” and the “old regime”. The word “comrade” was included in the speech.

Notes

Links

• On the causes of the Russian revolution: a neo-Malthusian perspective
• Journal of meetings of the Provisional Government. March-April 1917. rar, djvu
• Historical and documentary exhibition “1917. Myths of revolutions"
• Nikolay Sukhanov. “Notes on the revolution. Book one. March coup February 23 - March 2, 1917"
• A. I. Solzhenitsyn. Reflections on the February Revolution.
• NEFEDOV S. A. FEBRUARY 1917: POWER, SOCIETY, BREAD AND REVOLUTION
• Mikhail Babkin "OLD" AND "NEW" OATH OF STATE

Bibliography

• Archive of the Russian Revolution (edited by G.V. Gessen). M., Terra, 1991. In 12 volumes.
• Pipes R. Russian Revolution. M., 1994.
• Katkov G. Russia, 1917. The February Revolution. London, 1967.
• Moorhead A. The Russian Revolution. New York, 1958.
• Dyakin V.S. ABOUT ONE FAILED ATTEMPT OF TSARISM TO “SOLVE” THE LAND QUESTION DURING THE FIRST WORLD WAR. (Goals and nature of the so-called liquidation of German land ownership in Russia)

Photos and documents

Soldier demonstration in February days.	Demonstration of soldiers demanding imprisonment for the bloody Nicholas. March 1917	Arrest and escort of disguised policemen. February 1917.
Meeting of the Provisional Government at the Mariinsky Palace. From right to left: Minister of Trade and Industry A.I. Konovalov, Minister of Agriculture A.I. Shingarev, Minister of Railways N.V. Nekrasov, Minister of Foreign Affairs P.N. Miliukov; Chairman of the Council of Ministers Prince G.E. Lviv; Minister of Justice A.F. Kerensky; Minister of Finance M.I. Tereshchenko; state controller I.V. Godnev; Minister of Public Education A.A. Manuilov; Comrade Minister of Internal Affairs D.M. Shchepkin; Government Affairs Manager V.D. Nabokov

Russia in conditions of a national crisis

The authority of the tsarist government was rapidly declining. To a large extent, this was facilitated by rumors about scandals at court, about Rasputin. Their credibility was confirmed by the so-called “ ministerial leapfrog”: in two years of war, four chairmen of the Council of Ministers and six ministers of internal affairs were replaced. Population in Russian Empire didn’t have time not only to get acquainted with political program, but also to see the face of the next prime minister or minister.

As the monarchist wrote V.V. Shulgin about Russian prime ministers, “Goremykin cannot be the head of government due to his callousness and old age.” In January 1916, Nicholas II appointed Stürmer, and V.V. Shulgin writes this: “The fact is that Stürmer is a small, insignificant person, and Russia is waging a world war. The fact is that all powers mobilized their best forces, and we have a “Yuletide grandfather” as prime minister. And now the whole country is furious.”

Everyone felt the tragedy of the situation. Prices rose, and food shortages began in cities.

The war required enormous expenses. Budget expenditures in 1916 exceeded revenues by 76%. Taxes were sharply increased. The government also resorted to issuing internal loans, went to mass release paper money without gold backing. This led to a fall in the value of the ruble, disruption of the entire financial system in the state, and an extraordinary increase in prices.

Food difficulties that arose as a result of the general collapse of the economy forced the tsarist government in 1916 to introduce forced grain requisitioning. But this attempt did not yield results, since the landowners sabotaged government decrees and hid the grain in order to later sell it at a high price. The peasants also did not want to sell bread for depreciated paper money.

Since the autumn of 1916, food supplies to Petrograd alone accounted for only half of its needs. Due to a lack of fuel in Petrograd, already in December 1916, the work of about 80 enterprises was stopped.

Delivery of firewood from a warehouse on Serpukhov Square. 1915

Review of the first medical and nutritional detachment of Moscow, leaving for the theater of military operations, on the parade ground at the Khamovniki barracks. March 1, 1915

The food crisis that sharply worsened in the fall of 1916, the deterioration of the situation at the fronts, the fear that workers would demonstrate and “are about to burst into the streets,” the inability of the government to lead the country out of the deadlock - all this led to the question of the removal of Prime Minister Stürmer. .

Octobrist leader A.I. Guchkov saw the only way out of the situation in a palace coup. Together with a group of officers, he hatched plans for a dynastic coup (the abdication of Nicholas II in favor of an heir under the regency of Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich).

Positions of the Cadet Party expressed by P.N. Miliukov, speaking in November 1916 in the IV State Duma with sharp criticism of the economic and military policy government, accusing the queen's entourage of preparing a separate treaty with Germany and provocatively pushing the masses to revolutionary uprisings. He repeatedly repeated the question: “What is this - stupidity or treason?” And in response, the deputies shouted: “stupidity,” “treason,” accompanying the speaker’s speech with constant applause. This speech, of course, was prohibited for publication, but, reproduced illegally, it became famous at the front and in the rear.

The most imaginative description of the political situation in Russia on the eve of the impending national catastrophe was given by one of the cadet leaders V.I. Maklakov. He compared Russia to “a car speeding along a steep and narrow road. The driver cannot drive because he does not control the car at all on descents, or he is tired and no longer understands what he is doing.”

In January 1917, Nicholas II, under pressure from public opinion, removed Stürmer, replacing him with the liberal Prince Golitsyn. But this action could not change anything.

February 1917

1917 began in Petrograd with new workers' speeches. The total number of strikers in January 1917 was already more than 350 thousand. For the first time during the war, defense plants (Obukhovsky and Arsenal) went on strike. Since mid-February, revolutionary actions have not stopped: strikes were replaced by rallies, rallies by demonstrations.

On February 9, Chairman of the IV State Duma M.V. Rodzianko arrived in Tsarskoye Selo with a report on the situation in the country. “The revolution will sweep you away,” he told Nicholas II. “Well, God willing,” was the emperor’s answer. “God doesn’t give anything, you and your government have ruined everything, revolution is inevitable,” stated M.V. Rodzianko.

Rodzianko M.V.

Two weeks later, on February 23, unrest began in Petrograd, on February 25, the strike in Petrograd became general, soldiers began to go over to the side of the demonstrators, and on February 26-27, the autocracy no longer controlled the situation in the capital.

February 27, 1917 Artist B. Kustodiev. 1917

Speech by V.P. Nogin at a rally near the building of the Historical Museum on February 28, 1917.

As V.V. wrote Shulgin, “in the entire huge city it was impossible to find a hundred people who would sympathize with the authorities.”

On February 27 - 28, the Petrograd Council of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies was formed. (Chrestomathy T7 No. 13) It was composed of socialists, the majority - Socialist Revolutionaries and Mensheviks. The Menshevik N.S. became the Chairman of the Executive Committee of the Council. Chkheidze, and his deputies - A.F. Kerensky, one of the most radical speakers of the IV Duma, and M.I. Skobelev.

Almost simultaneously with the formation of the Council, the State Duma, at an unofficial meeting (on February 26, it was dissolved by decree of the Tsar for two months), created a “Temporary Committee for restoring order and for relations with persons and institutions” as the governing body of the country.

The two authorities, born of the revolution, were on the verge of conflict, but, in the name of maintaining unity in the fight against tsarism, they made a mutual compromise. With the sanction of the Executive Committee of the Council, the Duma Provisional Committee formed the Provisional Government on March 1.

The Bolsheviks demanded that a government be formed only from representatives of the parties included in the council. But the Executive Committee rejected this proposal. The Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries who were members of the Executive Committee had a fundamentally different point of view on the composition of the government than the Bolsheviks. They believed that after the victory of the bourgeois-democratic revolution, power should be formed by the bourgeoisie under the control of the Council. The leadership of the Council refused to participate in the government. The support of the Provisional Government from the Executive Committee was accompanied by the main condition - the government would pursue a democratic program approved and supported by the Council.

By the evening of March 2, the composition of the government was determined. Prince G.E. was appointed Chairman of the Council of Ministers and Minister of Internal Affairs. Lvov, cadet, Minister of Foreign Affairs - leader of the Cadet Party P.N. Miliukov, Minister of Finance - M.I. Tereshchenko, cadet, Minister of Military and Naval Affairs - A.I. Konovalov, Octobrist, A.F. Kerensky (representative of the Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet) took the post of Minister of Justice. Thus, the government was mainly Cadet in composition.

Notified of these events, Nicholas II received a proposal to abdicate in favor of his brother, Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich, and on March 2, he handed over the text of the abdication to two emissaries of the Duma, Guchkov and Shulgin, who arrived in Pskov, where the emperor was. (Reader T 7 No. 14) (Reader T7 No. 15) But this step was already late: Michael, in turn, abdicated the throne. The monarchy in Russia fell.

The emblem of autocracy has been overthrown forever

A dual power actually emerged in the country - the Provisional Government as a body of bourgeois power and the Petrograd Council of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies as a body of working people.

Political situation in Russia (February - October 1917)

“Dual power” (February - June 1917)

The Provisional Government did not set as its goal to carry out revolutionary changes in the economic and social order. As government representatives themselves stated, all major issues of government structure will be resolved constituent Assembly, but for now it’s “temporary”, it is necessary to maintain order in the country and, most importantly, win the war. There was no talk about reforms.

After the collapse of the monarchy, for all political classes, parties and their political leaders, for the first time in Russian history the opportunity to come to power opened up. The fight for the period from February to October 1917 was fought by more than 50 political parties. A particularly noticeable role in politics after February 1917 was played by the Cadets, Mensheviks, Socialist Revolutionaries, and Bolsheviks. What were their goals and tactics?

Central place in cadet program were occupied by the ideas of Europeanization of Russia through the creation of a strong state power. They assigned the leading role in this process to the bourgeoisie. The continuation of the war, according to the Cadets, could unite both conservatives and liberals, the State Duma and the commanders-in-chief. The Cadets saw the unity of these forces as the main condition for the development of the revolution.

Mensheviks viewed the February Revolution as a nationwide, nationwide, class-wide one. Therefore, their main political line in the development of events after February was the creation of a government based on a coalition of forces not interested in the restoration of the monarchy.

The views on the nature and tasks of the revolution were similar right socialist revolutionaries(A.F. Kerensky, N.D. Avksentyev), as well as from the leader of the party, who occupied centrist positions, V. Chernov.

February, in their opinion, is the apogee of the revolutionary process and liberation movement in Russia. They saw the essence of the revolution in Russia in achieving civil harmony, reconciling all layers of society, and, first of all, reconciling supporters of war and revolution to implement a program of social reforms.

The position was different left socialist revolutionaries, its leader M.A. Spiridonova who believed that the popular, democratic February in Russia marked the beginning of a political and social world revolution.

Bolsheviks

The Bolsheviks—Russia's most radical party in 1917—saw February as the first stage of the struggle for socialist revolution. This position was formulated by V.I. Lenin in the “April Theses”, where the slogans “No support for the Provisional Government” and “All power to the Soviets” were put forward.

Arrival of V.I.Lenin in Petrograd April 3(16), 1917 Art.K.Aksenov.1959

The April Theses also formulated the economic platform of the party: workers' control over social production and distribution of products, the unification of all banks into one national bank and the establishment of control over it by the Soviets, the confiscation of landowners' lands and the nationalization of all land in the country.

The relevance of the theses became more and more obvious as crisis situations in the country grew in connection with the specific policies of the Provisional Government. The mood of the Provisional Government to continue the war and delay the decision on social reforms created a serious source of conflict in the development of the revolution.

First political crisis

During the 8 months the Provisional Government was in power, it was repeatedly in a state of crisis. The first crisis erupted in April When the Provisional Government announced that Russia would continue the war on the side of the Entente, this caused a massive protest of the people. On April 18 (May 1), the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Provisional Government, Miliukov, sent a note to the Allied Powers, which confirmed that the Provisional Government would comply with all treaties of the tsarist government and continue the war to a victorious end. The note caused indignation among wide sections of the population. Over 100 thousand people took to the streets of Petrograd demanding peace. The result of the crisis was the formation first coalition government, which consisted not only of bourgeois, but also of representatives of socialist (Mensheviks, Socialist Revolutionaries) parties.

Ministers P.N. left the government. Miliukov and A.I. Guchkov, the new coalition government included the leaders of the Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries V.M. Chernov, A.F. Kerensky, I.G. Tsereteli, M.I. Skobelev.

The power crisis was temporarily eliminated, but the causes of its occurrence were not eliminated.

Second political crisis

The offensive at the front launched in June 1917 also did not meet with the support of the popular masses, who increasingly actively supported the Bolshevik slogans about the Soviets taking power and ending the war. It was already second political crisis Provisional Government. Workers and soldiers took part in demonstrations under the slogans “Down with 10 capitalist ministers”, “Bread, peace, freedom”, “All power to the Soviets” in Petrograd, Moscow, Tver, Ivanovo-Voznesensk and other cities.

Third political crisis

And a few days later a new (July) political crisis in Russia broke out in Petrograd. It was already third political crisis, which became a new stage on the path to a national crisis. The reason was the unsuccessful offensive of Russian troops at the front and the disbandment of revolutionary military units. As a result, on July 2 (15), the Cadets left the Provisional Government.

By this time, the socio-economic situation, especially the food situation, had deteriorated sharply. Neither the creation of land committees, nor the introduction of a state monopoly on bread, nor regulation of food supplies, nor even meat allocation with a double increase in purchase prices for basic food products could alleviate the difficult food situation. Imported purchases of meat, fish and other products did not help. About half a million prisoners of war, as well as soldiers from rear garrisons, were sent to agricultural work. To forcibly confiscate grain, the government sent armed military detachments to the village. However, all the measures taken did not produce the expected results. People stood in queues at night. For Russia, the summer and early autumn of 1917 was characterized by the collapse of the economy, closing enterprises, unemployment, and inflation. The differentiation of Russian society has sharply increased. Conflicting opinions clashed on the problems of war, peace, power, and bread. There was only one consensus: the war must be ended as soon as possible.

Under the current conditions, the Provisional Government was unable to maintain the level of political dialogue and July 4 - 5, 1917. turned to violence against the workers' and soldiers' demonstration in Petrograd. A peaceful demonstration in Petrograd was shot and dispersed by the armed forces of the Provisional Government. Following the shooting and dispersal of the peaceful demonstration, there was a government order granting the Minister of War and the Minister of Internal Affairs broad powers, giving the right to prohibit meetings and congresses, and to impose brutal censorship.

The newspapers Trud and Pravda were banned; The editorial office of the newspaper “Pravda” was destroyed, and on July 7 an order was issued for the arrest of V.I. Lenin and G.E. Zinoviev - Bolshevik leaders. However, the leadership of the Soviets did not interfere with the actions of the government, fearing the increased political influence of the Bolsheviks on the masses.

Causes and nature of the February Revolution.

The February revolution was caused by the same reasons, had the same character, solved the same problems and had the same alignment of opposing forces as the revolution of 1905-1907. (See paragraph “First Russian Revolution 1905 - 1907"). After the first revolution, the tasks of overthrowing the autocracy (the question of power), introducing democratic freedoms, solving agrarian, labor, national issues. The February revolution of 1917, like the revolution of 1905-1907, was bourgeois-democratic in nature.

Features of the February Revolution.

Unlike the first Russian revolution of 1905-1907, the February Revolution of 1917:

It took place against the backdrop of the devastation caused by the First World War;

Active participation in revolutionary events soldiers and sailors;

The army almost immediately went over to the side of the revolution.

The formation of a revolutionary situation. The revolution was not prepared in advance and broke out unexpectedly for both the government and the revolutionary parties. It is noteworthy that V.I. Lenin in 1916 did not believe in its imminent arrival. He said: “We old people may not live to see decisive battles this coming revolution." However, by the end of 1916, economic devastation, worsening poverty and misfortune of the masses caused social tension, the growth of anti-war sentiment and dissatisfaction with the policies of the autocracy. By the beginning of 1917, the country found itself in a social and political crisis.

The beginning of the revolution. In February 1917, the supply of bread in Petrograd deteriorated. The country had enough bread, but due to the devastation at the transport port, it was not delivered on time. Queues appeared at bakeries, which caused discontent among the people. In this situation, any action by the authorities could cause a social explosion. On February 18, workers at the Putilov plant went on strike. In response, the management fired the strikers. They were supported by workers from other enterprises. On February 23 (March 8, new style), a general strike began. It was accompanied by rallies with the slogans “Bread!”, “Peace!” “Freedom!”, “Down with war!” “Down with autocracy!” February 23, 1917 considered the beginning of the February Revolution.

At first the government did not give special significance these events. The day before, Nicholas II, having assumed the duties of Supreme Commander-in-Chief, left Petrograd for Headquarters in Mogilev. However, events escalated. On February 24, 214 thousand people were already on strike in Petrograd, and on the 25th - over 300 thousand (80% of workers). Demonstrations spread. The Cossacks sent to disperse them began to go over to the side of the demonstrators. Commander of the Petrograd Military District, General S.S. Khabalov received an order from the king: “I command you to stop the riots in the capital tomorrow.” On February 26, Ha-ba-lov ordered fire on the demonstrators: 50 people were killed and hundreds were wounded.

The outcome of any revolution depends on which side the army is on. Defeat of the revolution of 1905-1907. This was largely due to the fact that on the whole the army remained faithful to tsarism. In February 1917, there were 180 thousand soldiers in Petrograd who were being prepared to be sent to the front. There were quite a few recruits here from workers mobilized for participation in strikes. They did not want to go to the front and easily succumbed to revolutionary propaganda. The shooting of the demonstrators caused outrage among the soldiers in the garrison zone. Soldiers of the Pavlovsk regiment seized the arsenal and handed over the weapons to the workers. On March 1, there were already 170 thousand soldiers on the side of the rebels. The remainder of the garrison, together with Khabalov, surrendered. The transition of the garrison zone to the side of the revolution ensured its victory. Tsarist ministers were arrested, police stations were destroyed and burned, and political prisoners were released from prisons.

Creation of new authorities. Petrograd Soviet of Workers' Deputies (February 27, 1917). The Petrograd Soviet consisted of 250 members. Chairman - Menshevik N.S. Chkheidze, deputies - Menshevik M.I. Skobelev and Trudovik A.F. Kerensky(1881-1970). The Petrograd Soviet was dominated by the Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries, at that time the most numerous left-wing parties. They put forward the slogan of “civil peace,” the consolidation of all classes and political freedoms. By decision of the Petrograd Soviet, the tsar's finances were confiscated.

« Order No. 1» was issued by the Petrograd Soviet on March 1, 1917. Elected Sol-Danish committees, weapons were placed at their disposal. The titles of officers and the giving of honor to them were abolished. Although this order was intended only for the Petrograd garrison, it soon spread to the fronts. “Order No. 1” was destructive, undermined the principle of unity of command in the army, leading to its collapse and mass desertion.

Creation of the Provisional Government. The leaders of the bourgeois parties in the State Duma created on February 27 "Provisional Committee of the State Duma" under the leadership of the Chairman of the IV Duma M. V. Rodzyanko. March 2, 1917. The Petrograd Soviet and the Provisional Committee of the State Duma formed Provisional government consisting of:

Chairman - Prince G. E. Lvov(1861-1925), non-party liberal, close to the Cadets and Octobrists:

Minister of Foreign Affairs - cadet P. N. Milyukov(1859-1943);

Minister of War and Navy - Octobrist A. I. Guchkov(1862-1936);

Minister of Transport - textile tycoon from the Ivanovo region, member of the Progressive Party A. I. Konovalov(1875-1948);

Minister of Agriculture - A. I. Shingarev (1869-1918);

Minister of Finance - sugar manufacturer M. I. Tereshchenko(1886-1956);

Minister of Education - liberal populist A. A. Manuilov;

The king's abdication. Nicholas II was at Headquarters in Mogilev and poorly understood the danger of the situation. Having received news on February 27 about the beginning of the revolution from the Chairman of the Fourth Duma M.V. Rodzianko, the Tsar declared: “Again this fat man Rodzianko has written to me all sorts of nonsense, to which I will not even answer him.” The Tsar blamed the unrest in the capital on the Duma and ordered its dissolution. Later, he ordered punitive troops to be sent to the capital under the command of General N. I. Ivanova, appointed commander of the Petrograd garrison instead of Khabalov. However, information about the victory of the revolution in Petrograd and about the troops going over to its side forced General Ivanov to refrain from punitive actions.

On February 28, the Tsar and his retinue went to Petrograd, but the Tsar’s train could not get through to the capital and turned to Pskov, where the headquarters of the commander of the Northern Front, General, was located N.V. Ruzsky. After negotiations with Rodzianko and the front commanders, Nicholas II decided to abdicate the throne in favor of his 13-year-old son Alexei under the regency of his brother Michael. On March 2, representatives of the Provisional Committee of the Duma arrived in Pskov A.I. Guchkov And V.V. Shulgin. They convinced the king to “transfer the burden of rule to other hands.” Nicholas II signed a manifesto on abdication of the throne in favor of his brother Mikhail. The king wrote in his diary: “There is treason and cowardice and deception all around!”

Subsequently, Nikolai and his family were under house arrest in the Tsarskoye Selo palace. In the summer of 1917, by decision of the Provisional Government, the Romanovs were sent into exile in Tobolsk. In the spring of 1918, the Bolsheviks moved to Yekaterinburg, where they were shot in July 1918, along with those close to them.

Guchkov and Shulgin returned to Petrograd with a manifesto on Nicholas’ abdication. A toast in honor of the new Emperor Mikhail, delivered by Guchkov, aroused the indignation of the workers. They threatened Guchkov with execution. On March 3, a meeting between members of the Provisional Government and Mikhail Romanov took place. After heated discussions, the majority spoke in favor of Michael's abdication. He agreed and signed his abdication. The autocracy fell. It's arrived dual power.

The essence of dual power. During the transition period - from the moment of the victory of the revolution until the adoption of the constitution and the formation of new bodies of power - there is usually a Provisional Revolutionary Government, whose responsibilities include breaking the old apparatus of power and consolidating the gains of the revolution by decrees and convening Constituent Assembly, which determines the form of the future state structure of the country and adopts a constitution. However, a feature of the February Revolution of 1917 was that a development that had no analogues in history dual power represented by the socialist Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies (" power without power"), on the one hand, and the liberal Provisional Government (" power without strength"), with another.

The significance of the February Revolution of 1917:

The autocracy was overthrown;

Russia received maximum political freedoms.

The revolution was victorious, but it did not solve all the problems. Cruel trials awaited the country ahead.

The main reasons for the February revolution:

1. Although the autocracy was at the last line, it continued to exist;

Workers sought to achieve better working conditions;

3. National minorities needed, if not independence, then greater autonomy;

4. The people wanted an end to the terrible war. This new problem has been added to the old ones;

The population wanted to avoid hunger and impoverishment.

By the beginning of the 20th century. The agrarian question was acute in Russia. The reforms of Emperor Alexander II did not make life much easier for peasants and villages. The village continued to maintain a community, which was convenient for the government to collect taxes.

Peasants were forbidden to leave the community, so the village was overpopulated. Many high personalities of Russia tried to destroy the community as a feudal relic, but the community was protected by the autocracy, and they failed to do this. One of these people was S. Yu. Witte. Later, P. A. Stolypin managed to free the peasants from the community during his agrarian reform.

But the agrarian problem remained. The agrarian question led to the revolution of 1905 and remained the main one by 1917. The ruling circles of Russia saw the main chance to delay the death of the autocracy in the victorious end of the war with Germany. 15.6 million people were put under arms, of which up to 13 million

peasants The war of '14 by this time was causing discontent among the masses, not without the participation of the Bolsheviks. The Bolsheviks authorized rallies in the capitals and other cities of Russia.

They also carried out agitation in the army, which negatively affected the mood of soldiers and officers. People in the cities joined the Bolshevik demonstrations. All factories in Petrograd worked for the front, because of this there was a shortage of bread and other consumer goods. In Petrograd itself, the streets stretched long tails queues. By the end of 1916, the tsarist government expanded the issue of money so much that goods began to disappear from the shelves.

The peasants refused to sell food for depreciating money. They took the products to big cities: St. Petersburg, Moscow, etc.

The provinces “closed themselves” and the tsarist government switched to food appropriation, because the financial company's fortunes forced it. In 1914

The state wine monopoly was abolished, this stopped the agrarian drain of money into the agricultural sector. In February 1917, industrial centers were falling apart, Moscow, St. Petersburg and other Russian cities were starving, and the system of commodity-money relations in the country was disrupted.

Progress of the revolution of 1917

The workers wanted to support the Duma, but the police dispersed the workers as soon as they began to gather to go to the Duma. Chairman of the State Duma M. Rodzianko obtained a reception from the sovereign and warned that Russia was in danger. The emperor did not react to this. He did not deceive, but he was deceived himself, because the Minister of Internal Affairs ordered that local authorities send telegrams to Nicholas II about the “immeasurable love” of the people for the “adored monarch.”

The ministers deceived the emperor in everything related to domestic politics.

The Emperor believed them unconditionally in everything. Nicholas was more concerned about affairs at the front, which were not going well. in the best possible way. Not a solution internal problems, the financial crisis, the difficult war with Germany - all this led to spontaneous uprisings that grew into the February Bourgeois Revolution of 1917.

By mid-February, 90 thousand Petrograd workers went on strike due to bread shortages, speculation and rising prices.

Strikes occurred in only a few factories.

Discontent among the masses arose largely due to the food issue (in particular, the lack of bread) and most of all this worried women, who had to wait in long lines in the hope of getting at least something.

In many workshops groups gathered, read the leaflet distributed by the Bolsheviks, and passed it from hand to hand.

During the lunch break, rallies began at most factories in the Vyborg region and at a number of enterprises in other regions.

Women workers angrily denounced the tsarist government, protested against the lack of bread, the high cost, and the continuation of the war. They were supported by Bolshevik workers at every large and small factory on the Vyborg side. There were calls everywhere for work to stop. The ten enterprises that were on strike on Bolshoy Sampsonievsky Prospekt were joined by others from 10–11 a.m. In total, according to police data, about 90 thousand workers of 50 enterprises went on strike. Thus, the number of strikers exceeded the scope of the strike on February 14.

If there were few demonstrations then, on February 23, the majority of workers remained on the streets for some time before going home and took part in mass demonstrations. Many strikers were in no hurry to disperse, but long time remained on the streets and agreed to the calls of the strike leaders to continue the demonstration and go to the city center. The demonstrators were excited, which anarchist elements did not fail to take advantage of: 15 shops were destroyed on the Vyborg side.

The workers stopped the trams, and if the car drivers and conductors showed resistance, they turned the cars over. In total, the police counted, 30 tram trains were stopped.

From the first hours, the events of February 23 revealed a peculiar combination of organization and spontaneity, so characteristic of the entire further development of the February Revolution. Rallies and speeches by women were planned by the Bolsheviks and Mezhrayontsy, as well as the possibility of strikes. However, no one expected such a significant scale.

The call of women workers, following the instructions of the Bolshevik Center, was very quickly and unanimously taken up by all male workers of the striking enterprises. The police were taken by surprise by the events. At about 4 p.m., workers from the outskirts, as if obeying a single call, moved to Nevsky Prospekt.

This was not surprising: just a week ago, on February 14, the workers, following the instructions of the Bolsheviks, also went to Nevsky - traditional place political demonstrations and rallies.

A meeting of the State Duma was taking place in the Tauride Palace.

She began working on February 14, in the alarming atmosphere of a major demonstration expected. This was reflected in the restrained position expressed in the speeches of Rodzianko, Milyukov and other speakers of the Progressive Bloc. The progressives who joined at the end of 1916 from the Progressive Bloc, the leader of the Menshevik faction, Chkheidze, spoke sharply.

On February 15, Miliukov declared in the Duma that the government had returned to the course it had pursued before October 17, 1905, “to fight against the entire country.” But he also tried to distance himself from the “street,” which has recently been encouraging the Duma with statements that the country and the army are with it, and is expecting some kind of “deed” from the Duma. On Saturday and Sunday, February 18 and 19, the Duma did not meet, and on Monday the 20th a very short meeting was held.

The big plenary was scheduled for Thursday, February 23rd. Rumors about the movement that began on the Vyborg side quickly reached the Tauride Palace. Phone calls were heard in the rooms of the press, factions and commissions, and in the secretary of the Duma chairman. At this time, a discussion of the food issue was taking place in the White Meeting Hall of the Duma. Then they moved on to a debate on the request submitted by the Menshevik and Trudovik factions for strikes at the Izhora and Putilov factories.

Meanwhile, it was during these hours that the movement further demonstrated its anti-government and anti-war orientation.

Information about this continued to flow into the Duma, but it did not change the overall assessment of events on the part of its members.

Late in the evening of February 23, at a safe house in a remote working-class area of ​​Petrograd, Novaya Derevnya, a meeting of members of the Russian Bureau of the Central Committee of the RSDLP (b) and the St. Petersburg Committee took place.

S., Georgiev V. A., Georgieva N. G., Sivokhina T. A. “History of Russia from ancient times to the present day”

They noted with satisfaction that the scope of events that day went far beyond their expectations: clashes with the police, rallies, the number of which on the streets could not even be accurately counted, a demonstration on Nevsky.

The number of strikers, according to their observations and rough estimates, even exceeded the number of those who went on strike on February 14. All this seemed to give the Bolsheviks complete revenge for the day of February 14, when caution was felt in the behavior of the masses and there were few demonstrations.

The next morning, at 7 o'clock, lines of workers again reached the gates of their enterprises.

They were in the most fighting mood. The majority decided not to start work. On February 24, 75 thousand people went on strike. The speakers, many of whom were Bolsheviks, called on the workers to immediately take to the streets. Revolutionary songs were heard everywhere. In some places red flags were flying up. Tram traffic was stopped again. The entire street was filled with columns of demonstrators moving towards Liteyny Bridge. Police and Cossacks more than once attacked workers on the approaches to the bridge.

They managed to temporarily interrupt the movement of demonstrators. The workers parted to let the horsemen pass. But as soon as they drove away, the workers moved forward again. They repeatedly broke through the Liteiny (Alexandrovsky) bridge to the left bank of the Neva. The fighting and high spirits of the workers that day intensified even more. The police chiefs of both Vyborg districts repeatedly reported to the mayor A.

P. Balku that they are not able to cope with the movement on their own.

Demonstrations and rallies did not stop. On the evening of February 25, Nicholas II from Headquarters, located in Mogilev, sent a telegram to the commander of the Petrograd Military District, S.S. Khabalov, with a categorical demand to stop the unrest.

Attempts by the authorities to use troops did not produce a positive effect; the soldiers refused to shoot at the people. However, officers and police killed more than 150 people on February 26th. In response, the guards of the Pavlovsk regiment, supporting the workers, opened fire on the police.

Chairman of the Duma M.V. Rodzianko warned Nicholas II that the government was paralyzed and “there is anarchy in the capital.” To prevent the development of the revolution, he insisted on the immediate creation of a new government headed by a statesman who enjoyed the trust of society.

However, the king rejected his proposal. Moreover. The Council of Ministers decided to interrupt the meetings of the Duma and dissolve it for vacation. The moment for a peaceful, evolutionary transformation of the country into constitutional monarchy was missed. Nicholas II sent troops from Headquarters to suppress the revolution, but a small detachment of General N.

I. Ivanova was detained near Gatchina by rebel railway workers and soldiers and was not allowed into the capital.

On February 27, the mass transition of soldiers to the side of the workers, their seizure of the arsenal and the Peter and Paul Fortress, marked the victory of the revolution. The arrests of tsarist ministers and the formation of new government bodies began.

On the same day, in factories and military units, based on the experience of 1905, when the first organs were born political power workers, elections were held to the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies.

An Executive Committee was elected to manage its activities. The Menshevik N. S. Chkheidze became the chairman, and the Socialist Revolutionary A. F. Kerensky became his deputy. The Executive Committee took upon itself the maintenance of public order and the supply of food to the population.

On February 27, at a meeting of leaders of Duma factions, it was decided to form a Provisional Committee of the State Duma headed by M.

V. Rodzianko. The task of the committee was to “restoration of state and public order” and the creation of a new government.

The temporary committee took control of all ministries. On February 28, Nicholas II left Headquarters for Tsarskoe Selo, but was detained on the way by revolutionary troops.

He had to turn to Pskov, to the headquarters of the Northern Front. After consultations with the front commanders, he became convinced that there were no forces to suppress the revolution.

On March 1, the Petrograd Soviet issued “Order No. 1” on the democratization of the army. The soldiers were equalized civil rights with officers, rough treatment of lower ranks was prohibited, traditional forms army chain of command.

Soldiers' committees were legalized. The election of commanders was introduced. Political activities were allowed in the army. The Petrograd garrison was subordinate to the Council and was obliged to carry out only its orders.

On March 2, Nicholas signed a Manifesto abdicating the throne for himself and his son Alexei in favor of his brother, Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich. However, when Duma deputies A.I. Guchkov and V.V. Shulgin brought the text of the Manifesto to Petrograd, it became clear that the people did not want a monarchy.

On March 3, Mikhail abdicated the throne, declaring that his future fate political system in Russia must be decided by the Constituent Assembly. The 300-year reign of the House of Romanov ended. Autocracy in Russia finally fell. This was the main result of the revolution.

Results of the February Revolution

The February Revolution was not as swift as they like to describe it. Of course, compared to the French Revolution, it was fleeting and almost bloodless.

But it was simply never mentioned that until the end of the revolution, the Tsar had a chance to save the autocracy in the same way as in 1905 - by issuing some kind of constitution.

But that did not happen. What is this – political colorblindness or lack of interest in everything that is happening? And yet, the February Revolution, which led to the overthrow of the autocracy, ended.

However, the peoples of Russia rose up to fight not only and not so much in order to overthrow the Romanov dynasty from the throne. The overthrow of the autocracy in itself did not solve the pressing problems facing the country.

February 1917 did not complete the revolutionary process, but began a new stage. After the February revolution, workers received an increase in wages, but inflation ate it up by the summer.

The lack of wages, housing, food, and basic necessities caused disappointment among the people in the results of the February revolution. The government continued the unpopular war, thousands of people died in the trenches.

Distrust in the Provisional Government grew, which resulted in mass street protests. From February to July 1917 The provisional government experienced three powerful political crises that threatened to overthrow it.

The February was a people's revolution

The February Revolution of 1917 in Russia is still called the Bourgeois-Democratic Revolution. It is the second revolution (the first occurred in 1905, the third in October 1917).

The February Revolution began the great turmoil in Russia, during which not only the Romanov dynasty fell and the Empire ceased to be a monarchy, but also the entire bourgeois-capitalist system, as a result of which the elite in Russia completely changed

Causes of the February Revolution

• Russia's unfortunate participation in the First World War, accompanied by defeats at the fronts and disorganization of life in the rear
• The inability of Emperor Nicholas II to rule Russia, which resulted in unsuccessful appointments of ministers and military leaders
• Corruption at all levels of government
• Economic difficulties
• Ideological disintegration of the masses, who stopped believing the tsar, the church, and local leaders
• Dissatisfaction with the tsar's policies by representatives of the big bourgeoisie and even his closest relatives

“...We have been living on the volcano for several days... There was no bread in Petrograd - transport was very bad due to the extraordinary snow, frosts and, most importantly, of course, because of the stress of the war... There were street riots... But this was, of course, not the case in the bread... That was the last straw... The point was that in this entire huge city it was impossible to find several hundred people who would sympathize with the authorities... And not even that... The point is that the authorities did not sympathize with themselves... There was no , in essence, not a single minister who believed in himself and in what he was doing... The class of former rulers was fading away...”
(You.

Shulgin "Days")

Progress of the February Revolution

• February 21 - bread riots in Petrograd. Crowds destroyed bread stores
• February 23 - the beginning of a general strike of Petrograd workers. Mass demonstrations with slogans “Down with war!”, “Down with autocracy!”, “Bread!”
• February 24 - More than 200 thousand workers of 214 enterprises, students went on strike
• February 25 - 305 thousand people were already on strike, 421 factories stood idle.

  The workers were joined by office workers and artisans. The troops refused to disperse the protesting people

• February 26 - Continued unrest. Disintegration in the troops. Inability of the police to restore calm. Nicholas II
  postponed the start of State Duma meetings from February 26 to April 1, which was perceived as its dissolution
• February 27 - armed uprising. The reserve battalions of Volyn, Litovsky, and Preobrazhensky refused to obey their commanders and joined the people.

  In the afternoon, the Semenovsky regiment, the Izmailovsky regiment, and the reserve armored vehicle division rebelled. The Kronverk Arsenal, the Arsenal, the Main Post Office, the telegraph office, train stations, and bridges were occupied.

  The State Duma
  appointed a Provisional Committee “to restore order in St. Petersburg and to communicate with institutions and individuals.”

• On February 28, night, the Provisional Committee announced that it was taking power into its own hands.
• On February 28, the 180th Infantry Regiment, the Finnish Regiment, the sailors of the 2nd Baltic Fleet Crew and the cruiser Aurora rebelled.

  The insurgent people occupied all the stations of Petrograd

• March 1 - Kronstadt and Moscow rebelled, the tsar’s entourage offered him either the introduction of loyal army units into Petrograd, or the creation of the so-called “responsible ministries” - a government subordinate to the Duma, which meant turning the Emperor into an “English queen”.
• March 2, night - Nicholas II signed a manifesto on the granting of a responsible ministry, but it was too late.

  The public demanded abdication.

“The Chief of Staff of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief,” General Alekseev, requested by telegram all the commanders-in-chief of the fronts. These telegrams asked the commanders-in-chief for their opinion on the desirability, under the given circumstances, of the abdication of the sovereign emperor from the throne in favor of his son.

By one o'clock in the afternoon on March 2, all the answers from the commanders-in-chief were received and concentrated in the hands of General Ruzsky. These answers were:
1) From Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich - Commander-in-Chief of the Caucasian Front.
2) From General Sakharov - the actual commander-in-chief of the Romanian Front (the commander in chief was the King of Romania, and Sakharov was his chief of staff).
3) From General Brusilov - Commander-in-Chief of the Southwestern Front.
4) From General Evert - Commander-in-Chief of the Western Front.
5) From Ruzsky himself - Commander-in-Chief of the Northern Front.

All five commanders-in-chief of the fronts and General Alekseev (General Alekseev was the chief of staff under the Sovereign) spoke out in favor of the Sovereign Emperor’s abdication of the throne.” (Vas. Shulgin “Days”)

• On March 2, at about 3 p.m., Tsar Nicholas II decided to abdicate the throne in favor of his heir, Tsarevich Alexei, under the regency of the younger brother of Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich.

  During the day, the king decided to renounce his heir as well.

• March 4 - the Manifesto on the abdication of Nicholas II and the Manifesto on the abdication of Mikhail Alexandrovich were published in newspapers.

“The man rushed towards us - Darlings!” he shouted and grabbed me by the hand. “Did you hear? There is no king! There is only Russia left.
He kissed everyone deeply and rushed to run further, sobbing and muttering something... It was already one in the morning, when Efremov usually slept soundly.
Suddenly, at this inopportune hour, a loud and short sound of the cathedral bell was heard.

Then a second blow, a third.
The beats became more frequent, a tight ringing was already floating over the town, and soon the bells of all the surrounding churches joined it.
Lights were lit in all the houses. The streets were filled with people. The doors of many houses stood wide open. Strangers, crying, hugged each other. From the direction of the station came the solemn and jubilant cry of the locomotives (K.

Paustovsky "Restless Youth")

Results of the February Revolution of 1917

• Death penalty abolished
• Political freedoms granted
• The Pale of Settlement has been abolished
• The beginning of the trade union movement
• Amnesty for political prisoners

Russia has become the most democratic country in the world

• The economic crisis has not been stopped
• Participation in the war continued
• Permanent government crisis
• The collapse of the empire along national lines began
• The peasant question remained unresolved

Russia demanded a decisive government and it came in the form of the Bolsheviks

What is liberalism?
Where is the filibuster sea?
What is the League of Nations?

The nature of the revolution: bourgeois-democratic.

Goals: overthrow of the autocracy, elimination of landownership, class system, inequality of nations, establishment of a democratic republic, ensuring various democratic freedoms, alleviating the situation of the working people.

Causes of the revolution: extreme aggravation of all the contradictions of Russian society, aggravated by war, economic devastation and the food crisis.

driving forces: working class, peasantry, liberal bourgeoisie, democratic strata of the population, intelligentsia, students, employees, representatives of oppressed peoples, army.

Course of events: February: strikes and demonstrations of Petrograd workers caused by dissatisfaction with the economic situation, food difficulties, and war.

14.02 - opening of the State Duma session. Rodzianko and Miliukov are cautious in criticizing the autocracy.

Progressives and Mensheviks are speeding up the confrontation with the government. Result: it was concluded that a change of government was necessary. 20-21.02 - the emperor hesitates, discusses the issue of the responsibility of the ministry, gathers in the Duma, but unexpectedly leaves for headquarters.

23.02 - spontaneous revolutionary explosion - the beginning of the revolution. 24-25.02 - strikes develop into a general strike. The troops remain neutral. There is no order to shoot. 26.02 - clashes with police escalate into battles with troops. 27.02 - the general strike turns into an armed uprising. The transition of troops to the side of the rebels began.

The rebels occupy the most important strategic points of the city and government buildings. On the same day, the Tsar interrupts the Duma session. The rebels come to the Tauride Palace. The authority of the Duma among the people was high. The Duma turned out to be the center of the revolution.

Duma deputies create a temporary committee of the State Duma, and workers and soldiers form the Petrograd Soviet. 28.02 - ministers and senior dignitaries were arrested. Rodzianko agrees to take power into the hands of the temporary Duma committee. The armed uprising was victorious. 2.03 - abdication of Nicholas II from the throne 3.03 - Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich abdicates the throne.

In fact, a republican system is being established in the country. March: The revolution wins throughout the country.

Results of the February Revolution: the overthrow of the autocracy, the beginning of economic and socio-political reform, the formation of dual power, the aggravation of problems in Russia.

History message.

"February" revolution of 1917

Dual power.

University: Moscow State University of Economics and Economics.

Faculty student: IE

Groups I-14

Tseytin Georgy Stanislavovich.

INTRODUCTION

In this essay I tried to reveal the topic “The February Revolution of 1917. Dual power."

In my work I decided:

Reflect the reasons that led to the February revolution;

Show a brief course of events taking place during the days of the revolution and after it;

To lead to an understanding of dual power in Russia, the disagreement of which, along with other reasons, led Russia to the bloody October Revolution.

The main source that helped me in realizing my goals was the book by V.P. Ostrovsky. and Utkina A.I. "Russian history. XX century".

Let me start with the fact that in the period from 1907 to 1917, two processes developed in Russia that were mutually exclusive.

First is a process of modernization of society, the goals of which were:

Expanding the economic freedom of the individual,

Development of the free market,

Creation of market infrastructure.

During this period, along with large-scale entrepreneurship, a middle class of wealthy owners was formed; civil society developed naturally; principles of law were introduced into real life. In other words, there was a transformation of the state, the state power of which could gradually become a strong observer monitoring the implementation of laws. This process was actually broken.

Second process- this is the state’s desire for greater control over economic life, limiting the number of owners and their rights. This process was strengthened and accelerated by the First World War, which began in August 1914. This war also strengthened the tendency of public consciousness towards revolutionary changes and rapid change.

All this led to the revolutions of 1917, in particular to the February Revolution, which is considered bloodless, but led to significant changes in the political and socio-economic development of Russia.

Reasons that led to the February Revolution of 1917

On August 1, 1914, the First World War began in Russia, which lasted until November 11, 1918, the cause of which was the struggle for spheres of influence in conditions where a unified European market and legal mechanism had not been created.

Russia was the defending party in this war. And although the patriotism and heroism of the soldiers and officers was great, there was no single will, no serious plans for waging war, no sufficient supply of ammunition, uniforms and food. This filled the army with uncertainty. She lost her soldiers and suffered defeats. The Minister of War was put on trial and the Supreme Commander-in-Chief was removed from his post. Nicholas II himself became Commander-in-Chief. But the situation has not improved. Despite continuous economic growth (coal and oil production, the production of shells, guns and other types of weapons increased, huge reserves were accumulated in case of a prolonged war), the situation developed in such a way that during the war years Russia found itself without an authoritative government, without an authoritative prime minister. minister, and without an authoritative Headquarters. The officer corps was replenished with educated people, i.e. intelligentsia, which was subject to oppositional sentiments, and daily participation in a war in which there was a shortage of the most necessary things gave rise to doubts.

The growing centralization of economic management, carried out against the backdrop of a growing shortage of raw materials, fuel, transport, and skilled labor, accompanied by the scale of speculation and abuse, led to the fact that the role of state regulation increased along with the growth of negative factors in the economy. Queues appeared in cities, standing in which was a psychological breakdown for hundreds of thousands of workers.

The predominance of military output over civilian production and rising food prices led to a steady increase in prices for all consumer goods. At the same time, wages did not keep pace with rising prices. Discontent grew both in the rear and at the front. And it was directed primarily against the monarch and his government.

If we take into account that from November 1916 to March 1917, three prime ministers, two ministers of internal affairs and two ministers of agriculture were replaced, then the expression of the convinced monarchist V. Shulgin about the situation prevailing in Russia at that time is indeed true: “autocracy without an autocrat” .

Among a number of prominent politicians, in semi-legal organizations and circles, a conspiracy was brewing and plans were being discussed to remove Nicholas II from power. The plan was to seize the Tsar's train between Mogilev and Petrograd and force the monarch to abdicate.

Events of February 1917

Unrest in the army, village unrest, the inability of the political and military leadership to protect the national interests of Russia, which catastrophically aggravated the internal situation of the country, did not alert the tsarist government, therefore, the spontaneous February revolution that began unexpectedly became unexpected for the government and all political parties.

The first unrest began with a strike by workers at the Putilov plant on February 17, whose workers demanded an increase in prices by 50% and the hiring of laid-off workers. The administration did not satisfy the stated demands. As a sign of solidarity with Putilov's workers, many enterprises in Petrograd went on strike. They were supported by the workers of the Narva outpost and the Vyborg side. The crowds of workers were joined by thousands of random people: teenagers, students, small employees, intellectuals. On February 23, a demonstration of women workers in Petrograd took place.

Demonstrations that began in Petrograd demanding bread escalated into clashes with the police, who were taken by surprise by the events. Part of the Pavlovsk regiment also spoke out against the police.

The government did not give an order to open fire on the demonstrators. The Cossacks were not given whips. In various areas of the city, police officers were disarmed and dozens of revolvers and sabers were taken away. Finally, the police stopped opposing the demonstrators, and the city was in their hands.

According to estimates, the number of strikers was about 300 thousand! In fact it was a general strike. The main slogans of these events were: “Down with autocracy!”, “Down with war!”, “Down with the Tsar!”, “Down with Nicholas!”, “Bread and Peace!”.

On the evening of February 25, Nicholas II gave the order to stop the unrest in the capital. The State Duma was dissolved. The secret police handed over dozens of addresses of active figures of all parties to the police for their immediate arrest. A total of 171 people were arrested overnight. On February 26, gun shots were fired into the unarmed crowd, which managed to disperse huge crowds of people. Only the 4th company of the Pavlovsk Regiment, stationed in the buildings of the Stable Department, refused to act against the people.

On the night of February 26-27, rebel soldiers joined the workers; on the morning of February 27, the district court was burned down and the pretrial detention house was seized; prisoners were released from prison, among whom were many members of revolutionary parties who had been arrested in recent days.

On February 27, the Arsenal and the Winter Palace were captured. The autocracy was overthrown. On the same day, the Executive Committee of the Council of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies of Petrograd was formed, and members of the Progressive Bloc created the Provisional Committee of the Duma, which took the initiative to "restoration of state and public order." Almost simultaneously with this, several people from among the left-wing intelligentsia called themselves the Provisional Executive Committee of the Council of Workers' Deputies.

On March 2, 1917, having learned of the opinion of the commanders of all fronts that he should leave, Nicholas II signed the abdication of the throne, making the following entry in his diary: “There is treason, cowardice, and deception all around.”

On the same day, at the request of the Chairman of the Provisional Committee of the Duma M.V. Rodzianko and with the consent of Nicholas II, L.G. was appointed temporary commander of the Petrograd District. Kornilov

Arriving in Petrograd on March 5, Kornilov, finding himself in such a high position in an extremely politicized city, showed his qualities as a politician. Demonstrative measures - the arrest of Empress Alexandra Feodorovna and the royal children, the presentation of the Order of St. George to warrant officer Kirpichnikov, the organizer of the performance of the Volyn regiment in February, the purge of officers and artillery units, cadets and Cossacks, the most loyal to the government, as well as the development of a project for the Petrograd Front, in which was supposed to pour in the Petrograd garrison, demoralized and revolutionary, for ostensibly military purposes - the real steps of the district commander to calm the revolutionary city.

Dual power.

With the abdication of Nicholas II from the throne, the legal system that had developed since 1906 ceased to exist. No other legal system was created to regulate the activities of the state.

Now the fate of the country depended on political forces, the activity and responsibility of political leaders, and their ability to control the behavior of the masses.

The structure of state power after the February events of 1917

Several political groups have emerged in the country, proclaiming themselves the government of Russia:

1) A temporary committee of members of the State Duma formed a Provisional Government, whose main task was to win the trust of the population. The Provisional Government declared itself legislative and executive powers, in which the following disputes immediately arose:

About what the future Russia should be: parliamentary or presidential;

On ways to resolve the national question, land issues, etc.;

On the electoral law;

On elections to the Constituent Assembly.

At the same time, the time to solve current, fundamental problems was inevitably lost.

2) Organizations of persons who declared themselves authorities. The largest of them was the Petrograd Council, which consisted of moderate left-wing politicians and proposed that workers and soldiers delegate their representatives to the Council.

The Council declared itself the guarantor against a return to the past, against the restoration of the monarchy and the suppression of political freedoms.

The Council also supported the steps of the Provisional Government to strengthen democracy in Russia.

3) In addition to the Provisional Government and the Petrograd Soviet, other local bodies of actual power were formed: factory committees, district councils, national associations, new authorities on the “national outskirts”, for example, in Kyiv - the Ukrainian Rada.”

The current political situation began to be called “dual power,” although in practice it was multiple power, developing into anarchic anarchy. Monarchical and Black Hundred organizations in Russia were banned and dissolved. In the new Russia, two political forces remained: liberal-bourgeois and left-wing socialist, but in which there were disagreements.

In addition, there was powerful pressure from the grassroots:

Hoping for a socio-economic improvement in life, the workers demanded an immediate increase in wages, the introduction of an eight-hour working day, guarantees against unemployment and social security.

The peasants advocated the redistribution of neglected lands,

The soldiers insisted on easing discipline.

The disagreements of the “dual power”, its constant reform, the continuation of the war, etc. led to a new revolution - the October Revolution of 1917.

CONCLUSION.

So, the result of the February revolution of 1917 was the overthrow of the autocracy, the abdication of the tsar, the emergence of dual power in the country: the dictatorship of the big bourgeoisie represented by the Provisional Government and the Council of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies, which represented the revolutionary-democratic dictatorship of the proletariat and peasantry.

The victory of the February revolution was a victory of all active strata of the population over the medieval autocracy, a breakthrough that put Russia on par with advanced countries in the sense of proclaiming democratic and political freedoms.

The February Revolution of 1917 became the first victorious revolution in Russia and turned Russia, thanks to the overthrow of tsarism, into one of the most democratic countries. Originated in March 1917. dual power was a reflection of the fact that the era of imperialism and the world war unusually accelerated the course of the country's historical development and the transition to more radical transformations. The international significance of the February bourgeois-democratic revolution is also extremely great. Under its influence, the strike movement of the proletariat intensified in many warring countries.

The main event of this revolution for Russia itself was the need to carry out long-overdue reforms based on compromises and coalitions, and the renunciation of violence in politics.

The first steps towards this were taken in February 1917. But only the first...

List of used literature:

1. Vyrubova-Taneeva A. Royal family during the revolution // February Revolution.

2. Denikin A.I. “The campaign and death of General Kornilov.”

3. Nolde B. “From the history of the Russian catastrophe.”

4. Ostrovsky V.P., Utkin A.I. Russian history. XX century.

5. Spiridovich A.I. The Great War and the February Revolution of 1914–1917.