Mikhail Poltoranin biography. Reformers come to power: Mikhail Poltoranin

Perestroika began, and fate threw Poltoranin to the very pinnacle of power, introduced him into the society of these celestials - without much desire from Mikhail Nikiforovich himself. Having talked with the arbiters of destinies, Poltoranin was amazed - they are not statesmen, there is nothing distinctive about them, except for their bad temperament.

Mikhail Nikiforovich Poltoranin, a party journalist, made a good career. A boy from East Kazakhstan climbed the career ladder in the local press and became a special correspondent for Pravda. The work, as he himself writes, was good. The special correspondent chose a point on the map of the Union and received a business trip there. On the spot, he helped establish production, exposed fraudsters, contributed to the reinstatement of unfairly dismissed directors, or, conversely, sought the punishment of scoundrels of all ranks. Engaged in this noble activity, even struggling with individual instructions from the top leadership, Poltoranin was still confident that the country was governed by wise men, statesmen (then they were called ChPB - members of the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee).

Perestroika began, and fate threw Poltoranin to the very pinnacle of power, introduced him into the society of these celestials - without much desire from Mikhail Nikiforovich himself. Having talked with the arbiters of destinies, Poltoranin was amazed - they are not statesmen, there is nothing distinctive about them, except for their bad temperament. The main bewilderment of the newly minted statesman Poltoranin was caused by the inadequacy of the leaders to the tasks facing them: they not only could not solve them, but also did not understand the conditions.

All the experience of his previous life did not allow Poltoranin to believe in the mediocrity of the country's top leaders. Probably, they are not our own, but sent, Mikhail Nikiforovich decided. And who sent them? The Russian politician has one goal - to suffer for the people, but these want power, fame and money in a manner determined by their very bad temperament. One needs more fame and international recognition, another needs more power, and the third needs money. This means that they were installed not by Russians, but... No, not by Jews, but by Jews. A world government in which there can be both a Russian and a Tatar, but only necessarily of the Jewish religion, as M.N. writes. Poltoranin. Poltoranin came up with this complex thesis so that he would not be accused of anti-Semitism. Again, he is not an anti-Semite, since he was friends with Lev Rokhlin and other respected Jews. Dan Brown has Opus Dei, Poltoranin has B’nai B’rith, there are the new Templars, there are the Jewish Freemasons. Dulles, they say, also had an enemy - the secret organization DOSAAF. The CIA sent spies there, but could not reveal the secret.

In accordance with his fundamental guess, Poltoranin reveals the secret springs of all the events of the last twenty years. Proves that Gaidar and his team are entirely agents (Peter Aven gets it especially hard in the book). Well, with these everything is transparent. They are obvious agents, and their last names are the most spylike. But there are agents in the Caucasus too! Not all agents are so clearly visible there. Much of the book is devoted to proving that the Chechen separatists are controlled by the same Jewish organization. Here the author had to think, because it is difficult to connect the Vainakhs with the Averbakhs. But by introducing Turkish mediation, Poltoranin was able to do this.

Poltoranin personally participated in many events of the 80s and 90s, he remembers what others have already forgotten, so it is difficult for a person far from politics to argue with him episode by episode. But from the general course of our history of this period, it is clear that the causes of all troubles are low qualifications and theft. In particular, the low qualifications of voters who choose such politicians and believe such writers as Poltoranin.

Now, when the 80th anniversary of M.S. is widely celebrated. Gorbachev, the discussion of the events of the 80s and 90s became livelier. It is interesting that from a distance of years one can see in what was happening then a sequence of events controlled by leaders. Even Mikhail Sergeevich himself now speaks in an understandable language, although during the entire time he was in power he did not say a single understandable phrase. Now he explains that he did this and that to avoid a lot of bloodshed, that and so on to avoid chaos in the economy, that and that, he’s a sinner, should have been done earlier, but he felt sorry for the people, so he didn’t dare . In reality, there was no state administration with a clear goal, but there was confusion, accurately described by Poltoranin. For example, in August 1991, Poltoranin himself worked at the telephone for the entire runaway government of Silaev, his sons, not finding their father, were wet in the rain on the barricades, and Yeltsin was drinking in the basement. Now, twenty years later, it's called protecting the White House. The same thing happened in other episodes, but now they are seriously discussing whether the decisions made were correct. It’s as if teachers are discussing a student’s essay, but nothing is written on the piece of paper.

Poltoranin is looking for a secret meaning in what happened to the country, looking for a conspiracy, secret goals. Why is neither he nor anyone else paying attention to the obvious goals of our leaders? These goals are visible to everyone, they have been achieved. M.S. Gorbachev is the most popular figure in the world, a Nobel Prize laureate, gives lectures in all countries, creates foundations. This is glory. B.N. Yeltsin became the first person of the new Russia, received enormous opportunities, and did as he wanted until he got tired of this “routine.” Then he switched more and more to “working with documents.” So much so that he couldn’t get off the plane to meet the leader of a foreign country, and he got away with it, nothing was done to him for it. This is power. Others are digging for oil and gas and ramming sites abroad for future housing. This is money. Maybe our leaders had romantic impulses for the good of Russia, in which they themselves believed, especially when they “powdered the brains” of the population. But in their practical actions, only intrigue, internal struggle and personal interest are visible. And, according to Poltoranin, the base aspirations of leaders are a clear sign of the activities of secret organizations.

Poltoranin admits in his book that he earned money by writing programs for parliamentary candidates who did not have a program (that is, thieves and ambitious people). As long as people without a program get into the deputies and we are ruled, Russia will not be revived anyway, secret organizations can sleep peacefully.

Poltoranin Mikhail Nikiforovich is a popular domestic journalist. He became famous after the August 1991 coup, when he openly supported the future head of state Boris Yeltsin. He achieved success as executive director of the TV-3 channel.

Journalist biography

Mikhail Nikiforovich Poltoranin was born in 1939 in the East Kazakhstan region. His hometown is Leninogorsk, in modern Kazakhstan it is called Ridder.

In 1964, Mikhail graduated from a state university in Kazakhstan. Later he studied at the Higher Party School, which was organized under the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union.

He became a party member even earlier, in 1960.

Professional career

In 1964, Mikhail Nikiforovich Poltoranin began working as a journalist. He worked as a special correspondent for regional and federal publications for more than twenty years. During this time, he mastered almost all directions and genres. He specialized in political science.

In 1986, during perestroika, he became the key leader of the newspaper Moskovskaya Pravda, which was published by the capital city committee of the CPSU. In 1988 he left the publication when he began to become disillusioned with the party.

In 1987, he authored a text known as “Yeltsin’s Speech,” which took place at the Plenum of the CPSU Central Committee in October. Later, the text was widely distributed, literally went from hand to hand, and excerpts from it were quoted in the press and on television.

The meaning of the text had little in common with Yeltsin’s direct speech, but in it the hero of our article managed to reflect what ordinary and ordinary people expected to hear from Yeltsin, but he himself did not dare to say this at the party meeting.

Career in politics

In 1989, Mikhail Nikiforovich Poltoranin was elected people's deputy of the USSR. In 1990, he received the post of Minister of Press and Mass Information in the RSFSR. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, he was given a deputy seat in the Government of the Russian Federation.

Closeness to Yeltsin and the president’s support during the infamous August putsch had a beneficial effect on Poltoranin’s career. In 1992, he was entrusted with the portfolio of Minister of Press and promoted to Deputy Chairman of the Government of the Russian Federation. He was entrusted with an important and responsible direction: Poltoranin headed a special interdepartmental commission that dealt with the declassification of CPSU documents.

In 1992, Poltoranin headed the federal information center and the special commission for archives under the head of state.

In 1993, Poltoranin became a deputy of the State Duma. He entered parliament from the Russia's Choice faction, which existed in the first convocation of the State Duma and actively supported the policies pursued by Boris Yeltsin. In the elections, the party received about 15% of the votes, taking second place after the Liberal Democratic Party. The leaders of the Russia's Choice movement were Sergei Kovalev and

In parliament, Poltoranin began to head the parliamentary committee on communications and information policy.

Poltoranin's bestseller

In it, Poltoranin fully revealed himself as an idealistic democrat, who at one time was the right hand of President Boris Yeltsin. He became a witness and direct participant in many events that led to the collapse of the Soviet Union. In his book, he describes not only the dying of the communist power, but also the personality of the Russian president: his successes and the degradation that followed later.

Poltoranin was a close associate of Yeltsin, but was quite critical of his work. Especially when it did not benefit the state... Mikhail Nikiforovich began to intensely criticize the president, saying in one of his interviews that if he could turn back time, he would not recommend giving Yeltsin additional powers to anyone.

When Poltoranin received high positions in Russia in the early 90s, many secrets were revealed to him, and the abuse of power by officials of the highest rank became obvious. Outraged by the plunder of the country's wealth, Poltoranin described in detail all the crimes at the highest level. The author's books immediately became popular and in demand among ordinary people.

Readers learned who stood behind the authorities and actually made the key decisions. The book is based on real facts and personal observations of a person who was an eyewitness to Kremlin intrigues.

"The Evil Spirit of Russia"

In 2013, Mikhail Nikiforovich Poltoranin released the second part of his book. “The Evil Spirit of Russia” - that’s how it got its name.

In it, he looks even deeper into the domestic political behind the scenes. The publication is distinguished by apt observations, an independent point of view of the author, and unique information about the post-perestroika era. This is the position of a person who was at the center of events in the early 90s.

Head of the TV channel "TV-3 Russia"

At the head of the domestic television channel TV-3, Poltoranin served as executive director. This is a federal entertainment channel that has existed since 1994. At first, broadcasting was carried out only in St. Petersburg. Since 1998, broadcasting has spread to Moscow, and later throughout Russia.

The themes of the TV 3 Russia channel are full-length feature films, Russian cartoons, mystical and educational programs.

Currently, Mikhail Poltoranin is 77 years old. He has retired and is retired.

POLTORANIN Mikhail Nikiforovich- (b. November 22, 1939, Leninogorsk, Kazakhstan), Russian statesman and political figure, journalist. In 1958 1961 he served in the ranks of the Soviet army. In 1966 he graduated from the Faculty of Journalism of the Kazakh State University, in 1970 from the Higher... ... encyclopedic Dictionary

Poltoranin Mikhail Nikiforovich

POLTORANIN Mikhail Nikiforovich- (b. 1939) Russian politician, journalist. In 1975 86 in the newspaper Pravda, in 1986 87 editor-in-chief of the newspaper Moskovskaya Pravda, in 1990 92 deputy chairman of the government of the Russian Federation, since 1994 chairman of the Committee... ... Big Encyclopedic Dictionary

Poltoranin, Mikhail Nikiforovich- Executive director of the TV channel "TV 3 Russia"; was elected as a deputy of the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation of the first convocation, was a member of the “Choice of Russia” faction, chairman of the Committee on Information Policy and Communications;… … Large biographical encyclopedia

Mikhail Nikiforovich Poltoranin- Poltoranin, Mikhail Nikiforovich Date of birth: November 22, 1939 Mikhail Nikiforovich Poltoranin (born November 22, 1939) Russian statesman, an active supporter of Yeltsin during the August 1991 putsch. Biography Graduated from Kazakh... ... Wikipedia

Poltoranin, Mikhail- Nikiforovich Date of birth: November 22, 1939 Mikhail Nikiforovich Poltoranin (born November 22, 1939) Russian statesman, an active supporter of Yeltsin during the August 1991 putsch. Biography Graduated from the Kazakh State... ... Wikipedia

Mikhail Poltoranin- Poltoranin, Mikhail Nikiforovich Date of birth: November 22, 1939 Mikhail Nikiforovich Poltoranin (born November 22, 1939) Russian statesman, an active supporter of Yeltsin during the August 1991 putsch. Biography Graduated from Kazakh... ... Wikipedia

On November 22, Mikhail Poltoranin turns 70 years old. Before the anniversary, the press minister revealed the secrets of the Yeltsin court.

Wow, but it seems like only yesterday this youthful and strong “foreman of perestroika” and the first minister of press in the history of the country stood on the podium of the Supreme Council, participated in the writing of the current Constitution and the Law on the Press... Even today he is youthful and strong, you can hear it in his voice metal. Especially when it comes to Yeltsin, the reforms of the 90s and why Russia is where it is now.

Two Yeltsins

“AiF”: - Mikhail Nikiforovich, you were an ardent supporter of Yeltsin, then you sharply criticized him during his lifetime. How do you evaluate Boris Nikolaevich now?

Mikhail Poltoranin: - In fact, for me there were two Yeltsins. More precisely, two personalities in one human shell. The first is Yeltsin in 1986, when he was the first secretary of the Moscow City Party Committee. The second is the President of Russia, as he became in 1993. The first was much more sympathetic to me, and I’ll start with him.

In the last years of Soviet power, Moscow, where Yeltsin was transferred from Sverdlovsk, was the most theft-prone city in the USSR. Party and Soviet officials came here from all over the country with bribes to extract additional funds from the center. Yeltsin was very outraged by this, and he tried to do something. Thus began the fight against privileges, which ended badly for Yeltsin. Gorbachev turned him in, which is where their mutual hostility began. Yeltsin was trampled first at the October, then at the November plenums, then Yegor Ligachev said at the party conference: “Boris, you’re wrong.”

Then Yeltsin had a heart attack and, in general, something broke in him. Because of these party officials, he hated the entire party and communism as an idea. When I came to see him at the hospital, he said: “I will fight, I will take revenge. I feel like there is someone above me who is guiding me, who will help me.”

“AiF”: - Did Boris Nikolaevich actually drink a lot?

M.P.: - I wouldn’t say that Yeltsin drank heavily. When I worked at Mospravda, it generally seemed to me that he didn’t use. In the morning he came to work early, and in the evening he could call at 10 or 11 o’clock. During all this time, I personally never had a drink with him. They said he “drank” good cognac over the weekend...

When Yeltsin became president, I didn’t see him drunk either. I think he had a bad liver problem: he drank two glasses of cognac and “swimmed away.”

What Yeltsin really loved was fishing in the country. On a table dug into the ground there was always a couple of cans of worms and bait dough, a “nuclear suitcase” - and no booze!

No matches needed

“AiF”: - They say that the path of any country is not a straight track from which you cannot turn, but a road with many intersections. When you were in power, did the country always turn in the right direction?

M.P.: - Alas, no. After the collapse of the USSR, the question arose of where the country should go. The first concept was presented by the late Chairman of the State Property Committee Mikhail Maley. It provided for a 15-year program of popular privatization. Each person was supposed to receive a personal check worth 650 times more expensive than Chubais’s check. They couldn’t be put on the market so that every punk could buy them up cheaply, but they could be invested in any enterprise and then receive dividends for the rest of their lives. Essentially, it was the idea of ​​popular capitalism, as in the Scandinavian countries. To protect their interests, the people had to create real, not pocket trade unions, active, not decorative parties, free media...

Of course it was a longer journey. However, Yeltsin was not satisfied with the long distance. He himself wanted to lead the process of the uncontrolled sale of Russian property, so he intensively frightened everyone with a ghostly communist revenge. I argued with him, he did not agree and said: “If everyone becomes owners, such a country will be difficult to govern.”

As a result, Maleev’s program was discarded, and a landslide privatization was launched in the country, which, alas, is sadly remembered by everyone.

Thus began the movement towards oligarchic capitalism and a police state. As a result, today the budget allocates less funds for defense than for the Ministry of Internal Affairs and special services.

“AiF”: - Who was more to blame for the shooting of parliament in 1993: Yeltsin or the Supreme Council?

M.P.: - Everyone is to blame. In 1992, Yeltsin received additional powers from the Supreme Council to carry out economic reforms. So significant that if he issues a decree and parliament does not repeal it within 2 weeks, it comes into force. It was enough for one of “their people” in the Supreme Council to shelve them - and any documents were considered legitimate. This is how the decree on privatization “according to Chubais” came into force. There was a complete violation of agreements. Naturally, the Supreme Council considered itself deceived. A confrontation began that ended in well-known events.

But the deputies were also good. I remember Ruslan Khasbulatov calling me, complaining that Izvestia wrote something “wrong”, and saying: “Are you the Minister of Press? So close Izvestia!” Ruslan Imranovich generally did not manage to get along with the media. We organized a meeting for him with the chief editors of leading publications. There were Egor Yakovlev, Igor Golembiovsky, and AiF editor Vladislav Starkov. The conversation did not work out, Khasbulatov lost his temper and shouted: “You are not the fourth estate. You are shit." The editors stood up and left.

By the way, more about Khasbulatov. It would have been better for him to oppose the government’s version of privatization, but he was silent because Gaidar’s team was helping Dudayev. Although Chechnya left Russia, money and oil flowed there. I had a conversation with Gaidar to stop supplies. He replied that the Grozny Oil Refinery is the only enterprise in Russia that produces aviation oils. You might think that someone saw those oils under Dudayev...

“AiF”: - If you had the opportunity to return to those years, what would you do differently?

M.P.: - If I had returned to that time, at the congress I would have recommended not to give Yeltsin additional powers. I would say: “Don’t give this guy a match, he can burn down the whole of Russia.” And I would have gone to work as a concrete worker. In my youth I worked at the Bratsk hydroelectric power station.

Dossier

Mikhail Poltoranin was born in 1939. He graduated from the Kazakh State University, worked as a special correspondent for Pravda, and editor of Moskovskaya Pravda. From July 1990 to November 1992 - Minister of Press and Information of the Russian Federation, in 1992 - Deputy Chairman of the Government. In 1992-1993 headed the Federal Information Center of the Russian Federation. Married, has two sons.