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State Duma deputy Shaikhutdinov Rifat. Rifat Shaikhutdinov: we will introduce a law to support the industrial cluster

Rifat Shaikhutdinov, leader of the Civic Platform party, explained that he intends to use the parliamentary platform to promote the ideas of his party.

R. SHAIKHUTDINOV: There are two main questions: it is necessary, of course, to answer the question of financial support for large national projects that have been announced: acceleration of the Trans-Siberian Railway, the Moscow - Nizhny Novgorod– Kazan – Ekaterinburg. That is, these super-large infrastructure projects that the state is developing - we need to answer the question of where the money for them comes from. We, as a right-wing party, still propose to go the emission route, so we will discuss the revenue component of the budget.

The second part is, of course, strengthening or formalizing the positions of this single-member deputy, because we want to strengthen his responsibility. All 225, so that they can be recalled if they work poorly, according to a fairly simplified procedure, so that these deputies can be given additional powers, so that they can not only decide something in their district from the party, but also receive, perhaps, funding to resolve issues in the district. Because they elected such people, but have not yet endowed them with finances, powers, or responsibility.

I. IZMAILOV: With us from this moment in the studio is Rifat Shaikhutdinov, chairman of the Federal Political Committee of the Civic Platform party. Hello!

R. SHAIKHUTDINOV: Hello.

I.I.: Should I congratulate you or not? It must be said that Rifat Shaikhutdinov entered the State Duma, but alone, and then in a single-mandate constituency from Bashkiria. The whole game simply failed miserably, you have second place from the end at the level of statistical error - 0.24. Should I congratulate you or not?

R.Sh.: Congratulations, of course.

I.I.: So you are in a single-mandate constituency.

R.S.: What's the difference? I can use the State Duma platform to promote the ideas of the party. Therefore, the fact that the party has its own representative in the State Duma is important. I ran for a single-mandate seat from the party, and not as a self-nominated candidate.

I.I.: Let’s go back to the party, you say, “use the State Duma platform,” and isn’t it easier to use YouTube? I think there is a much larger audience there.

R.S.: Well, no. We can use YouTube, the capabilities of a deputy, etc. Everything that strengthens the party must be used.

I.I.: You want to strengthen the party, but this party is zero. "Apple" is much taller than you.

R.S.: And what’s the point that she’s taller?

We made a bet, realizing that it would be difficult to overcome the barrier with our rather modest financial investments, so we relied on single-mandate candidates. Well, basically, I passed alone, two more had very high chances of attacking, they took second place.

I.I.: This suggests that people in Bashkiria probably know you personally. That is, people came and specifically ticked your box, but people don’t know the Civic Platform party. I don't know such a party.

R.Sh.: They will find out. You have already repeated it many times.

I.I.: Yes, I remember that we even talked on the phone once on the air, which did not add to my understanding in any way.

R.S.: We are three years old, but we are already in six legislative assemblies, in 21 city councils.

About the views of the "Civic Platform"

I.I.: What is the Civic Platform party about?

R.Sh.: This is the economic opposition. We promote a right-wing ideology, but a right-wing patriotic one. That is, we have national capitals and those who feed themselves.

I.I.: Right-wing patriotic is nonsense.

R.S.: No, why? This is Witte, Struve. Study history.

I.I.: Well, I know. Just right in Lately associated with the word "sect".

R.S.: Well, unfortunately, in our country the right-wing liberals are associated with the nineties, with Gaidar, Chubais, who used liberal ideology and hid behind it. But in fact, they were doing completely wrong things. They formed an oligarchy and another structure of statehood.

I.I.: How does an oligarchy differ from national capital?

R.S.: Everyone. The fact that super-large financial capital, which influences the state and practically replaces the state, considering itself that it is more important than the state, and ordinary capital, which develops on its own, without privatization, and is interested in living and being in this country and investing in it - this is national capital.

I.I.: As the experience of the last 25 years shows, capital is interested in offshores, and not in where it can sit and develop.

R.S.: No, capital is interested in three things: security, which the state should provide, convenience, so that it is convenient, and it goes where the profitability is higher. Well, with offshore companies almost everything has already become clear. So people went to Cyprus, and as a result, their money completely disappeared there.

I.I.: It’s interesting what we started talking about. And here we come to the question of your personal stay in the State Duma. First of all, once you set foot in the building, when will you be given a photo ID?

R.S.: Well, it depends on when the CEC finally announces the results. I heard that they are going to announce the results on Friday. In accordance with the law, the Duma must start working no later than 30 days after the elections. I heard that she should start working on the fourth of October. As soon as it starts, my foot will set foot there.

I.I.: Has she already stepped foot with her ID?

R.S.: Yes, of course.

I.I.: Will the Central Election Commission give this to you?

R.S.: Yes. Well, there are some technical details there. Well, if you are interested, the deputy’s certificate is signed by the head of the Duma, that is, the speaker of parliament, but he has not been elected. Therefore, first we will apparently enter with temporary IDs. After he is elected at the first meeting, he will sign certificates for all 450 deputies, and we will also receive certificates.

I.I.: Aren’t you afraid that they will give you a chair on a residual basis somewhere at the very top in the distance, since you are alone?

R.Sh.: Well, so what?

I.I.: Will you fight for the front row?

R.Sh.: Why the first rows?

You’ve seen how the Duma meets, there are practically only a few sitting there, and people run around and vote for them. I'm going to work in the State Duma.

I.I.:You won’t give your card to anyone?

R.Sh.: And to whom?

I.I.: Well, will you be part of a coalition with someone?

R.S.: No, I’m not going to.

I.I.: And you won’t be skipping either.

R.S.: I’m not going to.

I.I.: Is it already known what the deputy’s salary will be?

R.Sh.: More than 400 thousand rubles. I said that they would all go to the party fund, just as all the assistants would work for the party.

I.I.: Will there be many assistants?

R.Sh.: Well, there are 50 public activists and five in the civil service. They will all work for the party.

I.I.: Well, on the fourth, let’s say, the first meeting, who do you think should become chairman of the State Duma?

R.S.: Well, this will be a decision, of course, by those who have a constitutional majority, the party" United Russia", but no matter who it is, we will work.

On the first legislative initiatives in the new Duma

I.I.: And then the day will come when you will have the opportunity to say something from the podium or introduce your own bill. The most important thing, in your opinion, is what deserves attention now so that it’s worth including first?

R.S.: Well, there are two main questions. It is necessary, of course, to answer the question of financial support for large national projects that have been announced: acceleration of the Trans-Siberian Railway, the route Moscow - Nizhny Novgorod - Kazan - Yekaterinburg, etc. That is, these super-large infrastructure projects that the state is developing, we need to answer the question of where the money for them comes from. And therefore, the question will arise, well, we, as a right-wing party, still propose to go the emission route, so we will discuss the revenue component of the budget.

I.I.: Specifically, what will your first bill be called?

R.Sh.: Well, this bill will be called “On special federal targeted programs to support the industrial cluster.”

I.I.: So you will introduce a law to support the industrial cluster?

R.S.: Yes. The second part is, of course, strengthening or formalizing the positions of this single-member deputy, because we want to strengthen his responsibility. All 225, so that they can be recalled if they work poorly, according to a fairly simplified procedure, so that these deputies can be given additional powers, so that they can not only decide something in their district from the party, but also receive, perhaps, funding to resolve issues in the district. Because they elected such people, but have not yet endowed them with finances, powers, or responsibility.

I.I.: Aren’t you afraid that you will be recalled someday?

R.S.: Well, those who work are not recalled. I'm going to work. That's why I'm not afraid. I'm not going to sit there.

I.I.: Now let’s move on to the questions. A few words about the elections. How do you like the election campaign? Here is your video, the fact that you were jumping over something on a horse, did you do everything right? Did you like how it all went? I mean with you, with your party, and this Duma campaign.

R.S.: Did you like the video?

I.I.: How can I tell you?

R.S.: Well, we did what we could do. And the main focus was in the regions, where we went through legislative assemblies, to local self-government bodies, which ran parallel to the State Duma and plus single-mandate results, which are also obvious. Therefore, I believe that access was for everyone. We, you know, filed a lawsuit to remove Parnas from the elections for extremism. We were asked by a large part of the public, who did not support Parnassus, by the way, but simply in order to maintain the competitiveness of the elections, and we withdrew this lawsuit. Therefore, they were given the opportunity to gain their zero percent.

I.I.: A listener writes: “What can you live on if your entire salary goes to the needs of the party?”

R.S.: Well, I’m a wealthy person. I have something to live on. I also live on the businesses that I created. I have enough.

I.I.: And they say we should abandon businesses?

R.S.: They have all been in management for a long time. But the deputy still has the right to dividends.

I.I.: What kind of business do you have?

R.Sh.: My business is related to transportation reservation systems - one, and the second business is related to railway transportation.

I.I.: What about the initial capital?

R.Sh.: Initial capital, we just created this, this software control, which we created, and at the expense of copyright we were included in the share... Well, you can see it on the websites. The initial capital did not come from privatization.

I.I.: Interesting.

R.S.: I’m ready to tell you briefly. When the Aeroflot airline collapsed into 152 airlines, and each ticket office had 153 ticket forms, you can imagine how the cashiers could sell tickets and keep records. A neutral ticket form was invented, which was signed and accepted by all air carriers. We have done software for reservations and ticket reservations. And this is where our business began.

About Crimea and the unity of the country

I.I.: A listener writes: “Please ask Crimea, Navalny.”

R.S.: What does this mean? You know that we, our party, parted ways with Prokhorov and his retinue because of the Crimean issue, because they refused to support reunification with Crimea, but the whole party supported it. For us it was quite a dramatic plot when this reunion took place. For many, this is now such a tribute to the fashion of supporting Crimea, but we supported it then, and there was such a split in our party. For us this was political maturity, a kind of manifestation of it. According to Navalny, I think the work he is doing is correct. We need to do this kind of work. By the way, many people are doing it now: law enforcement agencies, etc. I believe that the more people there are who fight corruption, the better it will be.

I.I.: Do you think Navalny is fighting corruption?

R.S.: Well, his work related to the fight against corruption, I think that it is normal and correct. The fact that he and his colleagues then began to call for revolution, for anti-constitutional coups, etc. – this definitely does not deserve any ratings other than malicious. I was an observer in Ukraine in 2004, I even wrote a series of books about it, how our influence in Ukraine was taken away from us, and how this orange revolution took place. Therefore, I think it definitely cannot be supported.

By the way, the fact that voters voted so much for United Russia is understandable in support of Putin, who said that he created this party, etc. But they also voted for stability, given that they see what is happening in the world: sanctions, the situation in Ukraine, etc.

I.I.: There, in the previous convocation, a situation often developed when some landmark bills were passed, United Russia accepted them, everyone else kept silent and then said that it was all United Russia. Well, for example, here is the same juvenile justice that has been in the news lately, it was adopted by United Russia, everyone else did not vote. In such situations, how do you see your actions? Now, they say that there will be new laws related to sex education and much more. How will you vote on these positions?

R.S.: We agreed with my colleagues in the party and with those voters who supported me in the district (there is quite a lot of public support there now) that we will first discuss such bills that are resonant, and I will express my position, which will be discussed with the public and the party.

On differences of opinion with other parties

I.I.: Still, I can’t help but ask you what the difference is “ Civic platform" from "Civil Power", from the Party of Growth, from "Yabloko" and from everyone else?

R.S.: We even had a discussion on the Growth Party to unite on initial stage, but when they took the path of indiscriminately accepting into their ranks everyone who had already been somewhere. For example, they received Irina Khakamada, who says that Crimea has been annexed, an indemnity must be paid. When they accepted Ginzburg, who in Kaliningrad talks about renaming Kaliningrad to Koenigsberg, to begin the process of independent political status. That is, they took the path of taking everyone who would help the party enter the Duma and, therefore, abandoned ideology. They insisted on the word “growth,” for some reason believing that they would repeat it like a mantra and it would lead to something. And if you look at the economic program, our program, which, by the way, was developed by many famous economists, has now been dismantled into quotes by many parties. And it is fundamentally different from what the Growth Party is now proposing. I don’t know much about “Civil Force” at all. But the Growth Party, unfortunately, took this path, having not decided on an ideology, began recruiting incomprehensible people who are definitely letting the party down and taking it to some other completely marginal, incomprehensible sector

I.I.: Well, unfortunately, we don’t have time left. In general, all the most interesting things are ahead: and the resonant laws that will come. So we will closely monitor everything that happens. Thank you for coming and telling us. So, we still need to congratulate you.

R.S.: Thank you for your congratulations, if you wish. You are just asking whether it is necessary or not.

I.I.: I’m undecided.

R.Sh.: Decide. I hope that you will be an active supporter of ours, not only watching us, but also covering our activities.

I.I.: Rifat Shaikhutdinov. We try to illuminate everyone. Thank you for coming. "Civic Platform".

Citizenship:

USSR
Russia

Education:

Kyiv state institute physical culture

The consignment: Spouse:

Victoria

Children:

son daughter

Rifat Gabdulkhakovich Shaikhutdinov(b. December 23) - Russian political figure. Member of the State Duma, LDPR faction, 4th (2003-2007) and 5th convocation (2007-2011). Since 2012, member of the federal committee of the Civic Platform party.

Biography

He graduated from three courses at the Yeisk Military Pilot School and was discharged due to health reasons. In 1986 he graduated from the Kiev State Institute of Physical Culture. He worked in the city of Brezhnev (now Naberezhnye Chelny) at KAMAZ enterprises.

In the early 1990s, he worked as director of the laboratory for the methodology of humanitarian research in St. Petersburg, head of the department of conflictology at the Faculty of Philosophy of St. Petersburg State University.

In 1992-1997 - Director of the Center of Expertise of the Russian Ministry of Property for the North-Western District. Since 1993, he has been engaged in business consulting.

In 1997-1998 - Chairman of the Board of Directors of the Transport and Clearing Chamber. Since 1998 - General Director of the State unitary enterprise"Main Agency air services"(liquidated in 2003).

Literary activity

Awards and titles

Awarded the medals “In memory of the 850th anniversary of Moscow”, “In memory of the 1000th anniversary of Kazan”, the anniversary medal “100 years since the establishment of the State Duma in Russia”, the medal “80 years civil aviation", medal "In memory of the 250th anniversary of Leningrad".

Family

Married, two children. As of 1999, his wife, Victoria Shaikhutdinova, was the general director of the Guild of Anti-Crisis Managers. WITH future wife met in Kyiv (she studied at Kiev University in the psychology department of the Faculty of Philosophy). According to his wife, both were addicted to practical application psychology.

Rifat Gabdulkhakovich Shaikhutdinov(b. December 23) - Russian politician. Deputy of the State Duma of the 4th (2003-2007), 5th (2007-2011) and 7th (2016-present) convocations. Since 2012, member, and since March 2014, chairman of the Federal Political Committee of the Civic Platform party.

Biography

Rifat Gabdulkhakovich Shaikhutdinov was born on December 23, 1963 in Okha (Sakhalin region). The family is originally from Bashkortostan and Tatarstan.

Since 1987, participant and organizer of the first democratic elections of directors at the RAF plant, APODP, Artek, BAM, etc.

In 1992-1997 - Director of the Center of Expertise of the Russian Ministry of Property for the North-Western District.

Since 1993, he has been engaged in business consulting.

Since 1996, he has been engaged in business, holding the positions of Chairman of the Board of Directors of the Transport Clearing House and general director Main air transport agency of Russia.

In 2003-2011 - deputy of the IV and V convocations of the State Duma from the Liberal Democratic Party.

Since 2016 - deputy of the State Duma of the Russian Federation of the VII convocation from the Civic Platform party.

Candidate of Economic Sciences. Defended his dissertation at the Moscow state university them. M.V. Lomonosov on problems of public administration.

Organizer and participant in elections in Russia and abroad.

LDPR

In September 2008, Shaikhutdinov argued that Georgia's invasion of the Ossetian republic was a planned action of the American aggressors, which President Saakashvili hastened to implement without Western help.

Just cause

In 2011, Shaikhutdinov became an ally of Mikhail Prokhorov and headed the executive committee of Right Cause.

Subsequently, Shaikhutdinov was one of the leaders of Prokhorov’s election campaign in the 2012 Russian Presidential elections, in which he took 3rd place, and one of the founders new party"Civil Platform".

Civic platform

In the elections in State Duma Federal Assembly Russian Federation of the VII convocation, elected as a deputy in the sixth Neftekamsk single-mandate electoral district, Republic of Bashkortostan (nominated from the Civic Platform party). Shaikhutdinov was supported by 146 thousand 324 voters (47.19%), the gap from his closest rival was 26%. United Russia did not nominate a candidate.

After winning and entering the State Duma, Shaikhutdinov stated that he did not plan to join any faction in the new Duma and would represent exclusively the interests of voters of the Civic Platform party and residents of the Neftekamsk constituency. Wages He plans to direct the deputy to the implementation of public projects implemented by the party and in the interests of residents of the district.

Literary activity

He has written four books: “The Hunt for Power” (2006), “The Politics of the Positive Class” (2007), “Strategy: Human and Civil Rights” (2009), “Neopartism” (2012).

In 2005, he gave a lecture as part of the Polit.ru Public Lectures project, where he touched on the topic of “orange revolutions”.

Awards and titles

Family

Married, six children.

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Notes

Excerpt characterizing Shaikhutdinov, Rifat Gabdulkhakovich

Whistle and blow! Five steps away from him, the dry ground exploded and the cannonball disappeared. An involuntary chill ran down his spine. He looked again at the rows. A lot of people probably vomited; a large crowd gathered at the 2nd battalion.
“Mr. Adjutant,” he shouted, “order that there is no crowd.” - The adjutant, having carried out the order, approached Prince Andrei. From the other side, the battalion commander rode up on horseback.
- Be careful! - a frightened cry of a soldier was heard, and, like a bird whistling in rapid flight, crouching on the ground, two steps from Prince Andrei, next to the battalion commander’s horse, a grenade quietly plopped down. The horse was the first, without asking whether it was good or bad to express fear, snorted, reared up, almost toppling the major, and galloped away to the side. The horror of the horse was communicated to people.
- Get down! - shouted the voice of the adjutant, who lay down on the ground. Prince Andrei stood indecisive. The grenade, like a top, smoking, spun between him and the lying adjutant, on the edge of the arable land and meadow, near a wormwood bush.
“Is this really death? - thought Prince Andrey, looking with a completely new, envious gaze at the grass, at the wormwood and at the stream of smoke curling from the spinning black ball. “I can’t, I don’t want to die, I love life, I love this grass, earth, air...” He thought this and at the same time remembered that they were looking at him.
- Shame on you, Mr. Officer! - he told the adjutant. “What...” he didn’t finish. At the same time, an explosion was heard, the whistling of fragments as if of a broken frame, the stuffy smell of gunpowder - and Prince Andrei rushed to the side and, raising his hand up, fell on his chest.
Several officers ran up to him. On the right side of the abdomen there was a large stain of blood spreading across the grass.
The militiamen with stretchers were called and stopped behind the officers. Prince Andrei lay on his chest, with his face down on the grass, and breathed heavily, snoring.
- Well, come on now!
The men came up and took him by the shoulders and legs, but he moaned pitifully, and the men, after exchanging glances, let him go again.
- Take it, put it down, it’s all the same! – someone’s voice shouted. Another time they took him by the shoulders and put him on a stretcher.
- Oh my god! My God! What is this?.. Belly! This is the end! Oh my god! – voices were heard between the officers. “It buzzed just past my ear,” said the adjutant. The men, having adjusted the stretcher on their shoulders, hastily set off along the path they had trodden to the dressing station.
- Keep up... Eh!.. man! - the officer shouted, stopping the men walking unevenly and shaking the stretcher by their shoulders.
“Make adjustments, or something, Khvedor, Khvedor,” said the man in front.
“That’s it, it’s important,” the one behind him said joyfully, hitting him in the leg.
- Your Excellency? A? Prince? – Timokhin ran up and said in a trembling voice, looking into the stretcher.
Prince Andrei opened his eyes and looked from behind the stretcher, into which his head was deeply buried, at the one who was speaking, and again lowered his eyelids.
The militia brought Prince Andrei to the forest where the trucks were parked and where there was a dressing station. The dressing station consisted of three tents spread out with folded floors on the edge of a birch forest. There were wagons and horses in the birch forest. The horses in the ridges were eating oats, and sparrows flew to them and picked up the spilled grains. The crows, sensing blood, cawing impatiently, flew over the birch trees. Around the tents, with more than two acres of space, lay, sat, stood, bloody people in different clothes. Around the wounded, with sad and attentive faces, stood crowds of soldier porters, whom the officers in charge of order vainly drove away from this place. Without listening to the officers, the soldiers stood leaning on the stretcher and looked intently, as if trying to understand the difficult meaning of the spectacle, at what was happening in front of them. Loud, angry screams and pitiful groans were heard from the tents. Occasionally a paramedic would run out to fetch water and point out those who needed to be brought in. The wounded, waiting for their turn at the tent, wheezed, moaned, cried, screamed, cursed, and asked for vodka. Some were delirious. Prince Andrei, as a regimental commander, walking through the unbandaged wounded, was carried closer to one of the tents and stopped, awaiting orders. Prince Andrei opened his eyes and for a long time could not understand what was happening around him. The meadow, wormwood, arable land, the black spinning ball and his passionate outburst of love for life came back to him. Two steps away from him, speaking loudly and drawing everyone's attention to himself, stood, leaning on a branch and with his head tied, a tall, handsome, black-haired non-commissioned officer. He was wounded in the head and leg by bullets. A crowd of wounded and bearers gathered around him, eagerly listening to his speech.
“We just fucked him up, he abandoned everything, they took the king himself!” – the soldier shouted, his black, hot eyes shining and looking around him. - If only the Lezers had come that very time, he wouldn’t have had the title, my brother, so I’m telling you the truth...
Prince Andrei, like everyone around the narrator, looked at him with a brilliant gaze and felt a comforting feeling. “But doesn’t it matter now,” he thought. - What will happen there and what happened here? Why was I so sorry to part with my life? There was something in this life that I didn’t understand and don’t understand.”

One of the doctors, wearing a bloody apron and with bloody small hands, in one of which he is between the little finger and thumb(so as not to stain it) held a cigar and left the tent. This doctor raised his head and began to look around, but above the wounded. He obviously wanted to rest a little. After moving his head to the right and left for a while, he sighed and lowered his eyes.
“Well, now,” he said in response to the words of the paramedic, who pointed him to Prince Andrei, and ordered him to be carried into the tent.
There was a murmur from the crowd of waiting wounded.
“Apparently, the gentlemen will live alone in the next world,” said one.
Prince Andrei was carried in and laid on a newly cleaned table, from which the paramedic was rinsing something. Prince Andrei could not make out exactly what was in the tent. Piteous moans from different sides, excruciating pain in the thigh, stomach and back entertained him. Everything he saw around him merged for him into one general impression of a naked, bloody human body, which seemed to fill the entire low tent, just as a few weeks ago on this hot August day the same body filled the dirty pond along the Smolensk road. Yes, it was that same body, that same chair a canon [fodder for cannons], the sight of which even then, as if predicting what would happen now, aroused horror in him.
There were three tables in the tent. Two were occupied, and Prince Andrei was placed on the third. He was left alone for some time, and he involuntarily saw what was happening on the other two tables. On the nearby table sat a Tatar, probably a Cossack, judging by his uniform thrown nearby. Four soldiers held him. The bespectacled doctor was cutting something into his brown, muscular back.
“Uh, uh, uh!..” it was as if the Tatar was grunting, and suddenly, raising his high-cheekboned, black, snub-nosed face, baring his white teeth, he began to tear, twitch and squeal with a piercing, ringing, drawn-out squeal. On another table, around which a lot of people were crowding, a large fat man with head thrown back ( curly hair, their color and head shape seemed strangely familiar to Prince Andrei). Several paramedics leaned on this man's chest and held him. White large full leg quickly and often, without ceasing, she twitched with feverish tremors. This man was sobbing convulsively and choking. Two doctors silently - one was pale and trembling - were doing something on the other, red leg of this man. Having dealt with the Tatar, on whom an overcoat had been thrown, the doctor in glasses, wiping his hands, approached Prince Andrei. He looked into the face of Prince Andrei and hastily turned away.
- Undress! What are you standing for? – he shouted angrily at the paramedics.
Prince Andrei remembered his very first distant childhood, when the paramedic, with his hasty, rolled-up hands, unbuttoned his buttons and took off his dress. The doctor bent low over the wound, felt it and sighed heavily. Then he made a sign to someone. And the excruciating pain inside the abdomen made Prince Andrei lose consciousness. When he woke up, the broken thigh bones had been removed, chunks of flesh had been cut off, and the wound had been bandaged. They threw water in his face. As soon as Prince Andrei opened his eyes, the doctor bent over him, silently kissed him on the lips and hurriedly walked away.
After suffering, Prince Andrei felt a bliss that he had not experienced for a long time. All the best, happiest moments in his life, especially his earliest childhood, when they undressed him and put him in his crib, when the nanny sang over him, lulling him to sleep, when, burying his head in the pillows, he felt happy with the sheer consciousness of life - he imagined to the imagination not even as the past, but as reality.
Doctors were fussing around the wounded man, the outline of whose head seemed familiar to Prince Andrei; they lifted him up and calmed him down.
– Show me... Ooooh! O! oooooh! – one could hear his groan, interrupted by sobs, frightened and resigned to suffering. Listening to these moans, Prince Andrei wanted to cry. Was it because he was dying without glory, was it because he was sorry to part with his life, was it because of these irretrievable childhood memories, was it because he suffered, that others suffered, and this man moaned so pitifully in front of him, but he wanted to cry childish, kind, almost joyful tears.

Family

Married, his wife Victoria is the general director of the Guild of Anti-Crisis Managers, six children (according to another version - two children).

Biography

He graduated from three courses at the Yeisk Military Pilot School and was given a health commission.

In 1986 he graduated from the Kiev State Institute of Physical Culture with honors.

He began his working career in the city of Brezhnev (now Naberezhnye Chelny) at KAMAZ enterprises.

Graduated from the Civil Service Academy. Candidate of Economic Sciences (dissertation on the topic "Socio-economic problems government regulation activities of enterprises in the transition period", Moscow State University).

In the early 1990s, he headed the laboratory of the methodology of humanitarian research in St. Petersburg, and was the head of the conflictology department of the Faculty of Philosophy of St. Petersburg State University.

In 1992-1997 - Director of the Center of Expertise of the Russian Ministry of Property for the North-Western District. During these years he was engaged in business consulting.

In 1997-1998 - Chairman of the Board of Directors of the Transport and Clearing Chamber.

Since 1998 - General Director of the state unitary enterprise "Main Air Transport Agency". Author of four books: "The Hunt for Power" and "The Politics of the Positive Class", published in 2006 and 2007, respectively. “Strategy: Human and Civil Rights” was published in 2009. “Neopartism” was published in 2012.

In 2005, he gave a lecture as part of the project “Public lectures “Polit.ru””, where he touched on the topic of “orange revolutions”.

Has state awards.

Political activity

In 2003 he was elected as a deputy State Duma of the Russian Federation 4th convocation from . He was Deputy Chairman of the Committee on Energy, Transport and Communications, Deputy Chairman of the Committee on CIS Affairs and Relations with Compatriots.

In 2003 - 2005, he participated as an observer from the State Duma of the Russian Federation in events in Kyrgyzstan (Osh events), Uzbekistan (Namangan events), Ukraine (Orange Revolution).

The media note that Rifat Gabdulkhakovich has been part of the “Surkov pool” of politicians since 2005.

In 2007, he was elected to the State Duma of the 5th convocation (regional group No. 85: Chita region) from the Liberal Democratic Party. Member of the Committee on Constitutional Legislation and State Building. Member of the standing commission of the CIS Interparliamentary Assembly for studying the experience of state building and local self-government. Member of the Interparliamentary Commission on Cooperation between the Federal Assembly of Russia and the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine.

In 2011, he appointed Shaikhutdinov as chief of staff "Just Cause". "Prokhorov invited me to the Right Cause election campaign, and I personally did not receive anything from him at all. I worked for free. This was my political choice and political bet“This is how he explained his purpose.

October 27, 2012, at the congress of the new political party Mikhail Prokhorov's "Civic Platform", Shaikhutdinov was elected to its governing body - the federal political committee.

After Mikhail Prokhorov left, and then from the post of chairman of the Civic Platform party (she held this post since December 2013), it was actually headed by Rifat Shaikhutdinov.

Officially, his post is called Chairman of the Federal Political Committee of the Party. The press calls him “Mikhail Prokhorov’s closest associate.” Shaikhutdinov did not rule out the return of Mikhail Prokhorov to big politics.

On March 13, 2015, a meeting of the Federal Civil Committee of the political party "Civil Platform" was held in Moscow.

The federal civil committee of the Civic Platform unanimously voted to remove Rifat Shaikhutdinov from the post of head of the federal political committee.

Shaikhutdinov, in parallel with the Prokhorov meeting, announced the convening of a party conference on March 24, where a decision would be made on the further development of the “Civil Platform”, without Prokhorov and his associates.

Income

It is known that in 2010 Shaikhutdinov earned 2,224,603 rubles. His property included 2 plots of land (4,500 sq. m. each), a residential building (859.20 sq. m.), an apartment (78 sq. m.), a garage, and two cars.

Scandals

Back in 2002, Rifat Shaikhutdinov was mentioned in the media as the leader of one of the organized crime group.

On July 5, 2007, the State Duma received a proposal to deprive Shaikhutdinov of parliamentary immunity. The Prosecutor General's Office accused him of deliberately bankrupting the Main Air Transport Agency and misappropriating state property.

According to the investigation, the management of the state unitary enterprise “deliberately created the insolvency of the enterprise before a group of commercial structures”, to which the property was transferred after bankruptcy. However, Duma deputies did not make a decision on depriving Shaikhutdinov of immunity. Head of the Investigative Committee Alexander Bastrykin stated that this is " prevents the involvement of a deputy in criminal liability for causing multi-billion dollar damage to a state unitary enterprise".

The essence of the matter is this: Shaikhutdinov, when he was the general director of the once largest government structure- The Main Civil Aviation Air Transport Agency (this organization was engaged in the sale and organization of air transportation within the structure of the Ministry of Transport - deliberately brought it into bankruptcy, transferred state property to the side for next to nothing, after which it magically turned into a millionaire and deputy. And the structure headed by him rested in Bose.

The direct damage from Shaikhutdinov’s actions alone, according to the prosecutor’s office, amounts to over 900 million rubles.

A criminal case into the deliberate bankruptcy of GAWS was opened by the Moscow prosecutor's office in the summer of 2004, and very soon the investigation came to the attention of the main defendant, Rifat Shaikhutdinov, but parliamentary immunity reliably protected him from any misfortunes.

Rifat Shaikhuttnov systematically entered into transactions on behalf of GAWS that were completely unprofitable for the enterprise, bringing it to the edge of a financial abyss. At the same time, at the other end of such operations there were invariably companies controlled by Shaikhutdinov himself, as well as his business partners and relatives. (One of the most active participants in all the scams was, for example, his brother-in-law, a certain Sheptenko.)

In particular, Shaikhutdinov transferred all the agency’s equipment necessary for selling tickets for indefinite free use to the commercial firm Glavagentstvo-Service controlled by himself, as a result of which by 2001 GAVS lost the opportunity to engage in its main activity.

At the same time, in order to create artificial debt, the future deputy squandered about 140 million government rubles (he distributed loans to “his” companies and entered into forged contracts allegedly for the provision of technological services to GAVS), which were transferred abroad.

At the same time, Shaikhutdinov deliberately recruited from companies organized by his business partners a large sum loans (over 183 million rubles), which, of course, he could not repay. Next, the “related” companies initiated the bankruptcy of GAVS, appointed their own bankruptcy manager - a close friend of Shaikhutdinov - and bought all the agency’s property for next to nothing.

For example, the building of the four-star Aerostar hotel on Leningradsky Prospekt cost only 44 million rubles, and the city air terminal cost 126 million; it is not difficult to calculate that the real cost of these objects was tens of times higher.

At the end of 2003, GAWS was finally liquidated. Literally a week after this, Rinat Shaikhutdinov became a State Duma deputy on the LDPR list and received parliamentary immunity.

The investigator who had the case under investigation, without hiding it, led to its termination. When the leadership of the department for the investigation of crimes in the sphere of economics of the capital's prosecutor's office tried to change the course of events, they were simply fired. The situation changed only with the arrival of a new Moscow prosecutor Yuri Semin, who took the scandalous case under personal control. The investigator was replaced, and the once fired managers economic management returned to service.

At the beginning of the year, the Prosecutor General addressed Supreme Court for the conclusion that the actions of Rifat Shaikhutdinov contained signs of a crime under two articles of the Criminal Code: deliberate bankruptcy and appropriation of state property.

In February, such a verdict was made, with which Shaikhutdinov did not agree and filed cassation appeal. The Supreme Court upheld this decision. However, thanks to influence, the issue was shelved.

On February 12, 2009, the head of the SKP, Alexander Bastrykin, stated that the proposal from the Prosecutor General’s Office had not yet been considered and this “ prevents deputy Shaikhutdinov from being brought to criminal liability as an accused for causing multi-billion dollar damage to a state unitary enterprise".

Rifat Shaikhutdinov himself bought a spare airfield as a last resort, media reports. Not long ago, he purchased a mansion in the Australian town of West Lake, registering it in his wife's name. However, the criminal case was hushed up, and Shaikhutdinov continued his political career in Russia.

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Rifat Gabdulkhakovich Shaikhutdinov

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Biography

Rifat Gabdulkhakovich Shaikhutdinov was born on December 23, 1963 in Okha (Sakhalin region). The family is originally from Bashkortostan and Tatarstan.

Since 1987, participant and organizer of the first democratic elections of directors at the RAF plant, APODP, Artek, BAM, etc.

In 1992-1997 - Director of the Center of Expertise of the Russian Ministry of Property for the North-Western District.

Since 1993, he has been engaged in business consulting.

Since 1996, he has been involved in business, holding the positions of Chairman of the Board of Directors of the Transport Clearing House and General Director of the Main Air Transport Agency of Russia.

In 2003-2011 - deputy of the IV and V convocations of the State Duma from the Liberal Democratic Party.

Since 2016 - deputy of the State Duma of the Russian Federation of the VII convocation from the Civic Platform party.

Candidate of Economic Sciences. Defended his dissertation at Moscow State University. M.V. Lomonosov on problems of public administration.

Organizer and participant in elections in Russia and abroad.

LDPR

Just cause

In 2011, Shaikhutdinov became an ally of Mikhail Prokhorov and headed the executive committee of Right Cause.

Civic platform

In the elections to the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation of the 7th convocation, he was elected as a deputy in the sixth Neftekamsk single-mandate electoral district, Republic of Bashkortostan (nominated from the Civic Platform party). Shaikhutdinov was supported by 146 thousand 324 voters (47.19%), the gap from his closest rival was 26%. United Russia did not nominate a candidate.

After winning and entering the State Duma, Shaikhutdinov stated that he did not plan to join any faction in the new Duma and would represent exclusively the interests of voters of the Civic Platform party and residents of the Neftekamsk constituency. He plans to direct the deputy’s salary to the implementation of public projects implemented by the party and in the interests of residents of the district.

Literary activity

He has written four books: “The Hunt for Power” (2006), “The Politics of the Positive Class” (2007), “Strategy: Human and Civil Rights” (2009), “Neopartism” (2012).

In 2005, he gave a lecture as part of the Polit.ru Public Lectures project, where he touched on the topic of “orange revolutions”.

Awards and titles

Family

Married, six children.

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Excerpt characterizing Shaikhutdinov, Rifat Gabdulkhakovich

“If you hadn’t called yourself a Witch, you would have been immediately christened a saint, Isidora!” It is wonderful! True, it’s a pity that your work was in vain... They’ll come for me soon, and I think after that I’ll need more serious treatment... You’re familiar with his methods, aren’t you?
– Are you really going to be tortured like everyone else, Monseigneur?.. You serve his beloved church!.. And your family - I’m sure it’s very influential! Will she be able to help you?
“Oh, I think they’re not going to kill me so easily...” the cardinal smiled bitterly. – But even before death, in the basements of Caraffa, they make you pray for her... Isn’t that right? Go away, Madonna! I'll try to survive. And I will remember you with gratitude...
I sadly looked around the stone “cell”, suddenly remembering with a shudder the dead Girolamo hanging on the wall... How long will all this horror continue?!.. Will I really not find a way to destroy Caraffa, and innocent lives will still end one after the other? another, destroyed by him with impunity?..
Someone's footsteps were heard in the corridor. A moment later, the door opened with a creak - Caraffa stood on the threshold....
His eyes sparkled with lightning. Apparently, one of the diligent servants immediately reported that I had gone to the cellars and now “Holiness” was clearly going, instead of me, to take out his anger on the unfortunate cardinal, who was sitting helplessly next to me...
– Congratulations, Madonna! You obviously liked this place, even if you come back here alone! - Well, let me give you pleasure - we will now show you a cute performance! – and smiling contentedly, he sat down in his usual large chair, intending to enjoy the upcoming “spectacle”...
I felt dizzy from hatred... Why?!.. Well, why did this monster think that he owned any human life, with every right to take it away whenever he pleases?..
“Your Holiness, is it really possible that among the faithful servants of your beloved church there are heretics?..,” I asked, barely restraining my indignation, mockingly.
- Oh, in in this case This is just serious disobedience, Isidora. There is no smell of heresy here. I just don't like it when my orders aren't followed. And every disobedience needs a little lesson for the future, isn’t it, my dear Morone?.. I think you agree with me on this?
Morone!!! Surely! That's why this man seemed familiar to me! I only saw him once personal reception Dads. But the cardinal delighted me then with his truly natural greatness and the freedom of his sharp mind. And I remember that Caraffa then seemed very benevolent towards him and pleased with him. How did the cardinal manage to do so much wrong now that the vindictive Pope dared to put him in this terrible stone bag?..
- Well, my friend, do you want to admit your mistake and return back to the Emperor to correct it, or will you rot here until you wait for my death... which, as I know, will not happen very soon... .
I froze... What did that mean?! What changed?! Caraffa was going to live long??? And he stated this very confidently! What could have happened to him during his absence?..
– Don’t try, Karaffa... This is no longer interesting. You have no right to torture me and keep me in this basement. And you know this very well,” Morone answered very calmly.
He still had that unfailing dignity that had once so sincerely delighted me. And then our first and only meeting came back very vividly to my memory...
This happened late in the evening at one of Caraffa’s strange “night” receptions. There were almost no people left waiting, when suddenly, a servant as thin as a pole announced that His Eminence Cardinal Morone had come to the reception, who, moreover, was “in a hurry.” Caraffa was clearly delighted. Meanwhile, a man entered the hall with a majestic step... If anyone deserved the title of the highest hierarch of the church, it was he! Tall, slender and fit, magnificent in his bright moire robe, he walked with a light, springy gait along the richest carpets, as if on autumn leaves, proudly carrying his beautiful head, as if the world belonged only to him. Thoroughbred from the roots of his hair to the very tips of his aristocratic fingers, he aroused involuntary respect for himself, even without even knowing him.
– Are you ready, Morone? – Caraffa exclaimed cheerfully. – I hope that you will please Us with your efforts! Well, have a good trip to you, cardinal, greet the Emperor from Us! – and stood up, clearly planning to leave.
I couldn’t stand Caraffa’s manner of talking about himself as “we,” but this was the privilege of Popes and kings, and, naturally, no one ever tried to challenge it. I was very upset by such an exaggerated emphasis on one’s importance and exclusivity. But those who had such a privilege were, of course, completely satisfied with this, without causing any negative feelings in them. Not paying attention to Caraffa’s words, the cardinal easily knelt, kissing the “ring of sinners,” and, already rising, looked very intently at me with his bright cornflower blue eyes. They reflected unexpected delight and obvious attention... which Karaffa, naturally, did not like at all.
“You came here to see me, and not to break the hearts of beautiful ladies!” – Dad croaked displeased. - Bon voyage, Morone!
“I must talk to you before I begin to act, Your Holiness,” Morone said with all possible courtesy, without being embarrassed at all. “A mistake on my part could cost us a lot.” Therefore, I ask you to give me a little of your precious time before I leave you.
I was surprised by the shade of prickly irony that sounded in the words “your precious time”... It was almost elusive, but still – it was clearly there! And I immediately decided to take a closer look at the unusual cardinal, marveling at his courage. After all, usually not a single person dared to joke, much less ironize, with Karaffa. What in this case showed that Morone was not at all afraid of him... But what was the reason for such confident behavior - I immediately decided to find out, since I did not miss the slightest opportunity to recognize someone who could someday help I need at least some help in destroying the “Holiness”... But in this case, unfortunately, I was unlucky... Taking the cardinal by the arm and ordering me to wait in the hall, Caraffa took Morone to his chambers, without even allowing me say goodbye to him. And for some reason I was left with a feeling of strange regret, as if I had missed some important, even if very small, chance to receive someone else’s support...
Usually the Pope did not allow me to be in his waiting room when there were people there. But sometimes, for one reason or another, he suddenly “commanded” to follow him, and to refuse him this, incurring even greater troubles, was simply unreasonable on my part, and there was no serious reason for it. That’s why I always went, knowing that, as usual, Dad would watch with some incomprehensible interest my reaction to certain invitees. I was completely indifferent to why he needed such “entertainment.” But such “meetings” allowed me to unwind a little, and for this alone it was worth not objecting to his strange invitations.
Having never met again with Cardinal Morone, who interested me, I very soon forgot about him. And now he was sitting on the floor right in front of me, all bloody, but still just as proud, and again made me admire his ability to maintain his dignity, remaining himself in any, even the most unpleasant life circumstances.
“You’re right, Morone, I don’t have a serious reason to torment you...” and then smiled. - But do We really need him?.. And besides, not all torment leaves visible traces, does it?
I didn’t want to stay!.. I didn’t want to watch how this monstrous “holiness” would practice his “talents” on a completely innocent person. But I also knew perfectly well that Caraffa would not let me go until he enjoyed my torment at the same time. Therefore, having gathered myself as best as my frayed nerves would allow me, I prepared to watch...
The mighty executioner easily lifted the cardinal, tying a heavy stone to his feet. At first I could not understand what such torture meant, but, unfortunately, the continuation was not long in coming... The executioner pulled the lever, and the cardinal’s body began to rise... A crunch was heard - it was his joints and vertebrae coming out of place. My hair stood on end! But the cardinal was silent.
- Shout, Morone! Give me pleasure! Perhaps then I will let you go early. Well, what are you doing?.. I order you. Shout!!!
Dad was furious... He hated it when people didn't break down. He hated it if they weren’t afraid of him... And therefore, for the “disobedient”, the torture continued much more persistently and angrily.
Morone became white as death. According to him thin face large drops of sweat rolled and, breaking off, dripped to the ground. His endurance was amazing, but I understood that he couldn’t go on like this for long - every living body had a limit... I wanted to help him, to try to somehow relieve the pain. And then a funny idea suddenly occurred to me, which I immediately tried to implement - the stone hanging on the cardinal’s feet became weightless!.. Caraffa, fortunately, did not notice this. And Morone raised his eyes in surprise, and then hastily closed them so as not to give it away. But I managed to see - he understood. And she continued to “conjure” further in order to relieve his pain as much as possible.

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