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Over the past 25 years, nationalism in Russia has been constantly transformed and degenerated, and new nationalist movements and ideas have been rapidly created. Alexander Verkhovsky, director of the SOVA Information and Analytical Center, spoke about this process and the state of nationalist movements now during his lecture at the Sakharov Center. Lenta.ru recorded the main points of his speech.

Nationalism of all kinds

Russian nationalism was not born on the day of the liquidation of the Soviet Union or even during perestroika. It existed before, as was the case in the Soviet system, in a squeezed and discounted form. But as soon as the USSR began to shake, a wide variety of right-wing organizations began to emerge.

The nationalists, who had previously been united in the fight against the Soviet monster, began to notice differences among themselves, of which there turned out to be extremely many. One of them is the question of relations with authorities. The first nationalist society “Memory” immediately faced a split along the lines of loyalty. The establishment condemned Dmitry Vasiliev’s society of the same name; they tried to discredit him. The more loyal “Memory” of Igor Sychev fared better with its reputation. However, it also formed the most radical wing of Konstantin Smirnov-Ostashvili at that time - he became the first known person convicted of inciting ethnic hatred. Then it turned out that loyalty does not guarantee moderation in views.

Following “Memory,” organizations of a purely restorationist nature began to appear. Some of them were reminiscent of the pre-revolutionary “Black Hundred” in their ideology, others called themselves communists and wanted to return to the USSR. Among the latter, there were people for whom the most important value of the Soviet past was a large empire. Another restoration idea was a return to neo-pagan roots, to a certain prehistoric Russia described in works of art. There were a lot of such movements, they still exist, but their activity is no longer so noticeable.

The National Bolshevik Party (NBP, the organization’s activities are prohibited in Russia) can only be called a partially restoration project. approx. "Tapes.ru"), which grew out of the National Radical Party (CHN) in 1992. The ideology of the NBP, on the one hand, was based on references to the Soviet past, empire and symbolism. On the other hand, they created their own, fictional fascism, which arbitrarily combined ideas from Western fascist and proto-fascist authors of the first half of the 20th century. All this was complemented by revolutionary ideology, which created a strange, but terribly attractive mixture for people. The NBP consisted of students from humanities educational institutions and was more popular in this environment than other movements. Its members, for all their counterculturalism, were distinguished by their focus on creating a great empire with a Russian core.

Photo: Alexander Polyakov / RIA Novosti

There were also those who, on the contrary, thought quite freely and were not attached to the past. The most famous of these people is Vladimir Zhirinovsky. In the 1990s, he looked sensible compared to the nationalists of that time with his judgments about political modernization and the restructuring of Russia into a nation state. Zhirinovsky easily took on different, sometimes contradictory, slogans, and was a typical flexible and successful populist politician.

At the same time, some activists tried to create Russian fascism. The strongest and most successful such project was Russian National Unity, which broke away from Memory. His ideas were a terrible mishmash, completely different from Italian fascism or German National Socialism. But outwardly everything was authentic: military uniform, drill bearing - this evoked the corresponding associations. This strategy turned out to be very successful; by the mid-1990s, RNU became the leader, and then almost the monopolist of radical nationalism in the country.

The idea of ​​an ethnically pure Russian state in the mid-90s was actively promoted by Viktor Korchagin, who had previously participated in the anti-Semitic underground. He created the "Russian Party" and was the first nationalist figure of the time who firmly tried to argue that Russia should become a state intended exclusively for ethnic Russians. He did not call for expelling all non-Russians from the country, but proposed dividing them territorially.

This idea turned out to be not in great demand at that time, but nevertheless, in subsequent years, several circles were formed (for example, “Golden Lion”), whose members can be called the founders of Russian national democracy. They had many disagreements, but the main idea that they professed in the early 1990s was the transformation of Russia from an empire into a state for Russians. They also cared for the construction of Russian capitalism, which is why they stood out noticeably against the background of other nationalists, who advocated primarily for the most unfree market.

Unpopular ideas

Although there were many far-right organizations, the average person at that time practically did not notice their existence. Only the communists, the Liberal Democratic Party and the National Salvation Front (NSF) stood out. The entire large-scale confrontation between the opposition and the authorities in 1992-1993 took place precisely on behalf of these restoration movements; the rest existed only on the periphery. But after 1993, they all sharply lost their positions, although they did not disappear. Thus, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation was in constant opposition throughout the 90s and in 1996 even created the People's Patriotic Union of Russia (NPSR), which was designed to unite all communist imperialists (Alexander Prokhanov, Alexander Rutskoy and others) around the party.

Those who tried to rely on the ethnic component were not very popular. For example, the Congress of Russian Communities (CRC), headed by people from the government, honestly tried to politicize this topic (a future prominent nationalist such as Dmitry Rogozin grew up in the CRC). The image of a divided people, the theme of protecting Russians abroad turned out to be very advantageous in the confrontation with the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. But politicians from the KRO received poor votes (except for General Lebed at one point) - there was no demand for their ideas in the 1990s.

Among people with moderate views, it was the communists who were popular, while the radicals were attracted by the “imitation fascists” from the RNU. They became monopolists in their areas, and other organizations had to go into their shadow. But RNE was not active; they were always preparing for a repeat of 1993 in order to go into battle. This never happened, and the organization collapsed in 2000 (this was partly facilitated by the secret services).

The remaining relatively radical groups in the 90s were losing their positions before our eyes. Everything was monopolized around the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. It seemed that the radical field should be empty, but this never happened. Unnoticed in the middle of the decade, the Nazi skinhead movement appeared, and by the end of the 90s they became more or less famous. They produced almost nothing but violence. Other nationalists did not see them as an ally because it was impossible to establish a dialogue with them.

Photo: Vladimir Fedorenko / RIA Novosti

Against immigrants

The 1999 elections were a complete failure for all nationalist forces, including the communists. It seemed like a dead end. But instead there were qualitative changes. At the turn of 1999-2000, Levada Center studies recorded a sharp jump in the level of ethnic xenophobia, which remained at approximately the same level until 2012. No social or economic factors affected the activity and popularity of nationalist ideas; it was just that the ethnocultural composition of immigration changed at that time. There was a change of generations, young immigrants from the countries of the former USSR already spoke Russian poorly, they had much less in common with the host population, which led to the emergence of large situational conflicts.

Against the backdrop of these changes, new movements began to fill the empty nationalist space. They could not find a common language with the old nationalists who lived by the ideas of restoration of the past. The Movement Against Illegal Immigration (DPNI) emerged; the organization’s activities are prohibited in Russia - approx. "Tapes.ru"), which suited them perfectly - for a long time the organization's sole goal was to rid the country of "undesirable" immigration.

Unexpectedly, for the new generation of nationalist activists, such ideas turned out to be terribly attractive; DPNI members and people collaborating with it became more and more numerous. The number of followers of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and similar organizations was declining. By 2010-2011, the “Russian March” surpassed in numbers any procession organized by the communists.

The ideas of ethnonationalism almost became part of real politics. The LDPR tried to play in this field in the first half of the 2000s, and in the Rodina party of the period 2003-2006 there was a clearly ethno-nationalist tendency. But all these attempts were ultimately unsuccessful.

Deep crisis

The authorities communicated with nationalists (and continue to do so) with the help of the FSB and the Center for Countering Extremism. In the early 2000s, she considered it correct to conduct a dialogue with all political forces, while trying to somehow manipulate them.

But then it all ends abruptly; by 2010, almost all nationalists again find themselves in the opposition. It is then that many ethnonationalist leaders begin to strive to become part of the “respectable” opposition to the political regime, including in alliance with liberals. National democratic groups played a special role in this process, but they were not the only ones who took part in it. Therefore, these leaders participated in the protests of 2011-2012. At the same time, the overwhelming majority of members of nationalist organizations and groups did not want to go to protests together with liberals and leftists, which created the basis for many conflicts.

But in general, the Russian nationalist movement found itself in a crisis situation: although the population shares their xenophobic sentiments, it is not ready to follow them. By 2011, the number of people taking part in the “Russian March” reached its ceiling, stopped growing, and then began to fall altogether. Why?

Even the xenophobically oriented half of Russian citizens do not follow the nationalists, firstly, because a typical representative of the movement for an ordinary Russian looks like a hooligan who does not inspire confidence. A Russian who doesn’t like “those who come in large numbers” will not go to the “Russian March” because he will feel uncomfortable there.

Secondly, the population trusts pro-government movements more. One of the interesting surveys showed that the majority of respondents are in favor of banning nationalist movements known to them (RNU, skinheads and others), including because they are not associated with the state. At the same time, the respondents spoke well, for example, about the Cossacks. Consequently, the average Russian citizen still pins his hopes on the authorities - it is they who must resolve all issues, including the one who is obliged to expel migrants. The citizen is ready to entrust the execution of this mission to the Cossacks, but not to the conditional RNU or other movements. However, the state itself is not yet ready to fulfill this request of society.

Following the decline in interest in Russian nationalists in the last year and a half, the authorities, or rather the police, have taken them seriously. This hit all types of nationalist activity (from “party building” to street violence) even harder. Some nationalist leaders are already openly admitting that their movement is in a serious crisis, while others are not yet ready to openly agree with this.

At the same time, there is still no alternative to the ethnonationalist movement as we know it in the 2000s. It would seem that against the background of Crimea and Donbass, against the background of intensified propaganda of state imperial nationalism, one could expect the rise of pro-Kremlin and pro-imperial movements. But nationalists who support the Kremlin line are not particularly noticeable. So far, the greatest successes in this field are being made by the St. Petersburg branch of Rodina, which back in 2013 actually took away the Russian March from local opposition nationalists (it never had such major successes). The Anti-Maidan movement has disappeared somewhere, and the National Liberation Movement (NLM) can hardly be called an activist organization. It is important to understand: to create a movement, an information agenda is not enough; there must also be appropriate activists.

The niche left by the movement of Russian ethnonationalism is empty. It is not occupied by pro-Kremlin activists, the National Bolsheviks, or other alternatives. Of course, there will be a new generation of activists in the future, and some kind of nationalist movement capable of filling it will certainly appear, but the question is what it will be. If it manages to form from below, we will not be able to predict its ideological preferences: after all, there are many parameters, and what combination of them will become popular is unpredictable.

Another option is to build the movement from above. Then it will be based on the imperial line, “civilizational nationalism”, a set of ideas going back to the Russian Orthodox Church and writers - the heirs of Prokhanov (relatively speaking). But this is only possible if the state needs such a movement. This can only happen in a situation of political instability and the need to support the authorities from below. There is no such request yet.

Nationalist parties and elements

Zionists. The report on work in all countries prepared for the 13th World Zionist Congress characterizes the work of Zionists in Russia as follows: “Zionism is the only living movement in Russia, although 12 of its most prominent leaders are in prison”. In reality, the network of Zionist organizations in Russia appears to be widely ramified. The activities of various factions boil down to the study of Palestinian studies in the Geholutz and Maccabi organizations, in special and sports-military preparation for work in Palestine and promoting emigration to Palestine. In Smolensk, a representative of the ARA had at his disposal funds to finance the Zionist movement and create agricultural artels and small trade credit.

ESDRP (“Poalei Zion”). In most organizations of the ESDLP there is disintegration due to the departure of many party members to the RCP. In a number of organizations (Petrograd, Chita, Irkutsk) there is a strong tendency towards self-liquidation. The Central Committee is fighting these trends by dissolving organizations, but to no avail. At the congress in Hamburg, a representative of Russian polarizationists gave an anti-Bolshevik speech.

Jewish groups. In Paris, the “Society of Friends of Jewish Culture” was formed, uniting representatives of Jewish emigration of various shades. It is planned to conduct a protest campaign against the persecution of the Jewish national school in Russia by the Yevsections of the Russian Communist Party. The “League to Combat Anti-Semitism in Russia” was also created there, which includes prominent Jewish nationalists from Russia and writers Merezhkovsky, Gippius, Kuprin and others. The goal of the league is to fight Bolshevism among Jews. In its appeal to the Russian people, the league points out that “the ever-increasing reactionary propaganda links the liberation of Russia from the Soviet yoke with Jewish pogroms, which strengthens the position of the Bolsheviks in the eyes of the civilized world. Russian Jews, together with the entire Russian population, are under the religious, cultural and economic yoke of Bolshevism.”

Two years have passed. What has changed in Ukraine during this time?

“Over the past year and a half, the “Jewish question,” forgotten after the October Revolution, has resurfaced in Ukraine.

This question, it seemed, should have receded into the realm of legends after the Communist Party resolved the issue of national policy in Ukraine, but it came to light so strongly and sharply that it became the subject of discussion and excitement among the two million Jewish masses.

The Jewish population of two million, located in the shtetls, inevitably, in the course of historical events, must become a necessary victim of our economic policy. Our struggle in the towns and small towns with the petty bourgeoisie for control of the market, for direct contact with the peasantry in order to satisfy them with the products of our large and small industry is, in general, a struggle with the Jewish masses, who entirely personify almost this petty bourgeoisie.

The numerous Zionist organizations that developed in Ukraine chose the position we expressed above as the leitmotif of their rather successful propaganda and agitation. Their reasoning boils down to the following: the seemingly resolved national problem in Ukraine was reduced by Soviet power in relation to the Jewish people to their physical and moral destruction. Even the more left-wing part of the Zionist groups reduces economic issues to national terms.

The strong growth of Zionism and its organic connection with the Jewish masses becomes understandable when approaching it not as a national movement, but as exclusively a political movement of the Jewish petty bourgeoisie.

Our fight against Zionism a year and a half ago, and even now, partly boiled down to well-calculated acts of direct action, which made it possible to weaken the movement from time to time. We removed the active members of the Zionist groups, put them in dopras (houses of social forced labor. - Note auto) the most powerful part of the organization, subjected to the expulsion of overly active persons and thereby achieved temporary lulls. It seemed to us that the movement would not take on a wide scope, that it would not become massive; we, apparently, did not take into account the objective reasons that turned the Zionist movement into a political movement of the Jewish petty bourgeoisie.

At present, we are faced with a fact of an extremely serious nature: our measures of administrative struggle against the Zionist movement do not achieve their goal, since the active forces of the Zionists are growing with terrible speed from the depths of the Jewish masses and the predominant contingent of these forces is youth.

On methods of fighting the Zionists:

1. If the Zionist movement is a mass movement of an economic and political nature of the Jewish petty bourgeoisie, then should, in addition to purely repressive measures of struggle, measures be taken to paralyze this movement?

2. Is it possible to eliminate this movement by administrative measures alone?

We believe that these issues would be easily resolved if 10 million euros were available. population, of which part, exactly one and a half million or two people, represented the petty bourgeoisie.

In this case, the fight against the latter, directly arising from the elementary foundations of our policy, would not raise any doubts, would not force us to think about ways and methods. But the whole seriousness of the situation lies in the fact that, due to historical objective reasons, this petty bourgeoisie personified, if not more, the Jewish masses inhabiting Ukraine and thus the class question, a purely economic struggle, turns into a struggle with the national unit. Since this is so, we are faced with the task of paralyzing the Zionist movement with less damage to the entire Jewish mass as a whole.

All of the above issues and their resolution should have been dealt with by the party bodies represented by the Yevsections, public and Soviet organizations represented by the same sections existing under the bodies of public education and the Soviets.

THE MAIN EVENTS IN THE FIGHT AGAINST ZIONISM:

1. Continue to apply repressive measures against the most serious and mature asset of the Zionist groups.

2. It is necessary to strengthen the local Jewish sections qualitatively and quantitatively so that they have the opportunity to organize the non-party units of Jewry close to us in order to take possession of the shtetl and town.

3. The Central Committee of the LKSMU will reconsider the issues of admitting small-town youth into the union.

4. Take a course towards involving Jewish youth in the social work of the Komsomol, such as: in the workers' and villagers' movement, in cultural work in clubs of all Jewish youth, who for one reason or another cannot currently be accepted as members of the Union.

5. To significantly facilitate the procedure for accepting youth working in the colonies into the Komsomol.

6. Along with the factory teachers and the peasant school, organize schools for handicraftsmen with the expectation of involving as many Jews as possible in them. local youth.

7. The leaders of the pioneer work should pay serious attention to the disintegration of the organizations of the Jewish [Zionist] children.

8. Reduce the cost of allotment of land for those wishing to transfer to the colonies, provide long-term and low-interest loans and provide credit on the same terms for agriculture. inventory and other accessories.

9. Along with the above, we consider it necessary to create a society of colonists under the People's Commissariat of Land under the leadership of specially designated communist comrades who would specifically deal with issues of colonization. This society must be closely connected with OZEM, which needs to strengthen the communist majority from persons who enjoy great authority among the Jewish masses. People from other Jewish party organizations should be drawn into this society for active work.

10. In the field of periodical and non-periodical printing it is necessary:

a) make the only newspaper “Stern” truly mass-produced so that its pages reflect the life of towns and cities with their pressing issues. The newspaper should not bureaucratically, but lively link all issues relating to the Jews. the masses, with general issues of building and developing the Union. An exceptional place should be occupied by information about the situation of Jews in Western [European] states, especially in Palestine, where the class struggle has intensified to a significant extent;

b) the creation of a network of newspapers in Russian, covering the life of Jewish districts, towns and cities, because not all Jews know the Hebrew language in such a way as to be able to read newspapers in Hebrew fluently. language. The Zionists took this well into account and publish most of their press in Russian;

c) cheap brochures in euros should be devoted to the issues of colonization, related loans and other events. and Russian languages ​​in large circulation;

d) special magazines should be devoted to the development of Jewish culture (schools, studios, theaters, etc.), which could be distributed at a cheap price among the most active part of Jewry.

11. We consider it extremely necessary for a group of communists from Palestine to travel to Ukraine so that they widely inform the Jewish masses about the flared-up class struggle in Palestine, so that they, having familiarized themselves with the situation in Ukraine, could compare the process of further development of the Jewish people in our Union and in Palestine.

12. It is necessary to bring up for discussion the question of the advisability of creating a Jewish section under the Central Committee of the Komsomol of Ukraine, which would engage in serious work among Jewish youth. The latter will, in our opinion, be quite advisable due to the fact that young people currently require very serious attention.”

Among the repressive measures proposed by the Ukrainian security officers was the arrest of the leaders of numerous Zionist organizations. And for all other active Zionists - educational work. Beyond the scope of the topic of this book is a story about how the measures proposed by the Ukrainian security officers were implemented in practice.

Let's quote the official document again. This is what happened in the spring of 1941 in Western Ukraine:

“...The most influential party among the Jewish population of Poland is the Bund, which in former Poland had up to 280 grassroots organizations with 15 thousand members, a youth organization with 12 thousand members, its own Bund trade unions, a sports organization uniting about 5 thousand members, and a number of other cultural and educational organizations that covered a significant part of the Jewish population. In 1936–1937 The Polish Bund included a significant number of Trotskyists who used the Bund to establish illegal connections with the USSR.

The Polish “Bund” carried out its work under the slogan of “unity of the socialist front”... In foreign policy it adhered to an anti-German orientation, and in relation to the USSR it took anti-Soviet Trotskyist positions.

During the occupation of Poland by Nazi Germany, most of the members of the Bund who lived in the areas captured by Germany fled to Western Ukraine, Belarus and Lithuania, where, thus, a significant number of members of the Polish Bund were concentrated.

Most of the members of the Bund Central Committee, located in Warsaw, also fled to Western Belarus, then to Lithuania, from where some members of the Central Committee subsequently moved to Sweden and America.

After the establishment of Soviet power in the western regions, at an illegal meeting of members of the Central Committee of the Polish “Bund” (Erlich, Portnoy, Wasser, Odes, Schweber, Mendelssohn, Scherer) convened at the end of September 1939 in Pinsk, the decision was made: “Stop political work . Recommend the Bundists to support Soviet power, to take part in the new construction to the best of their ability, while acting openly, like the Bundists.”

As established, this decision was a tactical maneuver undertaken by the Central Committee of the Polish “Bund” in order to preserve its personnel.

In fact, the “Bund” launched anti-Soviet work in the western regions of the Ukrainian SSR and BSSR, as well as in the Lithuanian SSR: members of the “Bund” oppose the activities of Soviet bodies, conduct anti-Soviet agitation, and try to disintegrate trade union organizations...

A number of members of the former Central Committee of the Polish “Bund” (V. Kosovsky and others) are currently living illegally in the Lithuanian SSR (Vilnius), from where they are trying to manage the work of the “Bund” in the territory of the BSSR and Lithuania.

Among the Jewish bourgeoisie and intelligentsia of the former Poland, the Zionist Revisionist party, a fascist Jewish organization of pro-English orientation, created by Jabotinsky (lives in Palestine), preaching military dictatorship, enjoyed influence. The model for the program and structure of the Revisionist Zionist Party was the Fascist Party of Italy.

The illegal Central Committee of the Zionist-Revisionist party of the former Poland is now located in Vilnius.

“Revisionist Zionists” are a militant terrorist organization whose goal is to fight the revolutionary movement among the Jewish proletariat.

In Poland, before its collapse, the “Revisionist Zionists” had special illegal combat training courses, which taught how to make bombs and other military equipment and trained cadres of instructors and leaders for militant groups.

In Pinsk, the organization “Revisionist Zionists” numbered 150 people (some of them were arrested).

Beitar, a fascist organization of Jewish youth, is under the leadership of the Revisionist Zionists. Until 1940, the Beitar Central Committee of the former Poland was located in Vilnius and contacted its work with the Lithuanian Beitar Central Committee in Kaunas.

Beitar stands in the position of terrorist struggle against the leaders of the Communist Party and Soviet power.

Among Jewish youth, members of Beitar conduct nationalist propaganda, in particular, they propagate the idea of ​​​​creating a fascist Jewish state in Palestine under the protectorate of England. In a number of their documents, the leading members of Beitar talk about the need for Beitar members to assist British intelligence, and if the USSR enters the war against England, to assist England with sabotage work in the rear of the Red Army.

Beitar groups have recently been discovered and liquidated in a number of cities in the western regions of the Ukrainian SSR and BSSR.

The second Zionist youth organization, Hashomer-Gatzoir, aims to unite Jewish youth to fight for the creation of an “independent Jewish state” in Palestine. The organization is strictly conspiratorial and built on the “four” system. The illegal Central Committee of "Gashomer-Gatsoira" of the former Poland is now in Lvov.

The organization conducts active anti-Soviet work, prints nationalist leaflets in an illegal printing house, incites emigration sentiments among the Jewish population, and organizes illegal crossings abroad for members of “Gashomer-Gatsoira”. Groups of “Gashomera-Gatsoira” were discovered in Lvov, Kaunas, Vilnius, Rivne, Bialystok and other cities of the Ukrainian SSR, BSSR and LSSR.

On the territory of former Poland there was an illegal clerical organization “Agudah”, which united tzaddikim, rabbis and other representatives of the Jewish clergy and was a section of the “World Agudah”.

"Agudah" extended its religious-nationalist influence to the Jewish population of Western Ukraine and Belarus, the Baltic states, Bessarabia and Northern Bukovina, where it had its branches. Under Aguda there was a youth organization called “Tseprei Agudat Israel”, which educated fanatical fanatics. “Aguda” had a number of printed publications: the magazine “Der Vokh” in Chisinau, the newspaper “Der Judisher Freint” in Chernovtsy.

One of the active figures in the “World Agudah” is Rabbi Tsirelson, who has lived in Chisinau since 1909. In Chisinau, according to information, there are prominent members of Aguda: Joseph Appelbaum, Diener and F. Gringer, who were delegates to the World Aguda congresses.

In the city of Kaunas at the beginning of 1941, a new clerical center “Vaad Gashivo” (“Yeshivot Committee”) was created, which included rabbis of the Lithuanian SSR, the western regions of the BSSR and Volyn. This center seeks to subjugate all Jewish religious organizations, conducts anti-Soviet and religious propaganda, and creates Jewish religious schools.”

In the three documents that the security officers prepared, there is nothing about mass repressions against Zionists, and especially against Soviet citizens of Jewish nationality! Maybe the author used the wrong documents? Then let's turn to dry statistics.

The unique monograph by Oleg Borisovich Mozokhin “The Right to Repression. Extrajudicial powers of state security agencies (1918–1953)".

Soviet state security agencies kept statistics not only of those convicted of all types of crimes (from speculation and currency transactions to espionage and treason), but also indicated the nationality of the convicted person and the political nature of the crime (Trotskyist, Socialist Revolutionary, cadet, etc.). We will consider two positions: the total number of convicted Jews and those who were convicted specifically for Zionism, and not for theft, taking bribes, robberies, etc.

Year Total number of convicted Jews Political “color” - Zionism
1925 No data 131
1926 11,896 (for comparison - Slavs (Russians, Ukrainians, Belarusians, Poles, Greeks) - 44,728 No data
1927 8942 (Slavs - 63,346) 238
1928 11,861 (Slavs - 110,428) No data
1929 No data No data
1930 8079 (Slavs - 322,480) No data
1931 No data No data
1932 22,111 (Slavs - 367,839) No data
1933 No data No data
1934 No data 56
1935 No data No data
1936 No data No data
1937 No data 420 (members of national Zionist counter-revolutionary organizations)
1938 No data 1926 (members of national Zionist counter-revolutionary organizations)
1939 2969 (Slavs - 34,836) Mensheviks and Bundists - 83 Members of Jewish counter-revolutionary organizations - 181
1940 No data No data
1941 No data No data
1942 No data No data
1943 No data Zionists and Bundists - 53 Jewish clergy - 2
1944 No data No data
1945 714 (Slavs - 77,767) Zionists and Bundists - 67
1946 No data No data
1947 No data No data
1948 956 (Slavs - 47,735) Zionists and Bundists - 42 Jewish clerics - 8
1949 1979 (Russians - 16,664) Zionists and Bundists - 249 Jewish clerics - 17
1950 1232 (Russians - 19,475) Zionists and Bundists - 201 Jewish clerics - 39
1951 1071 Zionists and Bundists - 229 Jewish clerics - 55
1952 352 Zionists and Bundists - 102 Jewish clerics - 4
1953 405 Zionists and Bundists - 128 Jewish clerics - 2

Despite the lack of data for individual years, the table gives an objective picture of the repressive policy of state security agencies against Jewish citizens during the era of Joseph Stalin.

The first peak of repression occurred in the twenties of the last century - the period of development of the NEP. Why then did the Jews suffer? For your religious beliefs? No. Problems for Jewish believers began in the late twenties of the last century, when some (but not all) synagogues, etc. began to close. Those interested can read about this in numerous literature. Or maybe the security officers began to repress on ethnic grounds? Wrong again. And the Jewish authors themselves, who talk in detail about the bad attitude towards their fellow tribesmen in the Soviet Union, for some reason do not mention this historical fact. Everyone knows that the ardent “anti-Semite” Joseph Stalin allegedly decided to resettle Jews to Siberia in the late forties of the last century. Then why are there so many repressed Jews? Maybe they fell into the category of “kulaks,” “cadets,” or former officials of the Russian Empire? Wrong again. And the answer lies on the surface. The bulk of the Jews were convicted of various crimes that had no direct relation to their nationality. For example, in the era of the NEP, the article punishing speculation (Article 59, paragraph 11 and paragraph 12 - violation of the monopoly regulation, speculation in goods and currency) was popularly called “Jewish”. What is it for?

The second peak of repression occurred in 1937. Then high-ranking employees of various institutions were repressed. Well, the Jews, who by that time had managed to make a dizzying career, were destroyed along with the Russians, Ukrainians, Poles, etc. Anyone can read the list of Jewish people's commissars who died in 1937. And again, the Jewish authors say nothing about the fact that these people were repressed solely because of their nationality. Probably, a similar fate would have befallen a Russian, Ukrainian, Pole or representative of any other nationality who occupied this post. In the era of Joseph Stalin, the “sword of Damocles” always hung over any high-ranking statesman. It sounds very cynical, but this was one of the features of management of the Stalin era. And any manager knew that if the order was not followed, he would, at best, face dismissal, and at worst, arrest. Very tough, but this is what largely made it possible, in record time, to first transform agricultural Soviet Russia into the industrial Soviet Union, then win the Great Patriotic War, and then create the atomic bomb. This is a small digression from the topic “Jews and Lubyanka”.

Many authors “relish” the end of the forties of the last century, when, after the trial of the leadership of the Jewish Anti-Fascist Committee and the expulsion of all Jews from the state security agencies, repressions on ethnic grounds allegedly began. But few Jews were convicted on political charges during that period. Somehow this doesn’t really look like repression based on ethnicity. And along with the Jews (for example, the “case of the pest doctors”), investigators from the Lubyanka also enrolled representatives of other nationalities into the mythical underground organizations. And the “case of sabotage doctors” itself was born not in Joseph Stalin’s office in the Kremlin or in the investigative unit of the MGB in Lubyanka, but in the Politburo. The main reason is the struggle for power. This story was told in detail in his book “Stalin and the Jewish Problem: A New Analysis” by historian Zhores Medvedev, who is difficult to suspect of sympathizing with the Lubyanka.

The anti-Semitic campaign started immediately after the end of the Great Patriotic War on the initiative of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks. At least on most documents it is this abbreviation that appears, and not the USSR MGB. Of course, there are also individual documents prepared and signed by security officers, but most of them are reports of anti-Semitic protests in the regions of the Soviet Union.

So, in September 1945 in Kyiv, NKGB lieutenant I.D. Rosenstein got into a fight with two drunken Red Army soldiers. The reason for the clash is the anti-Semitic statements of the latter. The fighters were quickly separated. The victim ran home, took his service weapon and went with his wife to the offenders. There he provoked a quarrel, and then shot one and seriously wounded another opponent. After that, he fled the crime scene. During the anti-Semitic protests that arose, several random Jews were injured. The security officers had to investigate this incident. The results were reported to the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Ukraine.

So Lubyanka did not participate in fanning the fire of anti-Semitism in the early years of the Cold War.

Someone will remember the case of the Jewish Anti-Fascist Committee, from which the anti-Semitic campaign allegedly began.

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The crisis situation that arose in the political life of Russia in the early 90s contributed to the emergence of various nationalist organizations.

Among the total mass of these organizations, it is necessary to note the revived “Black Hundred” http://www.sotnia.ru/chsotnia/t2002/.htm. It was an Orthodox organization whose main tasks were the “churchification” of the Russian people and the establishment of Russian power in Russia.

The Black Hundred organization was formed in the summer of 1992, its leader was Alexander Robertovich Shtilmark, and the Black Hundred was headed by the Council. The organization was on bad terms with RNE; from May to December 1993, the Black Hundred was in a union with the Russian National Union. Since 1992, the newspaper-bulletin “Black Hundred” has been published, the content of which was limited to anti-Semitic articles and historical excursions.

It is necessary to pay attention to the goals of this organization. She advocated the fraternal relations of the peoples of Russia, for the restoration of the United, Great and Indivisible Russian Empire. Territories that are currently outside the borders of the Russian Federation, but were part of the Russian Empire before 1917, can voluntarily become part of Russia. The Black Hundred rejected the practice of national-territorial division of the state, as well as the principles of separation of church and state. It is worth noting that this organization condemned the war in Chechnya, and on January 16, 1995 held a rally regarding military actions in Chechnya.

Here are the main points of the Black Hundred program:

The Orthodox Church is the basis of the spiritual health of the people;

Recreation of a united and indivisible Russia;

Enterprises of heavy industry, defense industries, as well as transport and banks become state property;

Support for domestic entrepreneurs;

Introduction of church censorship to ensure the prevention of propaganda of violence;

The land is transferred into the ownership of those who cultivate it, without the right of sale, but with the right of inheritance;

Prohibition of the activities of sects and foreign preachers on the territory of Russia;

Introducing stricter penalties for serious criminal offences;

Introduction of the death penalty for illegal sales of drugs and weapons;

Encouraging the birth rate of the indigenous peoples of Russia, especially the Russian people;

Russia's external debt is zero http://www.sotnia.ru/chsotnia/t2002.htm .

This organization did not have a big response in society. Her ideas about a return to the Empire and to the power of the sovereign and the Zemsky Sobor could not attract society to their side. For Russia, this is a passed stage and a return to it is impossible.

The National Bolshevik Party (NBP) is of no small importance in the political struggle, the declaration of its creation was signed on May 1, 1993 by the leader of the organization E. Limonov. Websites of regional branches of the NBP exist in Lvov, Krasnoyarsk, Samara, Rostov, Orenburg, Novosibirsk, Irkutsk, Ufa and other cities. The main publications of the party: “People's Observer” in Nizhny Novgorod, “On the Edge” in Smolensk, “Barricade”, “Guardian” in Krasnoyarsk, “Smerch” in St. Petersburg, “Attacking Course” in Kharkov.

The ideology of National Bolshevism is based on a clear principle: the Russian revolution, or rather, two revolutions in one; national revolution and social revolution.

1. The national revolution aims to establish Russian power in Russia - to transform it from a country colonized by the West, but equally by the East and South, into a proud independent Russian state. That is, to realize national justice. The majority (87 percent) - Russians - will finally become masters in their country. (Mechanically cut off from the “republics,” Russia today essentially remains an amputated state of the USSR, but not the Russian state).

2. The social revolution aims to establish property and economic justice in the country. It will be carried out in the interests of the majority of citizens and will be directed against the class of owners - the overwhelming minority that has seized all the wealth of Russia in recent years. The arrival through revolution of a new social system is inevitable: the Russian order, where social justice within the nation will be the law Reznik A. What is the NBP? - URL: http://www.revkom.com/politika Russia/kritika partij/nbp.htm .

Thus, the goals of the National Bolshevik Party are the Russian National Revolution and the construction of a just Russian society - the Russian order.

Here are the main provisions of the National Bolshevik program.

1. The essence of National Bolshevism is withering hatred of the anti-human trinity system: liberalism / democracy / capitalism. A man of rebellion, the National Bolshevik sees his mission in destroying the system to its foundations. A traditionalist, hierarchical society will be built on the ideals of spiritual masculinity, social and national justice.

2. External enemies of National Bolshevism: Great Satan - the USA and Europe, united in NATO and the UN. Internal enemies: the “jacket” class - boyar-officials, marauders - new Russians, cosmopolitan intelligentsia.

3. The global goal of National Bolshevism is the creation of an Empire from Vladivostok to Gibraltar on the basis of Russian civilization. The goal will be achieved in four stages:

A). Transformation of the Russian Federation into the national state of Russia through the Russian Revolution

b). Annexation of Russian-populated territories of the former Soviet republics

V). Rallying around the Russian Eurasian peoples of the former USSR

G). Creation of a gigantic continental Empire http://www.nbp-info.ru .

4. Having come to power, the NBP will carry out revolutionary transformations in Russia, build a total state, human rights will give way to the rights of the nation. An iron Russian order, a climate of discipline, militancy and hard work will be established within the country.

5. The Russian Parliament will consist of two chambers: the Chamber of Deputies (450 seats) will be legislative and elective; the second chamber will be the House of Representatives (900 seats), deliberative and non-elected. Representatives of the people will be nominated to the second chamber based on popular proposals: professions, ages, social and religious authorities will be represented. The head of government will rely on the House of Representatives, receiving recommendations from it.

6. Russia will be divided into centrally controlled strategic districts; national republics and regions will be abolished, and their “presidents” will be dispersed.

7. The Belovezh Treaty is denounced, and as a result, Russia’s borders will be revised. Let's unite all Russians in one state. The territories of the “breakaway” republics, where the Russian population is more than 50%, will be annexed to Russia through local referendums and their support by Russia (Crimea, Northern Kazakhstan, Narva region and others). The aspirations of national minorities for separatism will be ruthlessly suppressed.

8. In foreign policy, turn your back to the United States and face Asia. On the continent, friendship with Germany, Iran, India, and Japan is possible.

9. Termination of all agreements with the West. We will refuse to repay loans and will arrest all foreign investments in Russia. We'll throw away the dollar. In order to stop the aggressive invasion of foreign goods and their base mass culture, to lower the iron protective curtain on our borders. Entry into the world market economy killed the Russian economy. It is harmful to Russia. Russia has everything.

10. Russian Socialism will be created, an economic system focused on the benefit of the majority of the population. The economy will be based on the principle of progressive nationalization. 5 people work in an enterprise - it can be private, 55 - must be collective, 555 - owned regionally, 5555 - owned by the state. During the transition period, the NBP will establish an economic dictatorship.

11. Military personnel, state employees, pensioners, and all low-paid segments of the population will be completely exempt from taxes. The housing will be transferred free of charge for the use of those living in it. Veterans of the wars in Chechnya and Afghanistan, large and young families will be given empty apartments. We will set the salary level to be no lower than the subsistence level, and rent and utility bills will be frozen. Firm, fixed prices for basic food products will be introduced: bread, potatoes, butter, cereals, milk, beef.

12. The land will belong only to the state, that is, to all of us. Income from its rental will go to the state budget. The state will encourage large specialized farms, both on the basis of collective and state farms, and any new type of farm that will benefit the nation.

13. Export and sale outside Russia of raw materials, electricity, precious metals, gas, oil and weapons, as well as gold will be carried out exclusively by the state. He will also own the defense industry.

14. The goal of the economic reforms of the NBP will be the creation of complete economic autarky (self-sufficiency) in Russia.

15. The NBP firmly believes that culture should grow like a wild tree. The NBP is not going to cut her hair. Absolute freedom. “Do what thou wilt” will be the only law.

16. All fundamental sciences vital for the nation will be financed as a priority from the state budget. Paradise conditions will be created for scientists and inventors.

17. NBP - for modernity, modernization, avant-garde, but opposed to the forced imposition of Western values.

18. Try and punish state crimes committed by senior state officials since January 1, 1986.

19. Confiscation of all income and savings of persons who caused economic damage to Russia, deceived and robbed fellow citizens from January 1, 1986.

20. A special department will be formed under the State Security Service to return Russian capital that has flown abroad. The thieves will be captured there too and will be forced to give up their loot. The heads of fraudulent funds, banks and companies will be at the mercy of their depositors.

21. Destroy the criminal world. Its best representatives will go to the service of the nation and state. The rest will be destroyed by military means.

22. Former CPSU officials up to the level of factory committee secretaries are prohibited from engaging in both political and commercial activities. The ban will not apply to ordinary members of the CPSU.

23. The NBP is neither left nor right, but a national party of Russians. Russian is determined not by blood or religion. Anyone who considers the Russian language and Russian culture to be his own, the history of Russia to be his history, who has shed and is ready to shed his own and others’ blood in the name of Russia and only for her sake, and who does not think of any other homeland or nation, is a Russian.

24. The NBP relies in its activities exclusively on the active minority. First of all, on socially dissatisfied youth: provincials, “entrepreneurs”, workers, military, students, marginalized people, police officers. Those who were nothing will become Dzerzhinsky, Goebbels, Molotov, Voroshilov, Ciano, Goering, Zhukov. Russia will all belong to us.

25. In order to prevent the degeneration of the ruling elite, as happened with the CPSU, the NBP will carry out permanent revolution and purges in its own, and not only in its own, ranks.

26. NBP slogan: “Russia is everything, the rest is nothing!” Dugin A. National Bolshevik Party. - URL: http://www.moldovace.md/nbp.htm

Having examined the main points of the program, it is worth noting that the majority of the party’s supporters are young professionals and students. More traditional types of actions are rallies or demonstrations; these actions, as a rule, are theatrical. The place occupied by the NBP in the country's political arena is insignificant. The political goals presented by the leader of the organization E. Limonov are capable of attracting a certain category of citizens to their side. In my opinion, this is a utopian program, the implementation of which is impossible in modern Russia. Despite the fact that the program proclaims popular representation in parliament, an economy oriented to the benefit of the population, and tax exemption for broad sections of the population, it still has many disadvantages. The fact of the establishment of the iron Russian order and militancy, the Iron Curtain, and the promise to carry out purges in political circles are repulsive. In my opinion, the people, who need peace and stability, will not support the party proclaiming the Russian national revolution.

Until recently, the largest radical domestic national-patriotic organization was Russian National Unity.

The founding conference was held on October 16, 1990, and until November 1990 the group was called the “National Unity Movement for a Free, Strong, Fair Russia” (NOT for the USSR). The official date of the creation of Russian National Unity (RNE) is October 20. The initiator of the creation was Alexander Barkashev, a former member of the Central Council of the Memory Society.

In August 1991, RNE came out in defense of the State Emergency Committee. During the Gulf crisis, the movement held rallies in support of Iraq. Immediately after the October events of 1993, official sanctions from the Russian government were applied to RNU as a direct participant in these events - its leader A. Barkashev and many movement activists were arrested, the movement’s newspaper “Russian Order” was banned, and a number of regional organizations were disbanded by local authorities. However, by January 1994, all structural divisions of RNE were restored, connections with the regions were established, and the underground issue of the newspaper “Russian Order” was published in half a million copies. According to activists of the movement itself, after the “persecution” the size of the organization even increased. The total number of RNE (as of 1994) is 5 thousand people. Star and swastika. Bolshevism and Russian fascism./Ed. S. Kulesheva - M., 1994. P.183.

RNU used all elections not to gain entry into government, but to spread its ideology.

Here are the main program provisions with which RNE went to the elections:

1. The strategic goals of the RNU are the creation of a Union of Slavic states and the establishment of “Russian order”.

2. Russia should be a unitary state of Russians (85%) and Russians (15%). At the same time, Russians are understood as Great Russians, Little Russians, and Belarusians (Ukrainians and Belarusians). Russians are understood as the non-Slavic indigenous peoples of Russia, for whom Russia is the only Fatherland.

3. RNU considers one of the main state tasks to be the protection of the genetic purity of the Russian Nation. Any promotion of mixed marriages should be prohibited. A person's nationality is determined by the nationality of his parents. If a person is born in a mixed marriage, the main criterion for determining his nationality is the “state of the person’s spirit.”

4. RNE takes Russian citizenship seriously. “All Russian people and representatives of other indigenous peoples of Russia are considered or can become citizens of Russia, regardless of their place of birth - in Russia or abroad. Russians and Russians who have committed serious crimes against the Nation and Fatherland cannot obtain Russian citizenship or are deprived of it.”

5. RNU believes that all representatives of certain peoples of Russia - foreigners, without exception, regardless of their place of birth and time of residence on the territory of Russia - should be deprived of Russian citizenship. A. Arkhipov. Disintegration of Russian Unity. - URL: http://www.strana.ru .

These provisions aimed at preserving the “purity of the Russian nation” and the rules for issuing citizenship could not have support among the population. Russia is a multinational country, and the number of foreigners is constantly growing, and although in some territories of the Russian Federation there is an increase in national contradictions, still not all Russians supported this situation.

Let's consider the following provisions - RNE and economics. The economic program of the RNU is based on the concept of “national socialism”.

1. National socialism includes ensuring social justice, that is, free medical care, free education, the creation of a pension fund, and so on. The main sectors of production (energy, mining, transport, communications) should be in the hands of the state. Foreign economic relations are also declared a state prerogative. Private initiative should be directed to the service sector, light industry and should develop under state control. RNE recognizes the human right to property and condemns encroachments on it. But private ownership of land is not recognized. The land should be in the private hereditary ownership of peasants, subject to mandatory cultivation. However, the state should encourage the activities of small and medium-sized cooperation Star and Swastika. Bolshevism and Russian fascism./Ed. S. Kulesheva - M., 1994. P.201.

2. RNE shares two moral motivations for work: to work to feed oneself, and to work for the good of the nation and the Fatherland.

It is necessary to note the attitude of RNU to war: recognizing war as an evil, RNU obliges its members to participate in hostilities if we are talking about protecting the interests of Russia and the Russian nation, about restoring justice. It should be noted that in December 1994, RNE fully supported the military operation in Chechnya.

As you can see, many of the program's ideas are drawn from the programs of other parties.

An important factor is the attitude of RNE to the Orthodox Church. RNU, which was a semi-pagan organization until the mid-1990s, declared itself “adherents of the Orthodoxy that was in Rus' during the time of Prince Vladimir and Dmitry Donskoy.

RNE does not recognize the Old Testament, considering it a later Jewish addition. From the New Testament it recognized only those ideas that were beneficial in a given period. It is worth noting that RNE advocates maintaining the death penalty, since there is no indication of the need for its abolition in the New Testament. It is also worth noting that the symbolism of the RNE was represented by the Star of the Virgin Mary with a rotating left swastika placed inside it. According to Barkashevites, this is the symbol most consistent with the Russian national character. This symbol means the presence of God in Russia. Let us note that RNE is trying to place the swastika above the cross of Christ, which, naturally, repels Orthodox citizens Lyuty V. The phenomenon of RNE: history, methods of work and reasons for the collapse. - URL: http://www.rnebarkashov.ru .

It is worth noting that the main program provisions were outlined by party leader A.P. Barkashev in his work, “The ABC of Russian Nationalism” A.P. Barkashev. The ABC of Russian nationalism. - M., 1994.-220 p.. The program, as you know, did not receive widespread support from the population, since it did not affect the interests of people. Although, according to polls from April - May 1995, 11.4% of Russians expected the RNU to win the parliamentary elections in December 1995. 29% of former voters of Zhirinovsky’s party were going to vote for RNE, and this is already approximately 7%. But even if all these figures were inflated, the failure of the RNU to conduct a normal election campaign in December 1995 reduced its chances to almost zero this time.

The 1996 presidential campaign was a turning point for RNU. Then Barkashev, who initially nominated himself, withdrew his candidacy and made a statement indirectly calling for voting for Yeltsin, which alienated not only his sympathizers, but also most of his comrades-in-arms.

In 1999, RNE, without state registration, joined the electoral association “Spas”, which was registered with the Ministry of Justice as an all-Russian socio-political movement. But in November 1999, the Ministry of Justice filed a lawsuit, essentially against itself, to invalidate the all-Russian registration of the movement due to the lack of associations, as required by law, in more than half of the constituent entities of the Russian Federation. Thus, “Spas” was removed from the election race two weeks before the vote. Arkhipov A. The Collapse of Russian Unity. - URL: http://www.strana.ru .

The last election campaign for RNE was the 2000 presidential election. Then Barkashev, having not collected the required number of signatures, quietly left the race. In 2000, RNE ceased to exist, splitting into a large number of incapacitated fragments.

Over the years of its existence (1900 - 2000), Russian National Unity has accumulated some experience in socio-political work with the population. Work was carried out in several parallel directions at once. And although the very methods of such activity were successful, the very internal content and lack of development of the RNE ideology nullified all attempts to turn into a party.

Let's take a closer look at these methods and evaluate all their pros and cons.

The first and most widespread method of work is the direct distribution of RNU propaganda materials. A small group of RNE participants stood at key metro stations during rush hour, joined the crowd at various rallies and handed out copies of newspapers and magazines. This method was used until the end of 1995. They also used the placement of newspapers and leaflets in mailboxes and the posting of leaflets. Laying out newspapers is the most ineffective method for several reasons. Firstly, the population has a sharply negative attitude towards placing various types of literature in mailboxes and, practically without reading, throws it away. Secondly, the audience living in the houses is unknown. Thirdly, intercoms and alarms prevented entry to mailboxes and houses. Thus, this method came to naught by 1998 - 99. The greatest effectiveness was shown by the mass distribution of RNE literature, carried out by several divisions of RNE. Having broken up into small groups, they carried out distribution throughout Moscow, on the streets and in transport. At the same time, two goals were achieved - a significant part of the population was covered and the effect of presence was created throughout Moscow, showing the mass character of the organization.

The second most important direction in the activities of the RNU was the work on military-patriotic education of youth. For example, in the Eastern Administrative District of Moscow in 1994, the military-patriotic club “Victoria” was founded, located in Terletsky Park. Classes were held in shooting from a small-caliber rifle and pistol, in drill and physical training. Lyuty V. The phenomenon of RNE: history, methods of work and reasons for the collapse. - URL: http://www.rnebarkashov.ru. The disadvantages were that there was no permanent coach for various disciplines, as well as the irregularity of cadets’ attendance at the club and classes.

In 1996, the all-Moscow club “Varyags” was registered, in Stavropol - “Russian Knights”, in Kirov - “Kolovrat” and others. But gradually the work on military-patriotic education of young people was reduced to zero. A number of reasons contributed to this. The main reason is the reluctance of the authorities to cooperate with the military-patriotic movement, financial issues, and the constant shortage of truly professional personnel to train cadets.

The third direction of RNE's work is actions to restore order (Russia - Russian order!) together with employees of the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the State Traffic Inspectorate.

The first in this activity was patrolling by RNE fighters, who were registered as members of the voluntary people's squad of the Ivanovskoe municipal district in the territory of Terletsky Park.

As a result of such patrols, crimes in the park decreased sharply; with the help of RNE participants, a huge number of minor offenses were suppressed, and several major crimes were solved. Terletsky Park has become one of the most crime-free areas in Moscow. But later, restoring order became an empty formality, which was reduced to standing at the entrance to the park and preventing the entry of vehicles.

By the fall of 1995, an agreement was reached between the leadership of RNE and the Ministry of Railways on the protection of Ministry of Railways facilities at the Moscow-Ryazan branch of the Moscow Railway by RNE forces. A double benefit was achieved: RNE participants, registered as watchmen, guarding the depot in the form of RNE, showed by example the work of maintaining order, thereby making free advertising for themselves, and even receiving income by taking a 5% tax from the salaries of guards Verkhovsky A. Nationalism and xenophobia in Russian society. - M., 1998. P.29.

But in the end, this type of RNE activity also ended in failure. Part of the population began to perceive RNU as an integral part of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, the population’s attitude towards which was, if not negative, then ambiguous, and most of RNU’s comrades, thinking the same thing, began to leave the ranks of the organization.

Why did RNE cease to exist? There are a number of reasons for this:

Firstly, the lack of development of the ideology, which is very similar to the ideology of Hitler’s Germany. The symbolism, the black uniform, the arms thrown up had a repulsive effect on people.

Secondly, the cessation of regular publication of propaganda materials contributed to the fact that people, not receiving fresh information from RNE, gradually began to lose interest in it, treating it as a closed sect. And the press presented RNE in a negative light. This also contributed to the outflow of participants from RNE.

Thirdly, the inability of RNU to conduct a normal election campaign.

Fourthly, the leadership in the person of Barkashev began, it seems, to lose interest in the further development of RNE. In turn, RNU did not receive any instructions from its “leader” regarding further activities.

Thus, after existing for ten years, RNU left the political arena.

But the story of RNU with its politics and ideology did not end. "A holy place is never empty". Five organizations laid claim to the RNE heritage. At the same time, the RNU personnel were not simply divided into five warring factions.

The largest fragment of RNE is the “Lapochkin group” (RNE-2). The Lapochkin brothers, leaders of the St. Petersburg and Voronezh regional organizations of RNE, were among the initiators of the attempt to remove Barkashev from the leadership of the movement. However, RNE-2 was never able to establish effective leadership and nominate a single leader. Realities and trends of Russian national radicalism.- URL: http://www.strana.ru .

Barkashev's former deputy Oleg Kassin created a new movement, “Russian Revival”. The RV movement declared support for the government's course and abolished the most odious fragments of symbolism (the solstika swastika, black shirts, and so on). This organization has acquired a reputation among patriotic circles as almost traitors. Meanwhile, this group claimed to form a “civilized” patriotic party supporting the government, and aimed to participate in the 2003 parliamentary elections.

Two more groups of former Barkashevites are active in Moscow - “Slavic Union” and “Free Detachment RNE”. The position of the Free Squad, starting in the spring of 2003, was expressed by the St. Petersburg newspaper Novaya Sistema.

A. Barkashev himself, who initially tried to reorganize the movement into the religious brotherhood “Barkashev’s Guard,” decided to retain the name RNU. The regional branches of RNE in the Moscow region, Sakhalin, and partly in St. Petersburg remained loyal to Barkashev. In the spring of 2001, Barkashev released the updated Russian Order, a previously banned RNE newspaper. Although a minority of RNU members remain behind Barkashev, none of the alternative leaders has his fame and popularity.

"Slavic Union" joined the association of nationalist organizations planning a merger at the all-Russian level. The association, which began in 2001, included the People's Nationalist Party of Alexander Ivanov-Sukharevsky (newspaper “I am Russian”), the Freedom Party of Yuri Belyaev (formerly the National Republican Party of Russia, newspaper “Our Review”), the national-pagan group Russian the national liberation movement of Alexander Aratov (newspaper "Russkaya Pravda"), the "Spas" movement of Alexander Sevastyanov (National Newspaper), some other groups. The working name of the organization is “National Power Party of Russia”. This name remained with her. On September 26, 2002, the National Power Party of Russia (NDPR) was officially registered with the Ministry of Justice of the Russian Federation. The leaders of the NDPR are B.S. Mironov, former minister of press in the Yeltsin government, A.N. Sevastyanov, editor-in-chief of the National Newspaper, S.N. Terekhov, chairman of the communist Union of Officers. The leaders of the new party officially declared that the party program should not be identified with fascist ideology. According to them, the main goal of the NDPR is “the revival of Russia as a great power.” Sokolov M. Radical nationalist movement in Putin’s Russia: current state and immediate prospects. - URL: http://www.strana.ru

At that time, among the political parties registered by the Ministry of Justice there were already a dozen organizations with similar names and slogans. In patriotic circles, the authority of the NDPR leaders was immediately scanty.

The NDPR is based on a unifying moment, as evidenced by the official list of organizations that took part in the NDPR. There are Cossacks, and the former RNU, pagans, communists and others.

The appearance of this party and its activities did not affect the general course of events. She didn't get much support. As of 2002, it did not have a clearly formulated ideology, the so-called “national idea.”

As a result, it is worth noting that the emerging new nationalist parties and the already split ones (RNE) were only able to show their disorganization and weakness. They lost the political battle, lacking sufficient support and failing to establish themselves. Nationalist organizations, not reflecting the interests of the majority of Russian citizens, have now failed to achieve success.

But the dangers of nationalism cannot be underestimated. It is necessary to put barriers to nationalism, because its growth and spread poses a political threat to Russia. What does nationalism promise? The elimination of the shoots of democracy that exist, and the rejection of the democratic perspective, a great-power nationalist dictatorship, the establishment of order, national isolation, a nationalist response from non-Russian peoples and the isolation of Russia in the international arena.

Nationalism opposes the leading trends in the economic and political development of modern civilization: the globalization of economic and social problems occurring in the world, the processes of internationalization and integration.

Indeed, to overcome problems that have become global, it is necessary to unite the efforts of all peoples, of all humanity. And these problems include not only the threat of depletion of natural resources, but also much more. Thus, the prospect of isolation and national isolation of Russia, which the nationalists offer it, will not protect Russia from these dangers, but rather will strengthen them.

Notes on the tendency of neo-fascism to transform from a social movement into public policy. A.A.

<…>The devil prompted me to ask how many nationalist (fascist) organizations there are in Russia. Even I was not prepared for what Google gave me!
So, it turns out that in the Russian Federation, fascist organizations are divided into moderate, radical and prohibited, and there are 53 of them!

Moderate - 23 organizations:
1. Russian All-People's Union - RUS
2. National Democratic Party - NDP
3. New Power
4. EO Russians
5. Great Russia - BP
6. National Democratic Alliance - NDA
7. People's Council - NS
8. Russian Imperial Movement - RID
9.NSR (National Union of Russia)
10. Council of the Russian People - NRC
11. Russian social movement - ROD
12. National Russian liberation movement - NRLD
13. Party for the Defense of the Russian Constitution “Rus” - MANPADS “Rus”
14. National Patriots of Russia - NPR
15. National Democratic Movement “Russian Civil Union” - NDD RGS
16. Nation of Freedom - NS
17. Russian National Patriotic Movement
18. Resistance
19. National Socialist Initiative - NSI
20. Congress of Russian Communities
21.Restruct
22. OD "DAWN" (Public Movement "DAWN")
23. National organization of Russian Muslims

Radical - 22 organizations

1. People's Militia named after Minin and Pozharsky - NOMP
2. Another Russia
3. Russian Liberation Front “Memory” - RFO “Memory”
4. OOPD “Russian National Unity” - “Barkashov’s Guard”
5. VOPD “Russian National Unity” - VOPD RNE
6. Movement “Alexander Barkashov”
7. National Power Party of Russia - NDPR
8. People's National Party - PNP
9. True Russian national unity - IRNE
10. Baltic Vanguard of the Russian Resistance - BARS
11. Russian United National Alliance (RONA)
12. Guard of Christ
13. National Union - NS
14. Union of Orthodox Banner Bearers - SPH
15. Union of the Russian People - RNC
16. Northern Brotherhood - SB
17. Black Hundred
18. Parabellum Movement
19. National Socialist Party of Rus' - NSPR
20. Freedom Party - PS
21. Russian Image
22. National-syndicalist offensive - NSN

Prohibited - 8 organizations

1. Movement against illegal immigration - DPNI
2. National Socialist Society - NSO
3. National Bolshevik Party - NBP
4. Slavic Union - SS
5. National Revolutionary Action Front (NRAF)
6. Russian National Union - RONS
7. Moscow Defense League
8. Format 18

For the purity of the experiment, I looked at how many there are in Ukraine. Do you know how much? FOUR nationalist organizations, and only Kiselev can consider them fascists!!! Do you know what I mean? Here
1.VO Freedom
2. Congress of Ukrainian Nationalists
3. UNA-UNSO
4. Ukrainian National Assembly, on the basis of which the Right Sector was recently created.<…>

One can argue whether such an abundance of nationalist (essentially fascist) organizations is evidence of the breadth or fragmentation of this social movement in Russia, but this is a matter of interpretation. However, the fact of the plurality and, let’s say, diversity of such organizations is unshakable. Thank you for demonstrating this fact to an internet investigator.

Moreover, nationalist (chauvinist) ideology is professed and implanted in Russia not only by skinheaded marginalized people, but also by people in power or in power, with a very high social status, such (offhand) as D. Rogozin, A. Dugin and D. Kiselev.

We also recommend that you read the article, first published, it seems, on the portalTrust.ua – “Russian fascists - the Kremlin’s secret reserve?” . From this article:

“Fascism is a popular ideology in Russia because it performs at least three functions for the Kremlin.

Firstly, it serves as a “horror story” for the regime before the elections: either we (GDP, successor) or the fascists! Secondly, “foreigners” are an excellent “scapegoat” for a mediocre government that is unable to solve any of the social problems (poverty, housing, the army, education, medicine, science, etc.). Thirdly, the fascists are the social base, the “reserve of the high command” in the fight against the supposed “Orange Revolution”, which scared the Russian authorities to death.

This was written by the famous Russian criminologist Yakov Gilinsky in 2006, explaining the reasons for the rampant Nazism-fascism in modern Russia.

Moreover, it was precisely the revelry that the Moscow Bureau of Human Rights justified with numbers. As it turned out, Russia is the absolute leader in the world in terms of the number of neo-fascist organizations and its members, and the dubious slogan “Russia for Russians” is currently supported by about 53% of the population in the country. After all, fascism is not only passionate zigging with an outstretched arm or the back of the head tattooed with a swastika. The dictionary defines fascism as follows: the ideology of militant racism, anti-Semitism and chauvinism, the political movements based on it, as well as the open terrorist dictatorship of one dominant party, the repressive regime it created, aimed at suppressing progressive social movements, destroying democracy and starting a war. (Taken from Ozhegov’s Explanatory Dictionary. - A. A.)

...According to the latest information, the neo-Nazi movement in Russia numbers up to 70 thousand people. This means that more than half of all neo-fascists in the world live in Russia.

...The most famous neo-fascist organizations that are thriving against the backdrop of the state program to counter extremism:

Ethnopolitical association "Russians"

“Russians” is a political association created in 2011 by the leader of the Slavic Union party, banned in Russia, together with the curator of the also illegal, but still existing in the Russian Federation, Movement against Illegal Migration, Alexander Potkin. The leadership of the organization also includes a certain Dmitry Bobrov, the ex-head of the Shultz 88 organization, the editor-in-chief of the magazine Wrath of Perun, who was previously convicted.

In the unification program there is a point that Russians are a special people, since they are carriers of the pheno- and genotype of the White Race. Ideological goal: to abolish the name Russian Federation and recognize Russia as an ethnocratic state with the priority of the rights of Russians in a multinational country.
Russian National Unity (RNE)

RNU is a militarized organization whose goal is to protect the Russian nation by returning the geopolitical influence that Russia lost in the 20th century. RNU activists do not stop at “internal Russian cleansing” - they are aimed at working outside the Russian Federation.

"Ukrainians, Belarusians and Russians are one nation that should have one common state - Russia", - says on their official page of the organization on the social network.

It is not surprising that RNE fully supports the official policy of the Russian authorities towards Ukraine. And the main Crimean separatist, Sergei Aksenov, for a long time headed the Russian Unity party in Ukraine, which is an offshoot of the RNU. For a long time, one of the leaders of RNE was the current curator of Donbass terrorists, Alexander Barkashov, and the “people’s governor” of Donetsk, Pavel Gubarev.

...coupled with a front similar in ideology, opened in the Kremlin-controlled media, a monstrous in its cynicism, but the desired result is achieved. According to a public opinion poll conducted in March 2014 by the Levada Center, three-quarters of Russians (74% of respondents!) would support the country's leadership if Russia enters into a military conflict with Ukraine in order to fight fascism.

...For information: there are 53 nationalist organizations in Russia, of which 22 are radical and 8 are banned.

So, the spread and consolidation of nationalist (neo- or pro-fascist) militant ideology and aggressive practices (we are not discussing here the well-known statistics of notorious crimes, including murders motivated by xenophobia) is becoming a mass phenomenon of modern Russian reality. Fascism tends to transform itself from a social movement into a state policy.

A. Alekseev.

P.S

While discussing this topic, one colleague remarked:

“In 2001, at a conference in a report on the topic “Asociality and Fascism,” I said that our country is threatened not so much by the coming to power of fascists, but by the fascistization of power itself. Alas, it seems I was right.”

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