Kasyanov and his mistress spilled dirty secrets of the opposition. On the deprivation of the prime minister's dacha
Video story from NTV about “Misha 2%”, more for analysis:
The investigative film “Kasyanov’s Day,” dedicated to the ex-Prime Minister of Russia, and now an opposition figure, was shown by the NTV channel. It is based on hidden camera footage showing Mikhail Kasyanov’s intimate relationship with PARNAS activist Natalya Pelevina, as well as wiretapping of their conversations.
Let's discard the essence of the custom plot and think about the shooting technique.
The shooting point of Kasyanov with his Jewish woman is at the feet, usually where televisions are placed. Modern smart TVs, i.e. very smart. They know how to access the Internet. This does not require a direct connection to the network. For example, several years ago there was a scandal at customs - Chinese irons turned out to be several grams heavier than stated. When opened, they found sound pickup modules (I won’t lie about the video) and Wi-Fi modules. There are primitive programs on the Internet for cracking Wi-Fi passwords - example. Tested and easy to hack.
Surely, any piece of hardware with Wi-Fi on board has “bookmarks” (undocumented capabilities provided by the manufacturer), i.e. tunnels to the Internet bypassing passwords and locks. For example, Google test glasses themselves searched for “passwordless” Wi-Fi networks and merged the accumulated images, recognizing themselves (!) where the owner’s house, parking, and work were; when he eats, when he needs to call an ambulance, when the police. They themselves connected to smart phones and were able to control the phone themselves through the owner’s commands. The owner of the phone did not introduce the glasses himself.
The irons, being plugged into a 220 socket, accumulated information, found Wi-Fi that was not password-protected, and stupidly leaked information about the owners onto the network.
Believe me, modern TVs are packed with much more. There are technologies in which TFT screens and similar ones work like video camera matrices.
Here's information about it:
Chinese bugs found in St. Petersburg irons
Small batch of Chinese small household appliances with “spy” microchips (“bugs”) were sold to stores in St. Petersburg. It is known that at least 20-30 such electric kettles and irons have appeared on sale.
City residents who do not protect their Wi-Fi networks with passwords are at risk.
It was discovered that bugs were installed in household appliances at customs. During weight verification, each of the irons tested weighed several grams more than the manufacturer's specified weight. Customs officers suspected something was wrong and decided to check what was hidden inside one of the devices. It turned out that there was a small chip with a Wi-Fi module.
Further, experts determined the purpose of these microchips - they are used to connect to non-password-protected Wi-Fi networks for subsequent distribution using them malware, infecting computers connected to the network for subsequent organization of DDOS attacks and other illegal activities.
Later, customs officials managed to find spying devices in car recorders, televisions, coffee machines, microwave ovens and electric kettles made in China. No obvious signs of tampering were found on them, suggesting the possibility that the devices were originally intended for illegal purposes.
Technical experts noted that “infected” irons can connect to non-password-protected Wi-Fi networks within a radius of 50-70 meters, i.e., with a successful combination of circumstances, cover an entire entrance. The devices begin searching for the network immediately after switching on. Currently, a request has been sent to suppliers of this equipment, to which they have not yet responded.
Staged story with Kasyanov
I don’t care about Kasyanov (they all failed and died there). However, I draw professional attention to the plot of the video: the work of the operator at 00:22 seconds. This is where the “hidden camera” moves around the room, which is impossible unless it is a staged video with actors. In Russian conditions, nothing can be ruled out: it may not be Kasyanov, but an actor (go ahead and prove it publicly, without having access to SMRAD). This could be the real Kasyanov, who deliberately “leaks” himself - the video covers up intimacy in the most ethical manner. This was not the case for
The leader is trying to suppress the party's uprising.
The political council of the PARNAS party made a decision yesterday to hold the congress on December 17. Leader Mikhail Kasyanov failed to carry out a decision to expel his comrade-in-arms from the party, dating back to the time she worked in the Russian government, Tamara Lezhnina. Its Mr. Kasyanov accused the heads of regional branches of buying votes for removing him from the post of party leader. Members of the political council - associates of the murdered party co-chairman Boris Nemtsov - at the congress intend to raise the question of a new leadership of the party, since Mr. Kasyanov is an “incompetent” leader who is leading to the collapse of the party.
The first at the political council, at the request of members of the political council from among Boris Nemtsov’s associates, was to consider the issue of expelling the leader of the Saratov branch, Dmitry Ignatiev, from the party. He is an ally of the nationalist Vyacheslav Maltsev, who was number two on the PARNAS list in the Duma elections. After the last political council of the party, at which members of the political council Vadim Prokhorov, Vladimir Kara-Murza, Ilya Yashin and others harshly criticized Mikhail Kasyanov for attracting nationalists to the party, Mr. Ignatiev expressed regret that Hitler did not seize the USSR: “Look, they worked longer than the stove, you see and some people would not have been born." At the same time, he stipulated that we're talking about about the political council of PARNAS, and emphasized that he is “not an anti-Semite.” “Membership in the party of Ignatiev, who believes that there are too many Jews in the political council and they should be burned in ovens, was one of the forks for us,” said party deputy chairman Ilya Yashin. “If the decision to expel him had not been made, we would be here they left the party." Vadim Prokhorov noted that contrary to the position of representatives of the “Kasyanov group, ideological inspirer which is Natalya Pelevina (a close ally of Mikhail Kasyanov), who consider such statements to be nonsense, Kasyanov himself voted for the expulsion of Ignatiev." And the decision passed.
In turn, deputy chairman of the party Konstantin Merzlikin proposed expelling political council member Tamara Lezhnina from the party. She worked with him and Mikhail Kasyanov in the government of the Russian Federation, and in the party from the first day of its existence. As Messrs. Prokhorov and Yashin said, Tamara Lezhnina “Kasyanov and Merzlikin were accused of political corruption - she allegedly bought the votes of the heads of regional branches for the removal of Kasyanov from the post of leader.” Ms. Lezhnina herself said that on the eve of the political council, Mr. Merzlikin called her and, in the presence of the head of the executive committee, Maria Yablonskaya, invited her to leave the party voluntarily, also accusing the regional leaders of the party of buying votes. When Ms. Lezhnina asked where she got the money for this, Mr. Merzlikin replied that she received it from Mikhail Khodorkovsky. “This is complete nonsense and absurdity,” she emphasized.
Members of the political council from the “Nemtsov group” demanded proof of the accusations made, but Mikhail Kasyanov stated that “we are not conducting an investigation” and asked to “believe” him. In turn, Mrs. Lezhnina, who criticized Mikhail Kasyanov for his authoritarian style of party management, failure in the elections (0.73%) and lack of further strategy, suggested that he resign as party chairman for behavior incompatible with leadership in the liberal party. As a result, the “Kasyanov group” lacked one vote to expel Tamara Lezhnina from the party. Mikhail Kasyanov and Konstantin Merzlikin did not answer calls. Following the results of the political council, the official website of PARNAS reported only that the congress would be held on December 17.
The Nemtsov Group intends to raise the issue of changing the party leader and returning the institution of co-chairs at the congress. “After the death of Boris Nemtsov, the congress entrusted Kasyanov with the sole leadership of the party - he failed,” Mr. Yashin noted. “The party agenda was reduced exclusively to scandals and resignations from the party (yesterday the political council approved the voluntary resignations of three regional leaders and three members of the political council). The party is falling apart, and that is his responsibility." In turn, Vadim Prokhorov added that Mr. Kasyanov “surrounded himself with people who do not shy away from provocations and use them in the internal party struggle, including for sweeping accusations of their own comrades.”
Mikhail Kasyanov
The leader of the opposition party Parnas, Mikhail Kasyanov, gave an extensive interview to Radio Liberty. In it he “turned on” the old “record”: Crimea was annexed to Russia illegally; sanctions against representatives of the Russian Federation are justified; Moscow is to blame for the war in Donbass. He also did not ignore the topic of corruption. According to his version, “there is a corruption component” both during the construction of facilities for the Olympics and the World Cup. “I don’t have specific projects to consider this, but I know that people who also specialize in identifying corruption schemes have questions about the construction of facilities currently under construction.” IN last phrase, apparently, Kasyanov meant himself. It was he who, as prime minister, became the “father” of most corruption schemes. Once Vladimir Putin, when he held the post of prime minister, said that Kasyanov received information about his involvement in corruption, but he was not caught in the act. However, as we managed to find out, they were actually caught and not imprisoned only because Kasyanov was part of the deal to transfer power from Boris Yeltsin to Vladimir Putin. The editors have at their disposal materials from the case of fraud with state dachas worth $250 million, in which numerous witnesses give direct testimony that Mikhail Kasyanov organized the grandiose scam.
Even when Mikhail Kasyanov was Prime Minister, the nickname “Misha two percent” stuck to him in bureaucratic and business circles. It appeared due to the fact that for almost any of his decisions to allocate state funds to regions, banks, and companies, Kasyanov demanded a kickback of 2% of the amount. Vladimir Putin also discussed this situation during a direct line with the residents of Russia. When asked about opposition leader Mikhail Kasyanov, the prime minister perked up and remembered that when he was president, ministers came to him economic development German Gref “and another minister about whom I already spoke today” (we are talking about former head Ministry of Finance Alexey Kudrin), and proposed to fire Mikhail Kasyanov “because he is two percent.” “But no evidence of this was found,” Putin said.
Sources familiar with the situation note that the reason for the president’s loyalty was somewhat different. When Boris Yeltsin transferred power to Vladimir Putin, he outlined a list of untouchable persons, among whom was Mikhail Kasyanov. Therefore, he remained prime minister throughout the entire first term of Putin’s presidency, and only in 2004, on the eve of new elections of the head of state, when the agreements with Yeltsin had partially lost their force, was Kasyanov fired. And although the “taboo” on removal from post was lifted, the imprisonment of “Misha two percent” would mean a poke in Yeltsin’s direction.
Therefore, in 2005, he was simply frightened by opening a case of abuses during the privatization of two state dachas, worth about $250 million. One of them, the price of which was $150 million, went to Mikhail Kasyanov personally for 11 million rubles. The testimony of numerous witnesses shows that the then-current Prime Minister personally organized this scam, that is, he was caught by the hand. However, charges were brought against only ordinary officials. It is noteworthy that this case is still being investigated by the Military Investigation Department of the RF IC, and if something happens, Kasyanov may still become an accused.
So, as follows from the testimony of the former CEO oil company"Evikhon" Koptenko, who were at his disposal, at the end of 1994 - beginning of 1995, Boris Yeltsin personally turned to him for help. The head of state asked to finance the construction of a sanatorium for FSO employees. The choice of Evikhon was not accidental, since the company belonged entirely to former associates of the president - ex-deputy chairman of the government Vladimir Shumeiko, ex-adviser to Yeltsin Mikhail de Boir, etc.
Vladimir Shumeiko
Nowadays, when the president or prime minister tells the oligarchs to allocate money for some project, they “take advantage” and pay for free. Then it was customary to ask for something in return. Koptenko was no exception. As a result, the leaders of the FSO decided to lease to him for 50 years three objects that were on the balance sheet of this department - “Sosnovka-1” (former state dacha of the State Secretary of the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee Mikhail Suslov), “Sosnovka-3” (former state dacha Secretary General Central Committee of the CPSU Konstantin Chernenko) and “Gorki-10-10”. “Sosnovki” is a huge plot of land in a territory protected by the Federal Security Service in the village of Troitse-Lykovo on the outskirts of the capital.
Evikhon entered into a sublease agreement for state facilities with RNP-Invest LLC, which was founded by Shumeiko, de Boir and the Strobis company, owned by Koptenko. It is noteworthy that later “Strobis” was bought from Koptenko by Nikolai Chilingarov, the son of a prominent polar explorer and “United Russia” Artur Chilingarov.
According to our data, in fact, former officials from the president’s entourage received state dachas, in which they settled. De Boire and his wife occupied Sosnovka-1, and Shumeiko and his family occupied Sosnovka-3. The writer Alexander Solzhenitsyn became their common neighbor. For almost ten years, retired officials lived under the protection of the FSO, until in 2002, his friend, oligarch and head of Alfa Bank Mikhail Fridman and his wife Aiziman came to visit de Boir. As follows from the testimony of Lyubov Elizavetina (wife of Mikhail de Buara), the couple was impressed by the land and neighbors and expressed a desire to also settle in Sosnovka. At that moment, Shumeiko was just selling his residence (more precisely, the right to long-term lease), which Friedman bought for about $3 million.
Mikhail Fridman
However, the head of Alfa Bank is not used to being satisfied with little. He decided to take ownership of the state dacha. Why did he attract Mikhail Kasyanov, with whom he was associated at that moment? friendly relations. The essence of the deal was extremely simple. Kasyanov organizes the privatization of the objects, they go to Fridman’s structures at the right price, and he gives one state dacha to Kasyanov.
As a result, in January 2003, the Prime Minister signed a decree transferring Sosnovki from the FSO to the Ministry of State Property to be assigned to the FSUE VPK-Invest. This meant that state dachas could be privatized in the future. Deputy Minister of Property Relations Nikolai Gusev was entrusted with resolving all issues regarding the sale of objects. He ended up in difficult situation, since the state dachas were on a long-term lease from Evikhon, which at that moment already belonged to businessman Shalva Chigirinsky. In turn, Evikhon had a sublease agreement with RNP-Invest. Gusev thought for a long time about how to approach the state dachas, which caused Kasyanov obvious irritation.
According to the testimony of the former deputy head of the Ministry of Property, which is available, at one of the meetings the Prime Minister threatened him with dismissal if he did not show efficiency. Moreover, they explained to Gusev that the dachas were intended for Kasyanov himself.
So that Gusev would not be timid, the deputy director of the FSO, Protsenko, was sent to support him. The two of them began to summon Chigirinsky, de Boir and other interested parties to their place, and through “psychological pressure” forced them to abandon the long-term lease. All this was accompanied by constant calls to Gusev from the head of the secretariat of the Prime Minister Merzlikin, who was interested in how the Sosnovki matter was progressing and demanded to speed up the process.
The ones who resisted the most were de Buer and Chigirinsky, who wanted to get some preferences from the release of dachas from encumbrances. As a result, the tenants discussed the entire financial component with representatives of Alfa Bank and agreed on compensation in amounts ranging from $700 thousand to 1 million euros. Through the joint efforts of officials and Alfa Bank, in October 2003 the tenants were moved out of Sosnovki. But then it arose new problem. The FSO was in no hurry to transfer these objects from its subordination. As a result, Merzliki literally cut off the telephone numbers of the FSO leadership, demanding that the execution of the government order be accelerated. The rush was terrible - the prime minister already guessed that his days in this post were numbered. When the issues with the FSO were resolved, the time came for privatization.
According to witness testimony, representatives of Alfa Bank hastily assessed state dachas through a “related” structure, after which they were put up for auction in December 2003 and January 2004. Only structures affiliated with Alfa Bank took part in the auction. Mikhail Fridman himself admitted this during interrogation. As a result, Sosnovka-3 went to Veltex LLC for 10.1 million rubles, and Sosnovka-1 went to Amelia LLC for 11.1 million rubles. Later, during the investigation, it was established that the budget did not receive 186.4 million rubles from the Sosnovka-3 transaction, and 190.6 million rubles from the Sosnovka-1 transaction. This is exactly how low prices for state dachas were. And their market value in general is about $250 million. After all, we are talking about entire complexes. "Sosnovka-1" includes 26 real estate objects located on 11.5 hectares of land, and "Sosnovka-3" - 23 objects located on 5.6 hectares. Both dachas have individual access to the Moscow River.
Kasyanov really couldn’t wait to occupy Suslov’s former state dacha. In February 2004, de Boir, who was still living at the state dacha, received a call from Alfa Bank representative Kusov and stated that Kasyanov wanted to personally inspect Sosnovka-1. True, he wants to do this in the absence of the current owners. Therefore, to begin with, the prime minister limited himself to an external inspection of his future possessions.
And soon Kasyanov was removed from his post. In March 2004, de Boir left Sosnovka-1. According to the testimony of the FSO officer guarding the dacha, soon the Prime Minister personally arrived there along with the builders and discussed with him for a long time how the building would need to be rebuilt.
Officially, the state dacha was transferred to Kasyanov only in July-September 2004. Then Amelia, through a series of agreements, including a loan agreement, transferred Sosovka-1 to the Art Group company established by Kasyanov and his wife. It is clear that the former prime minister did not pay any money.
And in 2005, the Prosecutor General’s Office opened a criminal case into the state dacha scam. Charges were brought against Gusev and a number of minor officials. The investigation has been going on for six years, but there is no hurry to close it. After all, you can always refresh it and remember Kasyanov’s past affairs, who is now actively presenting himself as an oppositionist. According to lawyers, based on the collected materials, charges can be safely brought against him, at least under Part 2 of Article 286 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation (exceeding official powers). This part of this article is serious, the statute of limitations for it is ten years and it will expire only in 2014.
Here are excerpts from the most interesting testimonies of witnesses and defendants in a high-profile case. They perfectly show how things were done at the top Russian authorities in the 90s and early 2000s.
Hacking Natalya Pelevina’s phone showed that she loves flowers, takes endless selfies, controls Kasyanov’s alcoholism, allows him to call herself “Dorochka” - and despises other party members. The phone number of Mikhail Kasyanov's colleague - and, as it turned out, mistress - was subjected to hacker attack: all personal data of Natalya Pelevina, including photographs and correspondence on social networks and instant messengers, were leaked to the Internet.
The archive of hacked data is posted on sites whose addresses are similar to the address of the PARNAS portal: parnasparty.su and parnas.party. The archive is also duplicated on the website pelevina.space, the name of which imitates Pelevina’s personal website, and whatdoeshewant.co.uk - named after a line often repeated in the activist’s notes.
The published correspondence contains a huge archive of Pelevina’s dialogues related to the discussion of topics of a personal nature, but no less interesting is the activist’s communication with representatives of opposition movements, comrades in PARNAS and other protest organizations. The messages date from 2012 to February of this year.
Judging by the SMS archive, Pelevina actively discusses with Kasyanov the actions of her comrades in the non-systemic opposition, often subjecting their actions and actions to sharp criticism.
Kasyanov calls Pelevina “Dorochka” - Pelevina does not interfere. In those personal messages that do not concern Kasyanov’s appearance on television, Pelevina recommends that the ex-prime minister not abuse alcohol.
Sometimes Pelevina’s words have no effect on Kasyanov, at other times he unquestioningly follows her recommendations on appearance. It comes to ridiculous situations:
In addition to Pelevina’s correspondence with Kasyanov and other contacts, an impressive archive of personal photographs of the activist taken in 2012 and 2015-2016 was found on the Internet. Among the photographs are mainly Pelevina’s “self” and photos of lush flower bouquets.
Let us remind you that Natalya Pelevina, along with ex-Prime Minister Mikhail Kasyanov, became one of the main characters in the program that aired on NTV on April 1: the TV crew showed hidden footage of a personal meeting between two politicians.
