Spain 1939 war. Spanish Civil War

Any war is a tragedy for everyone who participates in it. But still, civil wars have a special bitter quality. If international conflicts sooner or later end with the signing of some kind of treaty, after which the armies - former enemies- they disperse to each return to their homeland, then the internal ones push families, neighbors, classmates together. And upon their completion, the inevitable “peaceful” coexistence of these classmates begins, disfigured by memories, hatred, grievances, which are beyond human strength to forgive. The Spanish Civil War formally lasted three years, from 1936 to 1939. But many decades later, the strengthened government of General Franco was still waging an imaginary struggle for " national idea”, or rather, for her illusion. It tried to rally the population against the “communist threat,” “Masonic” conspiracies and other equally ephemeral dangers. All this became an integral part of the post-war system of power. But the war of the Spaniards against the Spaniards did not end; it could not be extinguished with the help of empty political slogans.

Before the start of the so-called “transition period” (in Castilian - “transition”) from totalitarianism to democracy in the 70s of the last century, it was necessary to talk about a fratricidal war with great caution - the emotional reaction was still too strong and the victorious dictator for the time being time in power. Moreover, the “natural” change of the long-standing regime and the establishment of the “rule of law” declared by the first article of the 1978 Constitution appears as an outstanding achievement on the scales of history not only of Iberia, but also of the West in general. In Spain, of course, it is generally accepted that such a sharp and at the same time bloodless turn was made possible thanks to national wisdom, but it still makes sense to highlight three decisive factors that made it real. Firstly, the young king Juan Carlos, who found himself in power by the will of the tyrant, acted decisively and prudently. Secondly, ideological opponents found a compromise relatively quickly (the transition to democracy in Madrid is even called a “revolution by mutual agreement”). And finally, the 1978 Constitution itself played a huge constructive role.

Today, 70 years after the opening of the bloodiest page in the fate of Spain, twenty-eight years of experience of constitutional democracy allows us to look at the rebellion and the Franco regime without prejudice, without an unquenched thirst for revenge, without hatred - hidden or overt. Recently, it has become popular to appeal to collective memory. Well, the task, no matter how laudable, is also difficult: given the variability of human attitudes to the same events, one must approach the memory of the heart in such a way as to be above the desire to take revenge. You should have the courage to listen to the truth and pay tribute to the heroes, no matter what side of the “barricades” they are on. After all, the heroism, in any case, was genuine.

So, the strengthened spirit of freedom by its very existence cancels the “pact of silence” concluded for years and years. Hot Spaniards are finally ready to face the facts.

END OF THE KINGDOM

By 1930, the long-suffering Spanish monarchy, which had previously gone through many depositions and restorations, had once again exhausted its resources. What can you do, unlike a republic, hereditary power always needs firm popular support and universal love for the dynasty - otherwise it immediately loses ground. The reign of Alfonso XIII coincided with the nation's disappointment in the political system introduced in late XIX century by Prime Minister Canovas. It was an attempt, in the British style, to “inculcate” alternating leadership between two major parties and thus overcome the traditional Spanish tendency towards extreme pluralism (an old saying goes: “Two Spaniards always have three opinions”). Did not work out. The system was cracking at all seams, the elections were boycotted.

Trying to save the throne, the king in 1923 personally sanctioned the establishment of the dictatorship of Miguel Primo de Rivera and, with a special manifesto, entrusted him with the powers of the “iron surgeon” of society. (The most brilliant Spanish intellectual of the time, Miguel de Unamuno, however, nicknamed the general “teeth grinder,” for which he lost his post as rector of the University of Salamanca.) Accordingly, the “treatment period” began. From an economic point of view, at first everything looked quite rosy: large industrial companies emerged, the country’s tourism “development” was given impetus, and serious state building began. However, the global financial crisis of 1929, the obvious and daily deeper split between republicans and monarchists, plus the draft of a new ultra-conservative constitution reduced the “surgical” efforts to nothing and very quickly.

Disillusioned with the possibility of national reconciliation, Primo de Rivera resigned in January 1930. This demoralizes the royalists so much that the king simply physically cannot assemble a full-fledged cabinet of ministers. The inevitable is happening: anti-monarchist forces, on the contrary, are consolidating. One of the military districts, known for “free-thinking” sentiments among junior officers, even decides to attempt a coup. The uprising in the city of Jaca, however, can be suppressed with last-ditch efforts, but the completely legitimate elections of 1931 draw a line under the long-standing conflict: the left wins with an overwhelming “score.” On April 14, the municipal councils of all major cities in Spain proclaim a republican system. The famous historian and aphorist Salvador de Madariaga, who later fled from the Francoists abroad and played a large role in the formation of the post-war international community, then wrote about his fellow citizens: “They greeted the Republic with elemental joy, just as nature rejoices at the arrival of spring.”

Isn’t it true that a similar mood accompanies almost all revolutions and returns again, no matter how many of them occurred in the past (Spain, for example, experienced five)? Moreover, note that the people's rejoicing did not even contrast as much with the feelings of the “retired” monarch as could have been expected. Alfonso XIII left several heartfelt lines to his subjects who rejected him: “The elections that took place on Sunday showed me clearly that today the love of my people is decidedly not with me. “I prefer to retire so as not to push my compatriots into a fratricidal civil war; at the request of the people, I consciously cease the exercise of royal power and retire from Spain, recognizing her as the sole ruler of my destinies.” The next day he was already shaking in a private carriage, heading from Madrid to Cartagena to sail from the shores of a country to which he would never have to return. According to those close to him, His Majesty was in a completely carefree state of mind.

Such a peaceful transition from regime to regime - to the delight of the authorities and the people - seemed to be able to serve as an example for everyone to follow in similar “difficult cases” and did honor to the “sweet girl,” as the Republic was affectionately nicknamed by its happy adherents. At that moment, no one knew that the new regime would open a Pandora's box of “eternal” Spanish questions, the attempt to solve which would determine the future of the country until 1936. Or 1975, when General Franco died? Or to this day?

PRICE OF ALL MONASTERIES IN MADRID

In a country with such a long Catholic tradition as Spain, the church still has enormous informal weight in society (especially in the field of education!), What can we say about the thirties? Of course, the attacks on the inert clerics, “the original opponents of all intellectual freedom,” from the Republicans were not unfounded, but, as one would expect and as the same Madariaga noted, they were “rabid.” A month after the euphoria, on April 14, Madrid woke up in smoke: several monasteries were burning at once. The statesmen of the new regime responded with passionate statements: “All the monasteries of Madrid are not worth the life of one republican!”, “Spain has ceased to be a Christian country!”

For all the radical reputation of the left socialists, the official anti-church campaign came as a surprise to society - right in front of the amazed people, “on legally“The daily way of life collapsed: according to statistics of those years, more than two-thirds of the country’s population regularly went to mass. And here are decrees on divorce and civil marriage, the dissolution of the Jesuit order and the confiscation of its property, the secularization of cemeteries, and the ban on priests from teaching.
The government was “only” going to wrest influence and actual power from the hands of the “papal proteges,” but by acting ahead, it only caused nationwide horror.

CABALLERO - SPANISH LENIN

The first article of the new republican constitution proclaimed Spain, in the spirit of the times, as the “Democratic Republic of all working people” (the ideological influence of the USSR in Western Europe was gaining strength with might and main). The economic recovery and the beginning of industrialization of the country that followed the dictatorship of Primo de Rivera also prepared the ground for a powerful trade union movement, which pushed the Ministry of Labor, headed by Francisco Largo Caballero (later called the “Spanish Lenin”), to decisive reforms: the right to vacation, minimum wages and working hours were determined, medical insurance appeared, and mixed commissions for conflict resolution appeared. However, this no longer seemed enough to the radicals: influential anarchists launched an attack on the government, demanding the complete emancipation of the working people. The “fateful words” were also heard: the liquidation of all private property. Time and time again we are faced with the common denominator of such situations: the left forces are divided, and therefore doomed. Only in occasional situations will they henceforth act together.

Republican government poster - "The glorious date of April 14th" (the day of the proclamation of the Spanish Republic in 1931)

STATES WITHIN A STATE

Then another one arrived deadly danger for the Republic. Since the second half of the 19th century, Catalonia and the Basque Country have become the most prosperous regions of Spain (by the way, they still hold the leadership), and revolutionary glasnost cleared the way for nationalist sentiments. On that very April day when the new system was born, the influential politician Francisco Macia proclaimed the “Catalan State” as part of the future “Confederation of Iberian Peoples”. Later, in the midst of the Civil War (October 1936), the Basque Statute will be adopted, from which, in turn, Navarre will “break away” and the very tiny province of Alava, populated mainly by the same Basques, will almost “break away”. Other regions - Valencia, Aragon - also wanted autonomy, and the government was forced to agree to consider their statutes, only there was not enough time.

LAND TO THE PEASANTS! UNITY TO THE SOLDIERS!

The third “knife in the back of the Republic” is the failure of its economic policy. In contrast to most of its European neighbors, Spain in the 1930s remained a highly patriarchal agricultural country. Agrarian reform had been on the agenda for nearly a century, but still remained an elusive dream for state elites across the political spectrum.

The anti-monarchical coup finally gave hope to the peasants, because a significant part of them really lived hard, especially in Andalusia, the land of the latifundia. Alas, government measures quickly dispelled the “optimism of April 14.” On paper, the Agrarian Law of 1932 proclaimed its goal to create a “strong peasant class” and improve its standard of living, but in reality it turned out to be a time bomb. He introduced an additional split into society: landowners were frightened and filled with deep discontent. The villagers, who expected more drastic changes, were left disappointed.

So, the unity of the nation (or rather, its absence) gradually became an obsession and a stumbling block for politicians, but this issue was especially worrying for the military, who always saw themselves as the guarantors of the territorial integrity of Spain, which was very ethnically diverse. And in general, the army, a traditionally conservative force, was increasingly opposed to reforms. The authorities responded with the “Azaña Law” (named after the last, as it turned out, President of Spain), which “republicanized” the command. All officers who showed hesitation in swearing allegiance to the new regime were dismissed from the armed forces, albeit with their pay retained. In 1932, the most authoritative of Spanish generals, José Sanjurjo, led soldiers out of the barracks in Seville. The uprising was quickly crushed, but it clearly reflected the mood of the people in uniform.

BEFORE THE STORM

Thus, the Republican government brought itself to the brink of bankruptcy. It scared off the right, did not fulfill the demands of the left. Disagreements have intensified on almost all issues - political, social and economic - leading influential parties to direct confrontation. Since 1936 it has become completely open. Both sides naturally came to the logical conclusion of their ideas: the communists and numerous “sympathizers” began to call for a revolution similar to the October 1917 in Russia, and their opponents, accordingly, for a crusade against the “ghost” of communism, which was gradually taking on flesh and blood.

In February 1936, the next elections were held and the atmosphere was heating up rapidly. Victory (with a minimal margin) goes to the Popular Front, but the main party of the coalition, the Socialist Party, “out of harm’s way” refuses to form a government. A feverish excitement appears in minds, actions, and parliamentary speeches. The wife of the communist leader, Dolores Ibarruri, known throughout the world under the party nickname Pasionaria (“Fiery”), entered the prison of the city of Oviedo, bypassing the line of soldiers (no one dared to stop - after all, a member of parliament), released all the prisoners from it, and then, raising the rusty key high above her head, she showed it to the crowd: “The dungeon is empty!”

On the other hand, the respectable right-wing forces under the leadership of Gil Robles (Spanish Confederation of Autonomous Right - CEOA), incapable of such decisive and “theatrical” actions, have lost their prestige. And “a holy place is never empty,” and their niche was gradually occupied by the paramilitary Phalanx - a party that borrowed the features of European fascism. Her informal leaders- the generals, under whose command there were thousands of “bayonets,” seemed to the authorities a more real threat. More “measures” followed: the main suspects of preparing a rebellion were preemptively expelled away from strategic points of the Iberian Peninsula. The charismatic Emilio Mola ended up as a military governor in Pamplona, ​​and the less noticeable, good-natured-looking Francisco Franco ended up at a “resort” in the Canaries.

July 12, 1936 on the threshold own home They shot dead a certain Republican, Lieutenant Castillo. The murder appears to have been organized by ultra-right forces in response to the monarchist demonstration that was brutally suppressed the day before. The dead man's friends decided to take revenge without waiting for official justice, and at dawn the next day, Castillo's close friend shot at Conservative MP Jose Calvo Sotelo. The public blamed the government for everything. The counter was counting down last days before the start of the coup.

REBELLION

On the evening of July 17, a group of military men opposed the Republican government in the Moroccan possessions of Spain - Melilla, Tetouan and Ceuta. These rebels are led by Franco, who arrived from the Canary Islands. The very next day, having heard on the radio the pre-agreed conditional message “Cloudless skies over all of Spain,” a number of army garrisons across the country rebelled. Several cities in the south (Cádiz, Seville, Cordoba, Huelva), the north of Extremadura, a significant part of Castile, Franco’s home province of Galicia and a good half of Aragon quickly fall under the control of troops calling themselves “national.” The largest cities - Madrid, Barcelona, ​​Bilbao, Valencia and the industrial areas surrounding them - remain loyal to the Republic. A full-scale Civil War had begun, and every citizen, even those taken by surprise, had to urgently decide who he was with.
From the very beginning, the rebel camp presented a rather motley picture: members of the Phalanx, which was soon to become the only legitimate political force countries saw their ideal in the monumental “leadership” of the Italian and German models. The monarchists wanted a “conventional” military dictatorship that could return the Bourbons to the throne. A “special” group of like-minded people from Navarre dreamed of the same thing, with a slight “amendment” regarding the change of dynasty. The “rump” of the dissolved coalition of right-wing forces also joined Franco - they should not have gone to the Republicans. This entire motley company was united, in fact, by “three pillars”: “religion”, “anti-communism”, “order”. But this turned out to be enough: unity and coordination of actions became the main trump card of the nationalists. And it was precisely this that their opponents, honest and ardent people, lacked...

THE REPUBLIC AGAINST FASCISM

Republicans, as we remember, have always suffered from internal divisions. Now, in military conditions, they have found nothing better than to fight them “terroristically”, through purges similar to Stalin’s. The latter is not surprising: from the first days of the confrontation, the most energetic and merciless, that is, orthodox communists, inspired and mentored by comrades from Moscow, moved to key positions among the Republicans. In their own camp they caused almost greater devastation than in the enemy’s: the first victims were the anarchists. They were followed by unreliable members of the Workers' Party of Marxist Unity (their leader, Andreu Nin, once worked in Trotsky's apparatus and, of course, could not survive surrounded by Soviet commissars. He was killed in the “international concentration camp” in Alcala de Henares on June 20, 1937 , when the front line approached the city). Of course, moderate socialists did not escape “punishment”: some of them fell under the gun of firing squads directly from ministerial chairs. In every “republican” city, committees and squads were created, where party or, in extreme cases, trade union activists were in charge. The purpose of such “flying squads” was openly declared to be the persecution and expropriation of the property of people in one way or another connected with the putschists, and priests. Moreover, it was naturally left to them to decide who was a putschist and who was not, according to the laws of war. As a result, streams of “random” blood spilled directly into the “mill” of the nationalists. Entering areas devastated by the “committees,” they demonstratively canceled the expropriation and posthumously awarded the tortured “heroes.” The people were silent, but shook their heads...

GREAT POWERS ARE REHEARSING
The Spanish War became for the giants of European politics a warm-up for the future, second world war. Thus, the British government declared its neutrality, but British diplomats in Spain almost openly supported the nationalists. All assets of the Republican government in the United Kingdom were even frozen. It would seem that everything is in order, neutrality has been maintained - after all, the same applied to Franco’s assets. However, the latter were not kept in English banks. In the same way, the announced ban on the export of weapons to Spain actually affected only the Republicans - after all, the Francoists were generously supplied by Hitler and Mussolini, who were not controlled by London.

Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany, however, not only violated the embargo, but also openly sent troops (respectively, the Volunteer Corps and the Condor Legion) to help Franco. The first squadron of aircraft from the Apennines arrived in Spain on July 27, 1936. And at the height of the war, the Italians sent 60,000 people to Spain. There were also several volunteer formations from other countries who supported the nationalists, for example, the Irish brigade of General Eoin O'Duffy. Thus, due to the Franco-British embargo, the Republican government could count on the help of only one ally - the distant Soviet Union, which , according to some estimates, supplied Spain with a thousand aircraft, 900 tanks, 1500 artillery pieces, 300 armored vehicles, 30,000 tons of ammunition. The Republicans, however, paid for all this 500 million dollars in gold. In addition to weapons, our country sent more than 2,000 people to Spain - mostly tank crews, pilots and military consultants.

Germany and the USSR primarily used the Iberian Peninsula as a testing ground for testing fast tanks and testing new aircraft, which were being intensively developed at that time. The Messerschmitt 109 and Junkers 52 transport bombers were tested for the first time then. Ours were driven by Polikarpov's newly created fighters - I-15 and I-16. The Spanish War was also one of the first examples of total war: the bombing of the Basque Guernica by the Condor Legion anticipated similar actions during the Second World War - the Nazi air raids on Britain and the carpet bombing of Germany carried out by the Allies.

NO CHANGE IN THE ALCAZAR

By early August 1936, the energetic Franco managed to airlift his entire African army to the peninsula. It was an operation unprecedented in military history (however, it became possible, of course, thanks to the Germans and Italians). The future leader of the people planned to immediately attack Madrid from the south, taking it by surprise, but... the “Spanish blitzkrieg” failed. Moreover, as the later “nationalist legend” says, very popular in Castilian school curricula of the 50s and 60s, it was because of a small but heroic hitch. Before heading to the capital, the noble general, loyal to the brotherhood of officers, considered himself obliged to liberate the citadel ("alcazar") of the city of Toledo, where the Republicans besieged a handful of rebels led by Colonel Moscardo, an old comrade of Franco. The brave colonel with only a few surviving soldiers waited for “their own” and met the commander-in-chief at the gates of the fortress with the cool words: “Everything in the Alcazar is unchanged, my general.”

Meanwhile, only God knows what this simple phrase cost Moscardo: for refusing to lay down his arms, he paid with the life of his son, whom the Republicans held hostage and eventually shot. In the fortress-palace, under the command and protection of this indomitable commander, there were 1,300 men, 550 women and 50 children, not to mention the hostages - the civil governor of Toledo with his family and a good hundred left-wing activists. The Alcazar held out for 70 days, there was not enough food, even the horses were eaten - all except the breeding stallion. Instead of salt, they used plaster from the walls, and Moscardo himself performed the duties of the absent priest: he conducted funeral rites. At the same time, in his besieged kingdom there were parades and even flamenco dancing. Modern Spain pays tribute to such heroism: there is a military museum in the fortress, several rooms of which are dedicated to the events of 1936.

TO MADRID IN FIVE COLUMNS

The fighting went on “as usual” - with varying degrees of success. The Frankists came close to the capital, but were unable to take it. On the other hand, the attempt of the Republican fleet to land troops on Balearic Islands was nipped in the bud by Mussolini's aviation.

However, massive Soviet aid was already rushing to the rescue - by ships from Odessa - and brought extraordinary revival to the camp of the left; one might say, transformed it according to the militant Bolshevik model. At Stalin’s personal request, the Central Republican General Staff was created under the leadership of the same “Lenin” - Largo Caballero, and the institute of commissars, mentioned above, appeared in the army. The official government, for the sake of safety, moved to Valencia, and the defense of Madrid fell on the shoulders of a special Junta of National Defense, presided over by Jose Miaja, an old general. Showing his determination to save the city at any cost, he even joined the Communist Party. He also authorized the widespread dissemination of the slogan “No pasaran!” that survived this war. (“They shall not pass”), which still serves as a symbol of all Resistance.

Thousands of political prisoners suspected of “nationalism” in those days were demonstratively taken out of prison, escorted along the central streets to the suburbs and there they were shot to the sounds of Franco’s cannonade. Thousands of young romantic international brigade members flowed towards them, to the barricades, to the front lines. Volunteers from all over the world, most of whom did not have the slightest combat training, flooded the capital. For some time, they even created a numerical advantage for the Republican side on the battlefield, but quantity, as we know, does not always translate into quality.

Meanwhile, the enemy made several more unsuccessful attempts to completely blockade Madrid, but it was already clear to the rebels that the war would last longer than planned. Radio messages from that bloody winter have gone down in history. For example, the same General Mola, Franco’s rival in the leading elite of the nationalists, gave the world the expression “fifth column”, declaring that in addition to the four army troops under his arms, he has another one - in the capital itself, and it is the decisive one. the moment will strike from the rear. Espionage, sabotage and sabotage in Madrid really reached a serious scale, despite the repression.

An eyewitness to the heroic defense of Madrid, the German historian and publicist Franz Borkenau wrote in those days: “Of course, there are fewer well-dressed people here than in normal times, but there are still a lot of them, especially women who show off their weekend dresses on the streets and in cafes without fear or hesitation, completely different from those in proletarian Barcelona... The cafes are full of journalists, civil servants, intellectuals of all kinds... The level of militarization is shocking: workers with rifles are dressed in brand new blue uniforms. Churches are closed, but not burned. Most of the requisitioned vehicles are used by government institutions rather than by political parties or trade unions. There was almost no expropriation. Most stores operate without any supervision.”

GUERNIKA AND MORE

After the Francoists captured Malaga in February 1937, it was decided to abandon the violent attempts to capture Madrid. Instead, the nationalists rushed north to destroy the main industrial hubs of the Republic. Here they had a quick success. Bilbao's "Iron Belt" (concrete defenses) fell in June, Santander in August, and all of Asturias in September. It is not surprising that this time the “anti-communists” took up the matter seriously and without sentimentality. The offensive began with an event that completely demoralized the enemy: following Durango, the German Condor aviation legion wiped out the legendary Guernica from the face of the earth (the latter city is known to the whole world, unlike the first, only thanks to Pablo Picasso and his great painting). At the end of October, the government of the Republic again had to get ready for the road: from Valencia to Barcelona. It has lost its strategic initiative forever.

And the international community, as they now say, felt this, reacting with its characteristic sober cynicism. The republic, with whose leaders only yesterday the statesmen of the great powers met, was suddenly forgotten, as if it had never existed. In February 1939, the government of Francisco Franco was officially recognized by France and Great Britain. All other countries, with the exception of Mexico and the USSR, followed suit within a few months. The communists quickly left the country. All that remained was to sign the surrender, the terms of which were prudently published in Burgos, the temporary capital of the nationalists. The commander-in-chief gave the order for the final triumphal offensive on March 27. There was almost no resistance: on March 28, the attackers occupied Guadalajara and entered Madrid, on the 29th the gates of Cuenca, Ciudad Real, Albacete, Jaen and Almeria opened before them, the next day - Valencia, the 31st - Murcia and Cartagena. On April 1, 1939, the last military report was published. The guns fell silent and long-term disputes and discussions began, in which, alas, from 250 to 300 thousand who died in this war could not take part.

DON PACO - LUCKY

On April 1, 1939, a modest and inconspicuous (for the time being) campaigner, a veteran of several Moroccan campaigns, a “child” of the national humiliation experienced by Spain after the defeat in 1898 by the United States and the loss of the last colonies in Cuba and the Philippines, Francisco Franco Bahamonde became the unlimited ruler . The combat general of the infantry, beloved by his soldiers, disappeared from political history, and he was “replaced” by the lifelong head of state and government, the leader of the Phalanx, “The Leader of Spain by the grace of God.”

Did the seemingly simple-minded “Don Paco” (as his subjects called him, short for Francisco) have sufficient intellectual potential to steer the “ship of Spain” between the reefs of history? Yes and no. One thing is clear: the caudillo was lucky. It was luck that helped him consolidate power. Franco's comrades, who could compete with him, Sanjurjo and Mola, died in suspiciously similar plane crashes at the beginning of the Civil War. Well, in the future the leader did not miss his luck. He skillfully manipulated the moods of those close to him. He showed himself to be a virtuoso of the “partial action” policy: he never went all the way, giving the right of the last move to his opposing partner. Like a true Galician, he always “answered a question with a question,” which, by the way, helped him during a personal meeting with Hitler in Hendaye, on the Franco-Spanish border on October 23, 1940. Legend has it that Franco confused the Fuhrer to such an extent that the latter lost his temper and shouted: “Don't go to war! Neither we nor you need this! And the Spaniards never “draw their swords” in the big world “brawl” - the only Blue Division of volunteers (Division Azul), sent to the war against the USSR, does not count.

TRAGEDY IN NUMBERS

According to very rough statistics, 500,000 people died on both sides during the Spanish Civil War. Of these, 200,000 died in battle: 110,000 on the Republican side, 90,000 on the Francoist side. Thus, 10% of the total number of soldiers died. In addition, according to free estimates, the nationalists executed 75,000 civilians and prisoners, and the republicans - 55,000. These dead included victims of secret political assassinations. Let us not forget the foreigners who played a vital role in the hostilities. Of those who fought on the side of the nationalists, 5,300 people died (4,000 Italians, 300 Germans, 1,000 representatives of other nations). The international brigades suffered almost equally heavy losses. Approximately 4,900 volunteers died for the cause of the Republic - 2,000 Germans, 1,000 French, 900 Americans, 500 British and 500 others. In addition, approximately 10,000 Spaniards met their end during the bombing. The lion's share of them suffered during the raids of Hitler's Condor Legion. And, of course, there was the famine caused by the blockade of the Republican shores: it is believed that it killed 25,000 people. In total, 3.3% of the Spanish population died during the war, and 7.5% were physically injured. There is also evidence that after the war, on Franco’s personal order, 100,000 of his former opponents went to another world, and another 35,000 died in concentration camps.

SAVING “IRON CURTAIN”

After World War II, the fall of the caudillo seemed inevitable - how could his close friendship with the Fuhrer and the Duce be forgiven? The Falangists even wore blue shirts (similar to the Nazi brown and Italian-fascist black ones) and raised their hands in the air, greeting each other. However, everything was forgiven and forgotten. Of course it helped" iron curtain“, which descended on Europe from the Baltic to the Adriatic, it forced the Western allies to tolerate the “Western sentinel” for now.

Franco reliably controlled the communist movements in his possessions and “covered” access from the Atlantic to the Mediterranean Sea. The crafty course towards “political Catholicism”, taken by the dictator after some hesitation, also helped. The accusations of the international community now turned out to be all the easier to deflect because it was possible to “take a pose”: they say, do you see who is attacking us? Leftists, radicals, enemies of tradition! What are we doing? We defend the Christian faith and morals. As a result, after a short isolation, totalitarian Spain even gained access to the UN in 1955: the concordat signed in 1953 with the Vatican and trade agreements with the United States played a role here. Now it was possible to begin implementing the Stabilization Plan, which would soon transform the backward agricultural country, but first...

PORPHYROUS “PILOT OF CHANGE”

First, it was necessary to resolve the issue of “succession to the throne” - to choose a successor. Back in 1947, Franco announced that after his death, Spain would return to being a monarchy “in accordance with tradition.” After some time, he reached an agreement with Don Juan, Count of Barcelona, ​​head of the royal house in exile: the prince's son was to go to Madrid to receive an education there, and then the throne. The future monarch was born in Rome, and first found himself in his fatherland at the end of 1948 as a ten-year-old boy. Here His Highness took a course in all the military and political sciences that his high patron considered necessary.

Juan Carlos I was crowned immediately after the death of the caudillo in 1975, by the way, even before his father officially renounced his rights to the throne. The enthronement took place exactly according to the plan dictated by the deceased dictator: the “operation” even had a code name - “Landlight”. The process of the young man’s ascension to supreme power in the state was described literally minute by minute. The security agencies provided him with the necessary support.

Of course, the king did not receive that absolute power, which his predecessor possessed. And yet his role was significant. The only question was whether he could maintain control in inexperienced hands. Will he be able to prove to the world that he is a king not only by “appointment”?
Juan Carlos had a lot of work to do before he led the country from dictatorship to modern democracy and achieved enormous popularity at home and abroad. “Change” occurred, followed by “Transition”. Spain more than once found itself close to a military coup, even sliding back into the abyss of fratricidal massacre. But I resisted. And if the caudillo became famous as a master of fooling everyone and everything around his finger, then the king won by revealing his cards. He did not look for arguments and did not curse his opponents, like participants in the Civil War. He simply stated that from now on he would serve the interests of all Spaniards - and thus “bribed” them.

State final certification in grades XI in history is carried out orally on tickets. Each of the 25 tickets consists of 3 questions.

The first question to test your knowledge of the course “Modern history 1900 - 1939.” (X class). The second question to test the knowledge of the course “Recent and Contemporary History (1939 - the beginning of the 21st century)”, studied in the 11th grade. The third question to test the knowledge of the course “History of the Fatherland in the 20th - early 21st centuries (1939 - the beginning XXI century)", studied in the 11th grade.

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“Causes, results of the Spanish Civil War 1936–1939.”

Ticket 13

13.1. Reasons, results civil war in Spain 1936–1939

Civil War 1936-1939

Causes:

Polarization of society.

Miscalculations of the Popular Front government:

1) the radical forces did not disarm;

2) reactionary generals remained in the highest military positions, who enjoyed the support of financial magnates, the landed aristocracy and the highest clergy;

3) the economic situation worsened.

July 19, 1936 - The Popular Front government, led by left-wing Republican José Giral, began distributing weapons to the population to organize resistance to the rebels. A civil war began in Spain.

The governments of Great Britain, France, and the United States pursued a policy of “non-interference” in Spanish affairs.

The republic was deprived of the opportunity to buy weapons, military equipment, also take out loans in the UK, France, USA.

The Franco regime was helped by Germany, Italy, and Portugal.

The USSR helped the Popular Front.

The Catholic Church sided with the Nazis

Results of the Spanish Civil War:

a fascist dictatorship was established in the country;

1. a lot of money was spent on the war;

   great loss of life;

   the country lay in ruins;

   immigration;

   The defeat of the Spanish Republic contributed to the outbreak of World War II.

The Spanish Civil War is one of the most tragic pages in the history of this state. And the prerequisites for it took shape at the beginning of the 20th century. The Spanish monarchy was experiencing a serious crisis. Traditionally, the strict division of the population into classes gave rise to mutual enmity and hatred in society. The clergy, called upon to play a reconciling role, aroused mistrust of the lower strata. The peasants suffered from a lack of land, the situation with the workers was no better - lack of rights, oppression, miserable wages.

The semi-feudal state was torn apart by national contradictions - the Basques, Catalans, Galicians - demanded autonomy. The army was virtually independent of the authorities - its officers constituted a special “caste”, and although it suffered a crushing defeat in military operations with Morocco due to its leadership’s commitment to conservatism in strategy and outdated weapons, the generals dreamed of taking power in the country into their own hands .

All this required urgent reform, but King Alfonso III of Bourbon, who reigned from May 17, 1886 to April 14, 1931, decisively rejected attempts at social reform, resorting to the army and the National Guard when necessary.

Military coup

In 1923, despite measures taken to strengthen law and order, a military coup occurred. General Miguel Primo de Rivera took power into his own hands, dismissing the government and parliament, abolishing the existing political parties, as well as introducing a dictatorship. The king's direct participation in this was not proven, but, most likely, de Rivera acted with his full consent.

Beginnings in economic sphere general were very successful - he relied on practical experience Italian fascists, starting modernization in all areas. The economy grew, and so did the welfare of society. But insurmountable circumstances stood in his way - a global crisis began, which brought to naught all the good undertakings of de Rivera. On January 28, 1930, the nobility and the king forced the general to leave the political life of the country. He emigrated to France, where he soon died. And a year and a half later, in the spring of 1931, the monarchy in Spain fell.

In the municipal elections held in April 1931, the opposition won. This was mainly in large populated areas, in the countryside the population remained loyal to the king. But they got the majority. Demonstrations and unrest began throughout the country, which literally “demolished” the monarchy. The fate of Alphonse after the overthrow turned out relatively well. Unlike other monarchs who lost their power in coups, and with it their lives, he went into exile without even abdicating the throne. However, he signed a manifesto in which he admitted his shortcomings and mistakes and refused to restore the monarchy by military means.

Parliamentary elections in Spain

Meanwhile, Spain was preparing to change its socio-political system. In the summer of the same year, parliamentary elections were held, in which socialists and left-leaning liberals won. And already in December 1931, a constitution was adopted, which was in force until April 1, 1939. According to it, the head of state, as well as the head of government, came to office as a result of elections, and were not appointed.

Spain became a parliamentary republic, in which from now on everyone was equal before the law. Titles and class privileges were abolished, all citizens received equal access to education, medicine, and participation in the political life of the country.

The issue with the peoples claiming autonomy was partially resolved. Catalonia became autonomous; the issue with other applicants remained under consideration.

Social issues were also resolved - surplus lands were confiscated from landowners. The church was separated from the state, but this did not quell the discontent of the people - in particular, a rumor was spread among the workers that the clergy poisoned the children of workers and peasants with poison added to cookies. This provoked a series of murders of priests and monks, pogroms and fires throughout the country.

These events played a dual role in the history of the state - on the one hand, they were insufficient to satisfy the demands and aspirations of the lower social strata, on the other, they provoked close attention of countries to the situation in Spain, which considered that the country that had chosen the “left” path, will become a conductor of Stalin’s ideas in Europe.

A series of government crises begins in the country - about 20 of them take place between 1931 and 1936. All this leads to unrest and unrest. Spanish society, torn apart by contradictions, is closely watched by outside countries, ready to provide support to one side or the other, depending on the ideology they supported.

The parliamentary elections of 1936 brought victory to the Popular Front, the parties of the left, and General Franco entered the political scene of the country. “A cloudless sky above Spain” was the call sign for the start of the uprisings in Spanish Morocco, the Canary Islands and other areas of Spain, organized by him.

Beginning of the Civil War

The riots were suppressed, but Italy and Germany intervened in the situation. And, thanks to them, as well as twenty-seven other countries that supported the “right-wing” forces, a civil war began in Spain. The “left” forces were secretly supported by the Soviet Union; it, as well as fifty-three other countries, supplied weapons and volunteers to the warring country. And the internal conflict gradually grew into an international one. The goal of Germany and Italy was to establish themselves in Spain. The USSR helped the “left” forces stay in power.

The war lasted three years - from 1936 to 1939 and ended with the fall of the Second Spanish Republic, and then the establishment of the fascist dictatorship of General Franco. It claimed more than 400 thousand lives, which is approximately 5% of the country’s total population. Such huge human losses were not only due to military operations. In the territories conquered by one side or another, real terror was established with the destruction of the population. 60 thousand Spaniards were forced to emigrate from the country. The war was not only fought on the ground - German aircraft controlled the skies over Spain. Thanks to her, among other things, by the end of the confrontation there were almost no roads, bridges, or infrastructure left in the state. Almost all major cities lay in ruins.

The regime of General Franco, whose victory was proclaimed on April 1, 1939, inherited a destroyed country - more than 170 cities and villages had to be restored. But the general showed himself not only as a talented commander, but also as a fairly strong politician. Despite the obvious pro-fascist ideology, he managed to maintain neutrality throughout. The Spanish “Blue Division” fought in the USSR, but was officially listed as volunteer.

After the defeat of fascism, Franco not only remained in power, but also ruled until his voluntary resignation in 1973. And only after his death, his successor, the Spanish king Juan Carlos I of Bourbon, was able to proclaim a course towards democratization of society.

The rebellion against the Republican government began on the evening of July 17, 1936 in Spanish Morocco. Quite quickly, other Spanish colonies came under the control of the rebels: the Canary Islands, the Spanish Sahara (now Western Sahara), and Spanish Guinea.

On July 18, 1936, the Ceuta radio station transmitted to Spain a conditional phrase-signal for the beginning of a nationwide rebellion: “There is a cloudless sky over all of Spain.” And after 2 days, 35 of the 50 provinces of Spain were under the control of the rebels. Soon the war began. The Spanish nationalists (that is what the rebel forces called themselves) were supported in the struggle for power by the Nazis of Germany and the fascists of Italy. The Republican government received assistance from the Soviet Union, Mexico and France.

At a meeting of the generals, Francisco Franco, one of the youngest and most ambitious generals, who also distinguished himself in the war, was elected leader of the nationalists to lead the army. Franco's army freely passed through the territory of his native country, recapturing region after region from the Republicans.

By 1939, the Republic in Spain had fallen - a dictatorial regime was established in the country, and unlike the dictatorships of allied countries like Germany or Italy, it lasted quite a long time. Franco became the country's dictator for life.

Republican militia fighter Marina Ginesta. Barcelona, ​​July 21, 1936. The photo was taken 3 days after the start of the military rebellion in Spanish Morocco

A women's unit of the Republican Militia marches through the streets of Madrid. July 1936

The surrendered Spanish rebel is led to a military trial. Madrid July 27, 1936

Street fighting between Franco rebels and the people's militia in the area of ​​the Madrid Montagna barracks. July 30, 1936

Barricades of dead horses. Barcelona. July 1936

Burnt cars after the defeat of nationalist forces. Barcelona, ​​1936

One of the anarchist leaders, Garcia Oliver, goes to the front. Barcelona, ​​1936

A female Republican militia fighter on the Aragonese front. 1936

Republican People's Militia. Barcelona. Sent to the front in Zaragoza, August 29, 1936

By the beginning of the war, 80% of the army was on the side of the rebels, the fight against the rebels was carried out by the People's Militia - army units that remained loyal to the government and formations created by the Popular Front parties, in which there was no military discipline, a strict command system, or individual leadership.

Anarchist militia in Zaragoza, 1936

A Falangist soldier throws a grenade over a barbed wire fence at a detachment of Republican Army soldiers in Burgos. September 12, 1936

Republican siege of the Alcazar. Toledo, September 1936

Phalangist riflemen and a machine gunner in position along the rocky front of Huesca in northern Spain. December 30, 1936

Death of a Republican Soldier, 1936. The photograph taken by photojournalist R. Capa became the most famous photograph of the Civil War

Attack of Republican soldiers, 1936

Aftermath of the bombing of Madrid, December 3, 1936

Women volunteers - members of the Phalanx, December 8, 1936

Spanish Falangists carry the banners of Franco's allies: Germany, Italy, Portugal. December 8, 1936

The leader of Nazi Germany, Adolf Hitler, helping the rebels with weapons and volunteers, viewed the Spanish War primarily as a testing ground for testing German weapons and training young German pilots. Benito Mussolini seriously considered the idea of ​​Spain joining the Kingdom of Italy.

Soviet T-26 tank in service with the Republican Army, 1936

Since September 1936, the leadership of the USSR decided to provide military assistance to the Republicans. In mid-October, the first batches of I-15 fighters, ANT-40 bombers and T-26 tanks with Soviet crews arrived in Spain.

After the nationalists took Malaga. Moroccan cavalrymen from the rebel army, February 15, 1937

According to nationalists, one of the reasons for the uprising was to protect the Catholic Church from the persecution of atheist Republicans. Someone sarcastically remarked that it’s a little strange to see Christian faith Moroccan Muslims.

Madrid evacuated, March 8, 1937

Nationalist troops on the Madrid-Zaragoza road, near the city of Guadalajara. March 29, 1937

Barricades in Barcelona. May 1937

Republicans in the Brunete region. 1937

Franco trenches near Barcelona. May 1937

Soldiers of the Spanish Republican Army. 1937

Drummer of the Republican Army Band. 1937

Soldiers of the International Brigade of the People's Army. First half of 1937

In total, during the civil war in Spain, about 30 thousand foreigners (mostly citizens of France, Poland, Italy, Germany, and the USA) served in the ranks of the international brigades. Almost 5 thousand of them died or went missing.

Brigade named after A. Lincoln - formed entirely of volunteers who arrived from the USA

A group of former Russian white officers from the Russian detachment of General Franco's army. From left to right: V. Gurko, V. V. Boyarunas, M. A. Salnikov, A. P. Yaremchuk

One of the commanders of the Russian detachment of Franco’s army, former white general A.V. Fok, wrote: “Those of us who will fight for national Spain, against the Third International, and also, in other words, against the Bolsheviks, will thereby fulfill their duty before white Russia."

According to some reports, 74 former Russian officers fought in the ranks of the nationalists, 34 of them died.

Republican soldiers communicate with foreign journalists. In the center, with his back to the lens, stands E. Hemingway. 1937

Loyalist soldiers train women in marksmanship to defend the city of Barcelona against General Franco's Nationalists. June 2, 1937

Republican submarine "S-4" (Soviet production). September 17, 1937

The 11th International Brigade in the battles near the city of Belchite. September 1937

Captured by the Republicans: Oberleutnant Winterer (left), non-commissioned officer Gunther Leuning (right), in the center the Moroccan Ali ben Taleb ben Yaikhe

On the barricades of Aragon. 1938

German bombers, part of the Condor Legion, over Spain, 1938. The black and white X on the plane's tail and wings represents the cross of St. Andrew, the badge of Franco's Nationalist Air Force. The Condor Legion consisted of volunteers from German army and the Air Force

This bombing of the five-story Casa Blanca building in Madrid killed three hundred fascists on March 19, 1938. Government loyalists dug a 548-meter tunnel in six months to plant mines

Farewell parade of the International Brigades in Barcelona. October 1938

Spanish refugees crossing the border with France. January 28, 1939

Francoists at a military parade in Barcelona. February 25, 1939

On March 28, the nationalists entered Madrid without a fight. On April 1, General Franco's regime controlled all of Spain.

Republicans go to a French internment camp. France, March 1939

At the end of the war, more than 600 thousand people left Spain. During three years of civil war, the country lost about 450 thousand dead.

Causes of the Civil War

In the spring of 1936, the country witnessed a dangerous radicalization of both left and right forces. The leaders of the largest trade union organizations UGT (General Union of Workers) and CNT (National Confederation of Labor) called on workers to launch a vigorous strike struggle against the “bourgeois government.” The working class gathered at mass rallies, where demagogic speeches and radical slogans about the need social revolution. At the opposite political pole, right-wing parties became more active, primarily the National Bloc 1, formed by the famous conservative politician Jose Calvo-Sotelo 2, as well as extremist forces, among which the fascist party “Spanish Phalanx” 3, created by J. A. Primo, began to play a leading role de Rivera 4.

Not only the parliamentary stands, but also the streets of Spanish cities have turned into a place of confrontational confrontation between right and left forces. Bloody battles between demonstrators, killings from behind corners, arson and intimidation have become a daily occurrence. The government of S. Casares Quiroga demonstrated its inability to stabilize the situation. Various segments of the population experienced panic, and demands to restore order in the country grew. In army circles, which were sensitive to public sentiment, there was also a division into supporters and opponents of the Republic. The latter were led by the influential generals E. Mola and F. Franco 5 .

In the ranks of the high army command, which almost unanimously shared the opinion that the republican system endangered their corporate interests and the traditions of Spain as a whole, an anti-government conspiracy was brewing. Despite the alarming information received, the governments of M. Azaña and S. Casares Quiroga clearly underestimated the degree of danger threatening the Republic. Measures to prevent the rebellion were sporadic: only a small group of the most conservative officers were placed under police surveillance, potential conspirators were transferred to peripheral areas: E. Mola to Pamplona, ​​and F. Franco to the Canary Islands. Their places were taken by generals more loyal to the Republic. The conspirators, despite the measures taken by the authorities, continued their underground activities. However, the leaders of the conspiracy, who had a fairly clear plan for joint action in the event of a rebellion, did not have a clear idea of ​​​​the priority tasks after their eventual rise to power.

The violent death on July 12, 1936 of the Republican lieutenant X. Castillo, who died at the hands of fascist thugs, and the retaliatory murder the next day of one of the leaders of the right forces X. Calvo Sotelo, committed by a group of young socialists led by the captain of the Civil Guard F. Condes, “worked” as detonators of a military coup. The military played a leading role in the rebellion. Fascists, traditionalists and right-wing monarchists who sympathized with them remained on the sidelines.

On July 17, 1936, an anti-government putsch broke out in Spanish Morocco and the Canary Islands. According to a pre-developed plan, the next day the generals who commanded military units in various points of Spain joined the rebellion. In his address to the Spanish people via the radio station Radio Las Palmas (on the morning of July 18, 1936), General F. Franco, justifying the rebellion, said in particular: “The situation in Spain is becoming more and more critical. There is anarchy in the cities and countryside. Various kinds of revolutionary strikes paralyze the life of the population.... On top of the unconscious revolutionary ideas of the masses, deceived and exploited by Soviet agents, are layered the evil intent and carelessness of authorities at all levels.... In return for this, we offer justice and equality of all before the law, reconciliation and solidarity between all Spaniards, work for everyone, social justice in an atmosphere of brotherhood and harmony.... There should be no place in our breasts for feelings of hatred and revenge.... In our Motherland, for the first time and really, three ideals will be established in the following order: freedom, brotherhood and equality" 6.

On July 19, 1936, General F. Franco arrived from the Canary Islands in the city of Tetouan in northern Morocco and took command of the Spanish expeditionary force in Africa, numbering 45 thousand people. These were the most combat-ready troops, consisting mainly of experienced soldiers and officers.

The Republican government and the Popular Front parties called on the citizens of the country to defend the republic. The Civil War began, which took the form of a fratricidal armed clash between conservative-monarchist and fascist groups, on the one hand, and a bloc of republican and anti-fascist parties, on the other. Objective and subjective factors contributed to the irreconcilability of the conflict: the protracted socio-economic and institutional crisis, the polarization of socio-political forces on the eve of the war, the radicalism of the ideological postulates of both left-wing parties and right-wing forces, the confrontation between communist and fascist ideologies, and the involvement of other countries in the internal conflict. In addition, many Spaniards perceived the war as a struggle between Catholic believers and “atheist” atheists.

14 thousand officers and about 150 thousand privates sided with the rebels. In the first days of the war, after the death of General X. Sanjurjo in a plane crash on July 20 (it was assumed that he would lead the rebellion), the conspiracy was “decapitated.” However, soon in the north of the country in the city of Burgos, the Junta of National Defense was established, headed by General M. Cabanellas (1862-1938). By decision of the Junta, with all its military and political power was endowed by General F. Franco. The territory controlled by the rebels was home to about 10 million people and produced 70% of the country's agricultural output, but only 20% of its industrial output. Initially, success accompanied the putschists in the south of the country in the areas of Seville, Cordoba, Granada and Cadiz, in Old Castile and Navarre, as well as in Galicia, Aragon, the Canary and Balearic Islands (with the exception of Menorca).

In many regions of the country, the coup, lacking popular support, failed. Military protests in Madrid and Barcelona were quickly suppressed. The sailors of the navy and most of the air force remained loyal to the Republic. The territory controlled by the Republicans was home to 14 million people, and the main industrial centers and military factories were also located there. 8.5 thousand officers and more than 160 thousand ordinary soldiers remained on the side of the legitimate government.

The fundamental difference in ideological views and vision of the country's development paths led to significant differences between the political and socio-economic transformations carried out on the republican territory and in the zones controlled by the Francoists. The emergency conditions of the Civil War left their mark on the essence and methods of the reforms being carried out. The military coup became a catalyst for many social processes. For Republicans, the fight against fascism was combined with attempts to implement deep, often hasty and ill-considered reforms.

Internationalization of the conflict

After the putsch, the Republican government of Spain turned to the government of Leon Blum of democratic France with a request for assistance. However, France, and on its initiative other powers, proclaimed a “policy of non-intervention,” which actually meant recognizing the fascist rebels as a belligerent. On September 9, 1936, the Committee on Non-Intervention began work in London, the purpose of which was to prevent the Spanish conflict from escalating into a general European war. By preventing the supply of weapons and ammunition to the Republican government, the Committee on Non-Intervention at the same time actually condoned the participation of military contingents of fascist Germany and Italy in hostilities in Spain. The USA, Great Britain and France imposed an embargo on the import of weapons to Spain, which, in the context of the intervention of the fascist Axis countries on the side of the rebels, led to the disarmament of the legitimate republican government. In turn, General F. Franco sent urgent requests to the fascist regimes of A. Hitler in Germany and B. Mussolini in Italy. Berlin and Rome responded to the call of the Spanish putschists: 20 Junkers-52 transport aircraft, 12 Italian Savoy-81 bombers and the German transport ship Usamo were redeployed to Morocco (where F. Franco was at that moment). Subsequently, Germany and Italy sent F. Franco a large contingent of military instructors, the German Condor Legion and a 125,000-strong Italian expeditionary force.

In September 1936, in response to a request from the new head of the republican government, F. Largo Caballero, the USSR decided to provide assistance to Spain, although the first military advisers arrived in Spain in August along with the Soviet embassy 7 . Total in 1936-1939. There were about 600 Soviet military specialists in Spain. The total number of USSR citizens who took part in the Spanish events did not exceed 3.5 thousand people.

Republican Spain was supported by democratic forces in other countries. From among the anti-fascist volunteers who arrived in Spain, the International Brigades were formed (October 1936). The USSR was at the head of the forces that provided particularly effective assistance to the republican government. The leaders of the Soviet Union believed that the issue of starting the fight against fascism in Europe and the world was being decided on the fields of Spain. In a telegram addressed to the General Secretary of the PCI X. Diaz, the text of which was transmitted by everyone news agencies Europe and America, J.V. Stalin wrote: “The workers of the Soviet Union are fulfilling only their duty, providing all possible assistance to the revolutionary masses of Spain. They realize that the liberation of Spain from the oppression of fascist reactionaries is not a private matter of the Spaniards, but a common cause of all advanced and progressive humanity” 8.

Social and political processes in the country during the Civil War

The mutiny caused a government crisis. Prime Minister S. Casares Quiroga resigned. On July 19, 1936, he was replaced by one of the leaders of the Republican Action party, X. Giral, who held the post of head of government until September 1936. In the first days of the war, the leaders of the Republic still underestimated the scope of the rebellion and the degree of the threatening danger. President M. Azaña spoke in favor of “constitutional” action against the rebels. The new government led by the socialist F. Largo Caballero also did not show the necessary energy, rejecting the demands of military specialists, including Soviet ones, for a general mobilization and organization regular army. At the initial stage of the war, the leaders of the Popular Front were unable to reach agreement on a single tactic and strategy in the fight against the putschists. As a result, there was a lack of coordination throughout the country. Deprived of central leadership, the Popular Front, dispersed into individual fighting groups (most often led by communists), conducted mainly local operations to suppress the rebellion. This gave the rebels the opportunity to organize. In August 1936, the armies of E. Mola and F. Franco launched a vigorous attack on Madrid from the south and north.

The first successes of the putschists seriously undermined the authority of the republican government. Self-proclaimed and ideologically heterogeneous revolutionary committees and juntas for the defense of the Republic tried to fill the vacuum of local authorities. In the first months of the war on republican territory, in addition to representatives of the central government, “local government” was carried out by local authorities, which were under the influence of various political parties or military leaders. Groups of Republican Milisianos (people's militias), deprived of unity of command and acting under the slogans of social revolution and the fight against saboteurs, carried out the Red Terror, the victims of which were the military, representatives of the bourgeoisie and right-wing parties, and priests (during the Civil War, almost 7 thousand clergy were killed rank). At the same time, bloody atrocities and lawlessness were committed by the Francoists within the territory under their control. In Badajoz alone, they shot 2 thousand supporters of the Republic without trial or investigation.

The largest trade union associations, the UGT and the CNT, set the task of launching a struggle against the capitalists in the name of the triumph of the workers' and peasants' revolution. Despite the lack of a proper legislative framework, revolutionary committees and trade union organizations carried out “collectivization” in both cities and rural areas. In particular, 3 million were expropriated and placed at the disposal of peasant farms about 5.5 million hectares of land. The redistribution of land in favor of small peasants and tenants became widespread in Castile, Aragon, Andalusia, Murcia and Extremadura. Large factories and factories, on the initiative of trade unions, came under the control of workers and employees. An active process of redistribution of property in the industrial sector was observed in Catalonia. At the same time, the process of “collectivization” practically did not affect small private enterprises, handicraft industries and craft workshops.

The government of F. Largo Caballero, formed on September 4, 1936, which included the CNT trade union leaders a few weeks later, made efforts to strengthen the vertical of power. By government decree, revolutionary committees and juntas for the defense of the Republic were dissolved, and at the same time local authorities were reorganized, whose duty was to carry out all orders of the central government. Strict military discipline was introduced in the people's militia units. All operations carried out by the Central Bank of Spain were placed under government control. Government actions to strengthen the vertical power structure often encountered resistance from revolutionary committees, many of which were influenced by anarchists. In the Basque Country and Catalonia, regional government institutions operated, often sabotaging orders coming from Madrid.

In November 1936, the Battle of Madrid began. The possibility of the rebels seizing the capital was quite real. Therefore, the country's president M. Azaña moved to Barcelona, ​​and the government led by F. Largo Caballero moved to Valencia. After fierce fighting, the rebel troops were stopped at the immediate approaches to Madrid. Militia units led by communists and socialists showed massive heroism in the fight against the fascists. The rallying cry of the leader of the PCI, Dolores Ibárruri, has gained worldwide fame: “¡No pasaran!” - “They will not pass!” In March 1937, the Republican army defeated the Italian corps near Guadalajara.

In the face of growing danger (especially after the fascists captured Malaga in February 1937), among the leaders of the most influential parties of the Popular Front, primarily the PCI, an understanding of the need to abandon overly ambitious and risky revolutionary changes began to mature. The communist tactics consisted of concentrating efforts on the fight against the Francoists and finding new allies, primarily among the petty and middle bourgeoisie. Some concessions to the urban and rural bourgeoisie on the part of the PCI and the Catalan communists were regarded by the most extremist party and trade union leaders as a betrayal of “class interests”. The sharp deterioration of relations between various republican parties, primarily between communists and anarchists, led to street clashes in Barcelona in May 1937. About 500 people died.

The bloody events in Barcelona and growing disagreements within the Popular Front parties led to the resignation of F. Largo Caballero. A left-wing government led by socialist X. Negrin 9 was sworn in. With his coming to power, the positions of the CPI within the leadership of the Republic were strengthened, while at the same time the anarchists and trade union leaders of the NKP lost their influence. The program of the new government - the victory program (13 points) - provided for the creation of a regular army, the transition in war from defense to offense, the implementation of radical agrarian reform, and the introduction of progressive social legislation. The government began to implement a social program, established the power of the central government in Catalonia, and managed to prevent separatist sentiments in Aragon and a number of other regions. At the same time, reform of the Armed Forces was carried out. Three ministries - military, navy and the Air Force - were merged into a single Ministry of National Defense. The process of reorganizing the people's militia into regular units has been completed. In most units of the army, the post of political commissar was introduced, whose responsibility was to strengthen military discipline.

Despite the hardships of the war, the Republican Ministry of Public Education paid great attention to improving the level of education and culture of the population. In 1936-1938. 5,500 new schools were built (2,100 of them in Catalonia with funds from the regional government of the Generalitat). The government developed and approved a plan for the further development of primary and secondary school education. The work of the so-called Cultural Militia to eliminate illiteracy in rural areas and among the soldiers of the Republican Army gained great popularity.

Many writers, scientists and artists in Spain from the first days of the war firmly sided with the Republic. Among them were such famous cultural figures as A. Machado, M. Hernandez, R. Alberti, F. García Lorca (shot by the Francoists in the summer of 1936), etc. In 1937, the II International Congress of Anti-Fascist Writers was held in Valencia, among its participants were prominent writers from different countries peace.

In the summer of 1937, Franco's troops took possession of the entire industrial north of the country. No more than a third of Spain's territory remained under Republican control. Even the barbaric bombing of unprotected cities in this territory (the complete destruction of the Basque city of Guernica by German aircraft on April 26, 1937, the brutal shelling of Almeria by German warships on May 31, 1937) did not allow the Nazis to achieve decisive victories here until the spring of 1938.

In contrast to the evolution of institutions political system The Second Republic, the institutional development of the Francoist state in the zones controlled by the rebels, went in a completely different direction. Since its inception, the National Defense Junta has declared a state of war in the country. The Francoist policy was based on the principles of unity of command and dictatorial rule, which was determined by the ultimate goal of the rebels - the conquest of political power and the implementation of counter-revolutionary changes. The main ideological postulates of the Francoists during the Civil War were the inviolability of private property, the maintenance of strong social order, the prohibition of communist ideology and respect for religion. The core element in achieving these goals was the army, characterized by strict military discipline.

Volunteer detachments of opponents of the Republic, formed in July-August 1936, soon merged with regular units. The Francoists quickly eliminated the shortage of officer personnel by awarding the most trained non-commissioned officers and sergeants the rank of junior officer - “temporary lieutenant”.

The success of the rebels during the war was largely due to the concentration of leadership powers and functions in the hands of one person - General F. Franco. In the fall of 1936, the National Defense Junta appointed him Commander-in-Chief of all branches of the armed forces and at the same time the head of government, and soon the head of state. In 1936, F. Franco created the State Technical Junta, the prototype of the future government. On January 30, 1938, in accordance with the law on the Supreme State Administration, governing bodies of power were formed. The head of state F. Franco had full legislative power and at the same time headed the Council of Ministers - the highest body executive power. Even earlier, all the political forces that supported the rebellion (fascists, traditionalists, Carlists, 10 monarchists, etc.) united into a single party, the “Spanish Phalanx.” It was also headed by F. Franco.

The first steps of the Francoist government were clearly anti-democratic and anti-revolutionary in nature. The junta abolished freedom of the press, speech, assembly and demonstrations, and banned all trade union organizations and political parties, except the Spanish Phalanx. Landed property and other real estate were returned to their former owners from among the Spanish aristocracy, latifundists and the industrial and financial elite. The Frankists took control of school and university education, book printing, librarianship, cultural objects, and abolished all anti-religious laws adopted by republican governments. Frankist propaganda proclaimed the ideological task of its leadership - the formation of a “new man” on the basis of patriotic, nationalist and religious education. To realize this goal, on September 20, 1938, a law on the reform of secondary education was adopted.

The highest hierarchs of the Spanish Catholic Church did not take part in the anti-government conspiracy of 1936. However, after the rebellion, the church supported the Francoists and their slogans, which called for the preservation of the territorial integrity of the country and the national unity of the Spaniards, and the restoration of traditional values, including respect for the Catholic Church. Mass prayer services took place among the rebel troops, and time was officially set aside for confession.

The Francoist struggle against the Republic in clerical circles was called a “national crusade.” This expression, first used by Bishops Mujica and Olaechea in a pastoral letter to the faithful of August 6, 1936, subsequently became widespread in the Francoist lexicon.

The lack of proper coordination of actions within the leadership of the Republican Army in 1938 led to the disruption of the Republican offensive in the Teruel area and facilitated the advance of the putschists. On April 15, the Francoists reached the coast Mediterranean Sea, dividing the Republican forces into two parts. In June they attempted an attack on Valencia. The Republicans, defending Valencia, carried out a successful operation on the river. Ebro, where large enemy forces were pinned down for more than 3 months.

In the second half of 1938, the situation at the front changed dramatically. France closed the Spanish border, thereby strengthening the blockade of Republican Spain. At the same time, Germany and Italy openly supported F. Franco. The Munich agreement between Nazi Germany and the ruling circles of Great Britain and France was enthusiastically received by the Francoists and had a negative impact on the mood in the Republican camp. The Nazis entered Catalonia in March 1938, but captured its entire territory on January 26, 1939. A month later, on February 27, 1939, England and France broke off diplomatic relations with the legitimate government of Spain and recognized the government of F. Franco. At the end of March, all of Spain was in the hands of the rebels. The war in Spain ended on April 1, 1939 with the defeat of the Republican forces. On the same day, the government of F. Franco received official recognition from the United States. A dictatorial regime was established in Spain. For decades the country was divided into winners and losers.

The following figures speak about the tragic consequences of the Civil War for Spain: about 145 thousand people died during the battles, 135 thousand were shot or died in prisons, more than 400 thousand people were seriously wounded, about 500 thousand emigrated. About 300 thousand were kept in prisons or concentration camps until 1945. In 1939-1940. agricultural production was only 21% of the 1935 level, and industrial production was 31%. More than 500 thousand buildings were destroyed. Spain, having paid the USSR for arms supplies with its gold reserves 11, was destined for the fate of being a debtor to Germany and Italy. The debt to these countries was expressed in the amount of $1 billion. It took the country more than 10 years to eliminate only the material damage caused by the war.