Parisian commune. Tragedy on the barricades: why the Paris Commune lost

Eugene Delacroix has an amazing painting “Liberty Leading the People”, the plot of which allegorically refers us to historical event in the life of France, which occurred on March 18, 1871. We are talking about the day when the French annually celebrate the Day of the Paris Commune.

"Freedom Leading the People"

The painting was painted by a young French painter in a creative and emotional upsurge, caused by the feeling of impending freedom, in just three months. Parisians of different social classes took part in the events depicted. The rebels' morale was so high that even the piles of dead bodies of their comrades could not stop the living on the way to their intended goal. The artist identified a woman who personified Freedom as the leader of the rebels. There is an opinion that to create this image Delacroix used completely real prototype revolutionary Anna-Charlotte, a simple washerwoman from the lower classes. A cap of freed slaves is placed on her head as a symbol of the fight against slavery for human independence. The image of barefoot Freedom is not a simple allegory, but an ideal, a deity, something illusory, but to which one wants to strive with all one’s might. And also - divine help to the rebels in their just cause. Around the figure of Freedom are dying rebels. This symbol speaks of the rebels’ desire to fight to the end, even until their death.

Paris Commune Day: background

1848 Day Paris Commune how an event in history goes back to its preconditions. In February, a revolutionary uprising broke out in France, organized by the middle and petty bourgeoisie, which the large financial oligarchs did not allow to take part in government. And since main reason such a situation was existing form board - absolute monarchy, the goal of the uprising was to overthrow the monarch and establish a republic.

The revolutionary bourgeoisie found support in the working class, whose position had suffered greatly as a result of the economic crisis. As a result of the overthrow of the monarchical power, all titles of the aristocratic class were destroyed, a number of freedoms were declared, an elective government was introduced, a Provisional Government was elected, and through the organization of public works, the problem of unemployment was temporarily solved, but only partially. However, the alliance between the workers and the bourgeoisie was short-lived.

Within two months, a proletarian uprising broke out in Paris. The Bickford cord was the abolition of public works and the mass mobilization of workers into the army. Those who could not serve were sent to earthworks in the provinces. The bourgeoisie was greatly frightened by the explosion of discontent among the proletarians and mercilessly shot the rebels.

After the suppression of the uprising, the course of the bourgeoisie, betraying the democratic ideas of the revolution, was directed towards a presidential republic with unlimited power of the elected President, who became Napoleon Bonaparte. A little less than three years later, Bonaparte once again changed the form of government in France, declaring himself emperor.

Paris Commune: the beginning

The date of the Paris Commune Day, March 18, 1871, when, during the uprising of the proletariat, workers came to power in France and founded the Commune, became a symbol of freedom, equality and fraternity for the entire world community. The events of this day were a continuation of the events of 1848, and the Day of the Paris Commune became their natural result: a few years later and for many years to come, this date began to be celebrated as a date in the world history of the proletariat.

Despite the fact that seventy-two days later the Commune was destroyed, its contribution to the struggle for justice is very high.

The prerequisites for the uprising of the popular masses were events that exacerbated the contradictions between the bourgeoisie, bankers and the proletariat, including: the unsuccessful Franco-Prussian war, which led to the German occupation of Paris, the unfavorable conditions of the preliminary agreement at the end of hostilities, the inundation of the main public structures- the army, the police, the government, the reactionary regime of Thiers, who was at its head. In addition, by 1871, in the hands of the Republican Federation organized by the lower strata of society national guard The department of the Seine has accumulated a large number of weapons. Fear of a threatening uprising pushed government troops to take the first step: it was necessary to disarm the proletariat by capturing the working-class outskirts of Paris - Montmartre, Belleville, etc.

The price of a mistake

Initially, government forces broke the resistance of the workers, but after some time the re-energized proletarians returned to their positions. The army also came to the rescue and refused to shoot at the people. The government generals, Claude Leconte and Clement Thomas, were arrested and shot. Thiers and his troops hid in Versailles. And it was here that the rebels made a mistake: they did not go to Versailles and did not destroy Thiers, weakened by the struggle. And he had little time to recuperate. The army was replenished by French soldiers captured by the Germans during the war, released at the request of the Thiers envoys to the German government. During the Civil War that broke out under the flag of Thiers, the Commune, newly formed by the proletarians, was defeated.

French Communards

The composition of the Commune was quite varied - from workers and petty bourgeois to famous figures of science and art. The leader of the uprising was foundry master Emile Duval. During the first battles, he led the vanguard of the rebels, was captured and shot. It is impossible not to note the contribution to the French Revolution of 1871 by the prominent scientist Gustave Flourens. His fate is similar to Duvall's. Louis Eugene Varlin, the bookbinder who led the defense of two districts of the Commune, was also shot by the Thierists. The physician and engineer Edouard Marie Vaillant made a contribution to the history of the Commune, heading two Executive Commissions and the Education Commission.

Communard intellectuals and their contribution to the revolution

The mechanic Augustine Avrial, Auguste Daniel Serrayer, who miraculously escaped the Versailles massacre, was sentenced to death by Thiers, and the natural scientist Gustave Flourens, who was shot by the Versailles, worked in the work of the Labor and Exchange Commission for the benefit of the Commune. The rebels were inspired by the writer Jules Valles, who emigrated to England after the suppression of the uprising, the poets Jean Baptiste Clément and the author of the text of the International, Eugene Potier, and the publicist Auguste Vermorel, who died of wounds in the dungeons of Versailles, who fought on the barricades. Another revolutionary publicist, Louis Charles Delecluse, also died on the barricades.

The Paris Commune in the works of Courbet

I would especially like to dwell on the role of French artists in the history of the Paris Commune. Thus, Gustave Courbet, as part of the commission, opposed the export of works of art from Paris, became one of the founders and President of the Federation of Parisian Artists, which united four hundred painters under the auspices of the struggle for brotherhood and peace with German soldiers and artists. Having been captured and imprisoned by government troops, in the dungeons he again returned to painting and his canvases began to reflect the atrocities of the Versailles troops and the life in prison of captured Communards.

Where and when is Paris Commune Day celebrated?

This is interesting. Almost a year later, the First International decided that the Day of the Paris Commune should be celebrated as the day of the first attempt of the workers to take power into their own hands and form a new form of the state of the proletariat. And eight years later, the very first procession to the memorial Wall took place at the Père Lachaise cemetery.

This place has since become the site of annual rallies and political events. The Day of the Paris Commune in the history of Russia became a legal holiday only in 1923 as one of the fundamental dates for the International Organization for Assistance to Revolutionary Fighters.

On March 18, 1871, an uprising began in Paris. The revolutionaries seized power in the city, proclaiming the famous Paris Commune. This event became a watershed not only in the history of revolutions, but also in world history as a whole. Exactly 145 years ago - March 26, 1871 - elections to the Paris Commune were held and a revolutionary government was formed. Why did it last only two months?

The war that gave rise to the rebellion

On July 19, 1870, France declared war on Prussia. And already on September 2, Emperor Napoleon III, the son of Napoleon's brother Bonaparte, with an army of 82,000 people surrendered to the Prussians near Sedan. Empress Eugenie left Paris, the previous government collapsed. The hastily organized government of national defense declared war until victory, but every day it lost the reins of government of the country. Almost all French regular troops were either captured or surrounded. The Prussians moved forward freely and already on September 19 besieged Paris - something that only recently seemed unthinkable.

The huge city was cut off from the rest of the country. The food situation in the capital can be judged by the prices formed by the end of the siege - cats cost 20 francs, 3 francs for one rat, 5 francs for a crow. In January 1871, 4,500 people died a week in Paris, compared with 750 in peacetime.

The poor, suffering from the hardships of the war and especially the siege, willingly joined the National Guard, where in September they paid one and a half francs a day, plus 75 centimes for married people, and another 25 centimes for each child. The worker's earnings then amounted to 2.5–3.5 francs per day, for women 1.25–2 francs. The guards themselves chose their company commanders, and they chose their battalion commanders. Committees for the districts of Paris were also elected, and political clubs arose. The deputies demanded the dissolution of the police, freedom of the press and assembly, rationing of rations, the introduction of free secular education, and “the persecution of all traitors and cowards.”

Naturally, small close-knit groups arose among the guards, and the total number of the guard reached 170,000–200,000 people, which increasingly frightened the authorities. Although the author of the expression “A rifle gives birth to power” had not yet been born, the government was aware of the danger of introducing troops that did not obey it into battle - whether the guards would win or lose, the real armed force They will be the ones in the country. Cries of “Long live the Commune!” were heard more and more often. - a hint at the events of 1792, when the city was ruled by a revolutionary commune.

Edouard Manet. Civil War

Adding gasoline to the fire was the fact that by this time France had been rocked by revolutions, uprisings and counter-revolutions with grim regularity for over 80 years. Therefore, all the characters in the drama perfectly remembered who, when, to whom and on what callus they stepped on. The victims of previous skirmishes stood in the way of any compromise between sworn enemies experienced in political struggle. There was even less unity among the opponents of the regime of unity - supporters of Proudhon, Blanqui, Bakunin, and neo-Jacobins, at every opportunity, willingly found out which of them was more right.

As a result, on January 28, 1871, after unsuccessful attempts to break the siege, the government agreed to a truce with Prussia. On February 26, a peace was concluded, according to which France lost the provinces of Alsace and Lorraine and paid an indemnity of 5 billion francs. The Parisian forts and garrison were also to be disarmed. The National Assembly decided to move away from the “rebellious pavements” of Paris - to Versailles. The army capitulated to the Prussians, meekly handing over their weapons - and the national guard took guns and ammunition from the forts to the city. The capital was filled with guards and disarmed soldiers - a total of about half a million people. However, Paris's food supply continued to falter, and chaos grew in all city services.

Birth of the Commune

On March 18, government troops tried to withdraw National Guard guns from Paris. This led to an uprising. Generals Lecomte and Thomas, who fell under the hot hand of the rebels, were shot. Some of the soldiers, tired after the march and hungry, joined the rebel Parisians, the rest fled from the city. The richest sections of the population, police, officials rushed after them... The government took refuge in Versailles. It seemed that his last hours were running out. The government controlled about 25,000–30,000 soldiers against tens, if not hundreds of thousands of armed rebels.

But while the enemy in the form of the government was confused, the extremely motley leadership of the Communards was mired in endless meetings and disputes over the most petty issues. Even the decisive fort of Mont Valerien, which stood empty for more than a day, was not occupied. Fears that the Prussians, “propping up” Paris from the east and north, would interfere in the confrontation between the Communards and the government played a role. In addition, the rebels wanted to avoid another civil war in an already devastated country.

Communards at the toppled statue of Napoleon Bonaparte
http://www.newyorker.com/

Only two weeks later, on April 3, in response to the bombing of Paris that occurred the day before, scattered units of the Communards attempted to attack the positions of the Versaillese. Without a plan, without any experienced commanders, almost without artillery, without any communications or control - even without food. Some of the soldiers did not even take ammunition with them, going for a walk. And many fighters, having gone out on a campaign, simply did not reach their goal. It is not surprising that, having encountered sudden cannon fire from the commanding heights, especially from Mont Valerien, the disorganized detachments of supporters of the Commune were defeated and fled. Precious time was lost. In addition, the most motivated cadres of the rebels died, whose losses they did not have time to compensate for - or were unable to. After the first skirmishes, the Versaillese shot the captured Communards - making it clear what fate awaited the rest.

Map of battles in the city

What predetermined the defeat of the Commune

Why were the Communard Guards, who ruled the city for several weeks, unable to do anything to oppose the government troops? According to the description of the British journalist Frederick Harrison, with 250–300 thousand guardsmen, the combat strength of the troops reached no more than 30–40 thousand. And there were no more than 15–16 thousand fighters in the positions, although even women and children fought - right up to the creation of a women’s battalion.

Although the communards had more than one month to prepare their defense, most of the barricades were built without a single plan, at the very last moment, from a pile of stones and debris about a meter high. At best, they defended themselves with a couple of dozen people, or even five or six fighters. And this is despite the rich experience of Parisians in building barricades and street fighting. Both in 1830 and 1848 the city was already covered with barricades. In the latter case, the number of barricades exceeded one and a half thousand; in three days of fighting, 50 soldiers and 22 municipalities, as well as 289 townspeople, including 14 women, were killed.

Those defending in Paris had the latest equipment - armored trains, balloons, mitrailleuses - the predecessors of machine guns; At night, the approaches were illuminated with spotlights. Gunboats and a floating battery plied along the Seine. However, the commune was sorely lacking in organization and skill. Having more than a thousand (according to some sources, even up to 1700) guns and mitrailleuses, less than a fifth were able to use - the rest, even powerful naval guns, remained in warehouses. Hundreds of thousands of the latest Chasspo rifles and tens of millions of cartridges were also lying there. In the catacombs under the 16th arrondissement alone, the Versaillese found three thousand barrels of gunpowder, millions of cartridges and thousands of shells. Back in October 1870, up to 340,000 guns were distributed, 16 gunpowder factories operated in the city, just one cartridge factory produced up to 100,000 rounds of ammunition per day - and the defending barricades were often fought back with stones and pieces of asphalt.

Captured barricade on Rue Voltaire
wikimedia.org

In a city of two million, the defenders had no food and slept not in houses, but on rain-washed ground, often without blankets or shoes. Finally, having at least one French bank in their hands, the leaders of the Commune could have treasures of approximately 3 billion francs - coins, banknotes, gold bars, deposits... But, fearing devaluation, the bank that financed the government at Versailles was not touched.

On the contrary, the head of Versailles, Adolphe Thiers, using prisoners released after the truce, by mid-May was able to increase the combat strength of his forces to 130,000 people. The soldiers were well fed, clothed, and strictly supervised. Discipline among the troops was restored. Hundreds of guns were brought from the arsenals, including 16–22 cm, while the most common Parisian guns had a caliber of 7 cm. A special train station was even built in Versailles. A thousand shells were allocated per gun, up to 500 per heavy gun. Systematic artillery shelling quickly knocked out best fighters communards.

Denouement and results

In May, the strongholds of the Communards, one after another, passed into the hands of the Versaillese. In response, members of the Commune are intensifying the search for traitors within themselves, including exchanging declarations through the press.

Rue de Rivoli during Bloody Week
wikimedia.org

On May 21, the Versaillese broke into Paris through undefended gates, and the Communards did not even suspect it for several hours. It took less than a day to conquer a third of the city. Government supporters advanced according to all the rules, deploying approximately a division, at least 60 siege guns and more than 20 field guns per kilometer of attack front. Barricades, if the width of the streets allowed, were suppressed by cannon fire. Or even simpler - they walked through courtyards or along neighboring streets, because each block defended itself, without regard to its neighbors. Sappers used dynamite to blow up the walls of houses, creating passages - this technique would become a favorite in future street battles.

The military organization of the Commune completely collapsed. But the leaders of the Commune did not forget to shoot hostages, which embittered the Versaillese even more. As a result, Paris fell during the Bloody Week. On May 29, the last pockets of resistance surrendered. Moreover, Thiers' troops suspected traps and in some cases advanced relatively slowly.

Execution of Archbishop Darbois and other hostages on May 24
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It is interesting that long before the Commune, the capital's prefect, Baron Haussmann, after the sad experience of previous uprisings, “ripped open the belly” of Paris, literally cutting the cramped streets of the old city with wide and straight avenues, making it easier for residents and, if necessary, soldiers to move around.

Fires were now burning in the city, partly started by the retreating Communards. Rumors arose about “kerosene workers” and female arsonists - and any suspicious woman could be shot on the spot. They were shot for military-style boots, for clothes with worn out stripes, for an incorrect look or word... Volleys of firing squads thundered throughout the city. During the Commune, about 3,500 people were arrested, of which 270 were prostitutes. 68 hostages were executed and killed. After the defeat of the Commune, the official number of those arrested exceeded 36,000, the number of various sentences - 10,000. According to the number of funerals paid for by the city authorities after the “bloody week,” about 17,000 people were executed without any trial at all (in some sources - up to 35,000).

There were also attempts at uprisings in the provinces - Lyon, Marseille, Toulouse and even Algeria. But often no one even explained to the residents what kind of red flag was now hanging in the city, and why. The actions of the Communards were isolated and quickly suppressed. The rest of the country had virtually no idea what was going on in the capital, feeding on rumors and propaganda from the Versailles. And the propaganda of the Communards was flowery, but vague.

Georges Clemenceau, mayor of the Montmartre arrondissement of Paris after the September Revolution of 1870, would become prime minister of France twice in the 20th century, as well as the “Father of Victory” of France in the First World War. In the year Clemenceau was elected mayor, another revolutionary was born, who carefully studied the lessons and mistakes of his predecessors. In 1917, his turn would come...

Sources and literature:

1. Eichner Carolyn J. Surmounting the Barricades: Women in the Paris Commune. Indiana University Press, 2004.
2. Harsin Jill Barricades: The War of the Streets in Revolutionary Paris, 1830–1848. Palgrave MacMillan, 2002.
3. Merriman John M. Massacre: The Life and Death of the Paris Commune. Yale University Press, 2014.
4. Lissagaray P. History of the Paris Commune of 1871.
5. Kerzhentsev P. M. History of the Paris Commune of 1871. Sotsekgiz, 1959.

causes and results of the Paris Commune

1. Reasons: Paris Commune of 1871, the first proletarian revolution and the first working class government in history, which existed in Paris for 72 days (March 18-May 28). The uprising of the Parisian proletariat and the emergence of the PK were caused by deep social contradictions within the French. society, the growth of organization and increased consciousness of the working class, the aggravation of the general situation in the country caused by the Franco-Prussian War of 187071. The bankrupt ruling clique led by Napoleon III was unable to organize resistance to the Prussian army and brought the country to the brink of nationalization. disasters. 4 Sep. 1870 Revolution began in Paris.
   Results: The Commune fell. Read more here ru POINT wikipedia POINT org/wiki/RRRRRSRR_RRRRRSRR
2. 
   
   
3. Paris Commune of 1871, the first proletarian revolution and the first government of the working class, which existed in Paris for 72 days (March 18-May 28). The emergence of the Paris Commune of 1871 was a natural historical phenomenon caused by deep social contradictions within French society, which worsened by the end of the 60s. in connection with the completion of the industrial revolution, the growth in the number and organization of the proletariat, and the increase in its class consciousness; at the same time, the Paris Commune of 1871 was the result of the struggle of the French and international working class against capitalist exploitation and the political domination of the bourgeoisie. In France, the first attempt to overthrow the bourgeois system was the June Uprising of 1848. By the end of the 60s. the thought of a revolution that would lead to the destruction of the capitalist system increasingly took possession of the minds of the advanced part of the French proletariat. This was facilitated by the successful struggle of K. Marx and his supporters against petty-bourgeois movements in the 1st International.
   The military leadership was not sufficiently centralized. It was simultaneously in the hands of the Military Commission of the Council of the Commune and the Central Committee of the National Guard.
   2. Being on the territory. France, German troops hostile to the commune.
   3. Lack of financial resources in the commune, and hence the inability to create a combat-ready army.
   4. The rest of France was unable to support the Paris Commune and the center of resistance was only in Paris

Paris Commune(Paris, Commune of) (March 15 - May 26, 1871), rev. production in Paris. Consisted of 92 members who refused to submit to the times, the government of Thiers and the National Assembly of France. The PK, which had no connection with communism, expressed the interests of the petty bourgeoisie and slaves. class. The Communards, suspicious of the royalists and opposed to the truce concluded with Prussia, spoke out in favor of continuing the war and restoring the principles of the First Republic in France. When the victorious German army took up positions on the heights near Paris, the troops, under the terms of the truce, had to remove all the guns from the city. They met fierce resistance from the Parisians, who refused to submit and rebelled. Thiers decided to mercilessly suppress him. For six weeks, Paris was subjected to art. shelling, its center was destroyed. In the beginning. May the city's defenses were broken through, and fierce street battles began. Before surrendering, the Communards killed hostages, incl. Archbishop of Paris. Rules, the troops staged a bloody massacre, shooting more than 20 thousand people, France was split into two camps.

Excellent definition

Incomplete definition ↓

PARIS COMMUNE

strictly speaking, this term refers to two events: this was the name of the body of Parisian city government during the Great French Revolution in 1789-1794, as well as the first government of the working class, which existed from March 18 to May 28, 1871. The term is most often used in relation to the second event. The defeat of the Bonapartists of the Third Republic in the Franco-Prussian War of 1870-1871. led to the uprising of the Parisian proletariat. From March 18 to March 28, the Central Committee of the National Guard, created on March 15, was the provisional government. On March 28, the PK was proclaimed. Two factions were formed in the government: the majority, mainly Blanquists (Sm.) and the minorities, mainly Proudhonists. For the first time in history, P.K. broke the old state apparatus and created a form of dictatorship of the proletariat. P.K. was both legislative and executive body. Instead of the army, the general arming of the people (National Guard) was introduced, the church was separated from the state. A number of measures have been taken to improve the financial situation of the people. She acted in the context of the struggle with the government of A. Thiers, who fled to Versailles. Fear of nationalizing the bank, indecisiveness in carrying out terror inside Paris, passive defense tactics, and underestimation of the importance of connections with the provinces and the peasantry accelerated the fall of P.K.: On May 21, the Versaillese entered Paris, until May 26, the Communards fought on the barricades. The suppression of P.K. was accompanied by rampant terror.

PARIS PEACE CONFERENCE - this term refers to events: a conference of the victorious powers in World War I to develop peace treaties with the defeated countries. Took place from 01/18/1919 to 01/21/1920. and prepared treaties with Germany (Versailles), Austria (Saint Germain), Bulgaria (Neuilly), Hungary (Trienon) and Turkey (Sèvres). The main role was played by Great Britain, France, and the USA. Soviet Russia was not invited. The charter of the League of Nations was also approved. Another P.M.K. took place on July 29-10, 1946, and considered draft peace treaties of the states of the anti-Hitler coalition that won victory in World War II with the former allies of Nazi Germany in Europe - Italy, Bulgaria, Hungary, Romania and Finland. She approved most of the previously prepared articles of peace treaties with these states. On February 10, 1947, peace treaties were signed.

One thousand eight hundred and seventy-one opens a new period world history. It was a year of extraordinary events. It became the boundary between two eras primarily because on March 18 of this year - for the first time in the history of mankind - state power passed, albeit for a short time, into the hands of the most advanced, the only until the end revolutionary class of capitalist society - the proletariat. The commune, created in 1871 by Parisian workers, lasted only 72 days. But its significance for the further liberation struggle of the working class is enormous.

The economic development of capitalist countries and the growth of large-scale industry led to deepening contradictions between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat. The emergence of the Paris Commune was preceded by a long struggle of the French working class against political reaction and capitalist exploitation. Also in June days In 1848, the rebellious workers of Paris put forward the slogan of a “social republic,” which they contrasted with the “republic of capital and privileges.” At the beginning of 1865, the first sections of the International Workers' Association (First International) arose in France; Through their activities, these sections contributed to increasing the class consciousness and organization of the proletariat, its isolation from the bourgeois-democratic movement. The tireless struggle of Marx and his supporters against petty-bourgeois trends in the international labor movement undermined the positions of the Proudhonists, Bakuninists, Lassalleans and other opponents of scientific socialism. The decisions of the International congresses on strikes, trade unions, and political struggle dealt blows to those who tried to distract the working class from its urgent tasks. By the end of the 60s, significant changes had occurred in the labor movement of the most developed capitalist countries. In France, the right-wing Proudhonists were replaced by socialists who took over the leadership of sections of the International. collectivists who recognized the need for political struggle for the social liberation of working people.

The working class became the leading force in the broad republican movement that was unfolding in the country at that time. He was also the main driving force behind the revolution of September 4, 1870, which led to the restoration of the republic in France. The collapse of the Second Empire was accelerated by the Sedan catastrophe (September 2), which showed the country's complete military unpreparedness and the bankruptcy of the rotten Bonapertist regime.

The Franco-Prussian War further intensified the class struggle in France. On the one hand, the war exposed the national betrayal of the French bourgeoisie, which sabotaged the defense of Paris, besieged by German troops. On the other hand, she gave the workers of the capital weapons and prepared them for new battles - against the government of “national treason” that had been created National Assembly, elected February 8, 1871

The difficult conditions of the preliminary peace treaty, which the ruling circles of France agreed to, gave rise to enormous discontent in the country. Concern for the fate of the republican system grew. The majority of the deputies of the National Assembly consisted of monarchists; the army, police, and state apparatus remained in the hands of the worst enemies of the republic and democracy. The government was headed by the ardent reactionary Thiers, whose entire political past testified to his vicious hatred of the masses and democratic freedoms.

To repel the bourgeois-landlord reaction united around the Thiers government, the working class and petty bourgeoisie of Paris created in February-March 1871 a mass political organization - the Republican Federation of the National Guard of the Seine department, which included 215 battalions formed in workers' and other democratic blocks. The central committee of this organization, led by prominent democrats and socialists (among them were members of the International), actually became the embryo of a new people's power that arose from below. In an effort to avoid civil war, the Central Committee adhered to defensive tactics, but the development of events clearly led to an armed conflict.

Patriotic feelings of the masses. were deeply wounded by the difficult conditions of peace and the occupation of Paris by German troops (albeit short-lived, they entered there on March 1 and stayed for three days). The vital material interests of the working class and petty bourgeoisie were seriously affected by the decrees canceling the deferment in repayment of rent arrears that had not been paid during the siege, as well as arrears on commercial bills accrued during the same period. These two decrees, adopted to please big bankers, entrepreneurs and homeowners, caused great discontent among workers, small artisans and small traders, increasing their hatred of the ruling circles and the financiers and “capitulating generals” standing behind them.

The authority of the Thiers government and the National Assembly was falling lower and lower. At the same time, the political influence of the Central Committee of the National Guard increased. A revolutionary situation was developing in the capital, as well as in some other cities.

In an effort to stop further developments, which threatened the transfer of power into the hands of the armed proletariat, the ruling circles decided to disarm the working people of Paris and liquidate their revolutionary organizations.

Uprising of March 18. Proclamation of the Commune

On the night of March 18, 1871, the government moved troops to Montmartre, Belleville and other working-class areas of Paris to take away the guns purchased with workers' funds from the National Guard. With this, according to the plan of the ruling circles, the disarmament of the proletarian suburbs of Paris, which were the main obstacle to restoring the monarchical system and placing the costs of the war on the shoulders of the masses, was supposed to begin. The troops, having occupied the heights of Montmartre and some other areas, captured the cannons and had already begun to transport them to the city center. The National Guardsmen, taken by surprise by the actions of government troops, took up arms and, with the support of the population, including women, fought back attempts to remove the captured guns. The soldiers refused to shoot at the people and arrested two generals (Leconte and Thomas), who were then shot. The Central Committee of the National Guard, moving from defense to offensive, sent battalions from the raoochi quarters to the city center. They occupied the buildings of the police prefecture of a number of ministries, train stations, barracks, city halls of some districts, and late in the evening the town hall, over which they hoisted a red banner. The capital of France was in the hands of the rebel workers.

The Thiers government fled to the former residence of the French kings - Versailles (17-19 km from Paris). The troops were also withdrawn there. The Central Committee of the National Guard became the provisional government of the victorious proletariat and the radical part of the petty bourgeoisie of Paris that joined it.

The majority of the members of the Central Committee of the National Guard were in the grip of peaceful illusions.

Not taking into account the possibility of an armed struggle by the government against revolutionary Paris, the Committee allowed Thiers to withdraw his troops from the capital. Some of the leaders of revolutionary Paris stood for an immediate attack on Versailles, but the Committee did not do this and did not defeat the armed forces of the counter-revolution at a time when they were extremely weak: in these days, the Thiers government had only 27-30 thousand soldiers, and severely demoralized ones. This mistake allowed Thiers' government to recover from the panic and soon strengthen the army.

The Central Committee of the National Guard made another serious mistake. He did not take immediate action against the counter-revolutionary elements who continued their harmful activities in Paris and maintained close connections with Versailles. The Central Committee was fully engaged in preparing elections for the Paris Commune: it considered its primary duty to transfer its powers to a body elected by the entire population of Paris as soon as possible in order to avoid possible reproaches for the illegal seizure of power.

On March 26, elections to the Paris Commune took place. They took place on the basis of universal voting, with great voter turnout. 86 people were elected. On March 28, the Commune was solemnly proclaimed in the square in front of the town hall, where the residents of Paris and one hundred thousand national guards gathered, enthusiastically greeting their elected representatives.

Meanwhile, the Versaillese quickly brought their armed forces into combat readiness. The Thiers government did not hesitate to turn to the enemy of France - the government of the German Empire - for help. Thiers' representatives asked for permission to increase the size of the Versailles army to 80 thousand people and to release French soldiers and officers who were in captivity for this purpose. The German government willingly complied with Thiers' request. Five days after the proclamation of the Commune, the Versaillese began military operations, attacking the advanced positions of the Communards. Civil war was imposed on the proletariat of Paris. From that moment on, he had to defend his revolutionary gains in a stubborn armed struggle against the united forces of the bourgeois counter-revolution.

An extremely unfavorable circumstance for the Paris Commune was that revolutionary Paris did not receive serious help from provincial cities. Between March 19 and 27, uprisings occurred in a number of large industrial centers - Marseille, Lyon, Toulouse, Saint-Etienne, Narbonne, Limoges, Le Creusot - and revolutionary communes were proclaimed. The prominent French socialist Paul Lafargue took an active part in leading the revolutionary movement in Bordeaux. On April 30 in Lyon, during municipal elections, an uprising broke out again. However, the provincial communes did not last long: 3-4 days. In Marseilles alone the Commune existed for 10 days. The lack of a strong connection between individual centers of the revolutionary movement in the province and the serious mistakes of its leaders made it easier for the Versailles government to defeat these uprisings.

An attempt to proclaim a commune was also made in Algiers, where local workers and democrats spoke out, but it failed. At the same time, the Arab population of Algeria raised a national liberation uprising against the oppression of the French colonialists, which took on a wide scale. The Thiers government managed to suppress this movement only at the beginning of 1872.

Composition of the Commune. Its figures

The composition of the Paris Commune personified the militant cooperation of the working class with the advanced layers of the petty bourgeoisie and the progressive part of the intelligentsia; in this case, the leading role was played by representatives of the proletariat. Small traders, artisans, office workers, and leading figures in science, literature, and art sat next to the workers in the Commune. Workers, members of the International - Varlin, Frankel, Serrayer, Duval, Avrial, Theis and other prominent figures of the socialist movement, doctor and engineer Vaillant, artist Courbet, scientist Flourens, teacher Lefrancais, publicists Vermorel, Delecluse, Tridon, Pascal Grousset, writer Jules Valles , revolutionary poets J. B. Clement and Eugene Potier (who later wrote the text of the anthem “Internationale”), student Raoul Rigaud, bank employees Ferret and Jourde - these were the most prominent members of the Paris Commune.

Louis Eugene Varlin, one of the most prominent organizers and leaders of the French sections of the International, enjoyed great popularity and love among the workers of Paris. As a member of the Central Committee of the National Guard, Varlin took an active part in the uprising of March 18, and during the days of the Commune he was a member of its military and financial commissions.

Hungarian worker Leo Frankel, member of the Parisian Federal Council Internationala, later one of the founders of the Hungarian Socialist Party, headed the Labor and Exchange Commission. Frankel was a supporter of Marx and enthusiastically studied his works. He actively participated in the implementation of a number of decrees of the Commune on labor protection for workers and employees.

“I received only one mandate - to defend the interests of the proletariat,” he said at one of the meetings of the Commune.

An outstanding figure of the Commune was Gustave Flourens, a talented scientist and ardent revolutionary, an active fighter against the Bonapartist regime. Marx, who knew Flourens personally, held him in high esteem. On April 3, Flourens was captured by the Versailles and was villainously killed.

Foundry worker Emile Duval, a member of the Federal Council of the Paris Sections of the International, played a prominent role in leading the uprising of March 18th. He died at the very beginning of the existence of the Commune: captured in the days of the first battles at the head of a detachment of Communards, he was shot by the Versaillese.

Along with the proletarian revolutionaries, the leaders of the Commune also included petty-bourgeois democrats. Of these, 62-year-old Charles Delecluse, a participant in the 1848 revolution who was repeatedly arrested and exiled, stood out for his dedication to the cause of the revolution. Despite serious illness, Delescluze remained in his post as a member of the Commune to the end and at one time was its military leader.

The composition of the Paris Commune changed several times. Some members of the Commune were elected simultaneously from several constituencies, and some were elected in absentia (Blanquis). A number of deputies refused to participate in it for political reasons. Some did this in the very first days after the elections, others - during the following days. Among those who resigned were not only extreme reactionaries and moderate liberals, elected by the population of wealthy neighborhoods, but also bourgeois radicals, frightened by the revolutionary socialist character of the new government and the predominance of workers in it. As a result, 31 vacant seats were created in the Commune. On April 16, at the height of the armed struggle with Versailles, by-elections to the Commune were held, as a result of which it was replenished with 17 new members, mainly representatives of the working class.

“Only the workers,” emphasized V.I. Lenin, “remained completely faithful to the Commune... Only the French proletarians supported their government without fear and fatigue, only they fought and died for it, that is, for the cause of the liberation of the working class, for the best future for all workers" ( V. I. Lenin, In Memory of the Commune, Works, vol. 17, p. 112.).

Together with the proletarians of Paris, Polish, Russian, Italian, Hungarian, and Belgian revolutionaries fought courageously for the immortal cause of the Commune. The name of Elizaveta Dmitrieva (Tumanovskaya), who was personally acquainted with Marx and maintained contact with the General Council of the International, became widely known. In addition to her, another Russian socialist, a member of the “Russian section” of the International, Anna Vasilyevna Korvin-Krukovskaya (wife of the French socialist, communard Jacqular), who was elected to the Vigilance Committee of the XVII arrondissement of Paris, took part in the struggle of the communards. The Russian revolutionary populist Pyotr Lavrov, who lived in Paris at that time, was also a supporter of the Commune.

Polish revolutionaries Jaroslaw Dombrowski and Valery Wroblewski, participants in the 1863 uprising, proved themselves to be loyal and talented military leaders of the Commune. Dombrowski commanded one of the three armies of the Commune and was a supporter of active offensive actions against Versailles. Vrublevsky, who commanded another army of the Commune, also showed outstanding military abilities. Among the Poles who fought on the side of the Communards, the Okolovichi brothers were distinguished by their courage, as well as the courageous girl Anna Pustovoitova, who died in the last street battles. Belgian revolutionaries who lived in Paris and joined the Commune formed the volunteer “Belgian Legion”.

The struggle of political currents in the Commune

The activities of the Commune took place in the struggle between various political movements. By the end of April, two groups had finally emerged within the Commune - the “majority” and the “minority”. The “majority” were the so-called “neo-Jacobins”, Blanquists and representatives of some other groups. The “minority” consisted of Proudhonists and petty-bourgeois socialists close to them; The Blanquist Tridon joined the “minority”. There were about 40 members of the International in the Commune; they belonged partly to the “majority”, partly to the “minority”. Clashes occurred between both groups, caused primarily by different understandings of the tasks of the revolution of 1871 and the tactics that the Commune government should adhere to. The “majority” did not see the fundamental difference between the bourgeois revolution of 1789-1794. from the proletarian revolution of 1871 and mistakenly believed that the second was only a continuation of the first. As a result, many members of the “majority” did not attach due importance to social change. But supporters of this group more clearly understood the need to create centralized power and decisively suppress the enemies of the revolution. The “minority” paid great attention to socio-economic reforms, although in implementing them they often showed insufficient determination. Supporters of the “minority” opposed any active actions towards elements hostile to the Commune, condemned the closure of bourgeois newspapers, etc. Both movements understood the character of the Commune as a body of power differently: the “minority” was of the opinion that the Commune is the body of power of one only Paris, the “majority” regarded the Commune as the government of all France. Both movements made mistakes. The French proletariat did not yet have a consistently revolutionary party, and this circumstance had a detrimental effect on the development and outcome of the revolution of 1871.

Fundamental and tactical differences among the members of the Commune emerged at its very first meetings. Subsequently, the struggle became more and more intense. It manifested itself especially sharply at the meetings of April 28, 30 and May 1 when discussing the issue of creating a Committee of Public Safety, endowed with broad powers. The “minority,” which sharply objected to this decree, stated that the formation of such a government body would be a violation of the democratic principles of the March 18 revolution. On May 16, the opposition faction published a declaration in which it protested against the policies of the Committee of Public Safety and declared that it would no longer participate in the meetings of the Commune. In response, some newspapers began demanding that members of the “minority” be arrested and brought to trial, calling them “traitors” and “deserters.” The prosecutor of the Commune, the Blanquist Rigaud, had already prepared arrest warrants for opposition deputies. However, on May 17, many members of the “minority” appeared at the next meeting of the Commune, and the conflict lost its severity. A major role in preventing a split in the Commune was played by the Federal Council of the Paris Sections of the International, which called on the members of the Commune to “make every effort to preserve the unity of the Commune, which is so necessary for a successful struggle against the Versailles government.” The joint struggle against the troops of the Versailles counter-revolution that invaded Paris once again brought together representatives of both groups in the Commune.

Mass revolutionary organizations during the days of the Commune

The Commune relied on mass revolutionary organizations of the working class, in particular on political clubs that met in schools, city halls, and churches. The largest of the Parisian revolutionary clubs of 1871 was the Communal Club of the Third Arrondissement, which even published its own newspaper. Several thousand people gathered at its meetings. "Win or die!" - this was the motto of this club. The clubs discussed various issues of defense and socio-economic policy of the Commune, criticized some of its mistakes and mistakes, and demanded decisive measures.

Along with clubs, sections of the International played an active role (there were about 30 of them).

In implementing many of its decrees and resolutions, the Commune relied on trade unions, cooperatives and other workers' organizations. Vigilance Committees, created back in September 1870 in each of the twenty districts of Paris, as well as legion councils, which united elected representatives from the National Guard battalions, took a great part in social and political life.

The largest of the women's public organizations, which existed during the days of the Commune, was the "Union of Women for the Defense of Paris and the Relief of the Wounded." At the head of this proletarian organization was the Central Committee, led by the socialist worker Nathalie Lemel and several other active figures in the labor movement. Elizaveta Dmitrieva was also a member of the Central Committee of this union.

The Commune did not follow the path of previous bourgeois revolutions, the Commune - a state that preserved the old police-bureaucratic state apparatus intact, but began to demolish the bourgeois state machine, replacing it with a new, truly democratic organization of power.

The first decree of the Commune (March 29) abolished the standing army, based on conscription. It was replaced by a national guard consisting of armed workers and representatives of other democratic circles. The police, which in the bourgeois state were one of the main instruments of oppression of the working people, were replaced by reserve battalions of the National Guard. The principle of election, responsibility and turnover was applied to all civil servants, including members of the Commune (decree of April 2). The Commune adopted a decision according to which the salaries of senior officials were set at an amount not exceeding the wages of a skilled worker (decree of April 2). In this way, the Commune hoped to achieve the destruction of the privileged bureaucracy. Salaries for low-paid employees were increased. As Lenin noted, “without any special complex legislation, the proletariat, which seized power, simply, in fact, carried out the democratization of the social system...” ( )

Having destroyed the police-bureaucratic apparatus of the bourgeois state, the Commune also abandoned bourgeois parliamentarism. It was simultaneously both a legislative and executive body of power. The decrees adopted at the meetings of the Commune were then implemented by bodies and institutions led by one or another of the nine commissions created by the Commune - military, finance, justice, internal affairs and public security, external relations, labor and exchange, public services (post office, telegraph, communications, etc.), education, food. The highest body of the Commune was the Executive Commission, which consisted (from April 20) of the leaders (“delegates”) of all nine special commissions. On May 1, due to the deterioration of the situation at the front, the Executive Commission was replaced by the Committee of Public Safety, consisting of five members of the Commune, vested with emergency powers. At the head of each of the 20 districts of Paris was a municipal commission (otherwise known as the district mayor's office), which worked under the leadership of members of the Commune elected from the given district.

The working class of Paris brought forward many talented organizers and statesmen. In the most difficult conditions, with the sabotage of higher and middle officials, the work of a number of government and municipal institutions, reorganized by the Commune in accordance with tasks and goals fundamentally different from the tasks and goals of the bourgeois state. Member of the Commune Albert Theis, one of the leaders of the Paris sections of the International, proved himself to be an outstanding organizer as head of the Paris Post Office. The printing worker and socialist Jean Alleman acted with great courage and initiative, under whose leadership decisive measures were taken in the V arrondissement against elements hostile to the Commune, including representatives of the clergy. Good administrators turned out to be members of the International Combo and Faye, placed by the Commune at the head of the administration of indirect taxes, as well as a member of the International, bronze worker Camelina, appointed director of the Mint (he died in 1932 as a member of the French Communist Party).

Socio-economic policy of the Commune

The social and economic policy of the Commune was imbued with the desire to improve the situation of large sections of the population and achieve the economic liberation of the working people. The socialist tendency was clearly manifested in many of the decrees of the Commune.

The Commune decided (decree of April 16) to transfer to workers' production partnerships the factories and workshops abandoned by entrepreneurs who fled Paris after the uprising of March 18. This first step towards the expropriation of the capitalists was still rather timid: the decree provided for payment to them monetary reward in case of their return to Paris. Somewhat later (at a meeting of the Commune on May 4), a proposal was made to extend the decree to all large enterprises, but this proposal was not accepted. Of great fundamental importance was the establishment of state and workers' control over production at some large enterprises, for example in the Louvre arms workshops, where a council of elected representatives of workers and employees was created under the director. The Commune prohibited the collection of illegal fines and arbitrary deductions from the wages of workers and employees (decree of April 27), abolished night work in bakeries (decree of April 20), took practical steps to provide for the unemployed, established a mandatory minimum wage for male and female workers, busy fulfilling the orders of the Commune (decree of May 13).

In order to satisfy the urgent needs of the working people, the Commune issued a decree on the requisition of all empty apartments and their settlement by residents of the working outskirts that were subject to artillery shelling (decree of April 25). It was decided to return free of charge from the pawnshop about 800 thousand items pawned by the poor, worth up to 20 francs each (decree of May 6). A great relief for the working masses was the exemption from rent for a period of 9 months, starting in October 1870 (decree of March 29). In the interests of small entrepreneurs and small traders, the Commune extended payments on all types of debt obligations over three years without interest and suspended prosecutions for non-payment of such obligations (decree of April 16). The Commune carried out a number of reforms in the field of education and culture. Having issued a decree (dated April 3) on the separation of church and state, the Commune launched a struggle against the influence of the Catholic clergy in schools and began to replace monks with secular teachers. Teachers' salaries were increased, free and compulsory education in primary schools was introduced, and the first vocational school in France was organized. The Commune put forward the principle of “comprehensive education”, the essence of which was to combine the study of the fundamentals of science with training in a craft. A reorganization of museums and libraries was undertaken, and a decree was issued (May 20) on the transfer of theaters from the hands of private entrepreneurs to groups of artists, theater employees and workers.

In her memoirs, the heroic participant of the Commune, Louise Michel, wrote: “People wanted to embrace everything at once: arts, sciences, literature, discoveries... Life was in full swing. Everyone was in a hurry to escape from the old world.”

The Commune failed to implement most of the planned reforms. But what she did clearly revealed, despite the erroneous theories and ideological delusions of a significant part of the leaders, the revolutionary instinct of the working class.

At the same time, the Commune made a number of serious mistakes that accelerated its fall. The largest of them was the refusal to confiscate money and other valuables stored in the French Bank (totalling up to 3 billion francs). Appointed by the Commune as a delegate (commissioner) of the bank, the Proudhonist Belais strongly objected to violent actions against the property of the bourgeoisie. He was also supported by other Proudhonists - members of the Finance Commission. The wealth of the French Bank, so necessary for the needs of the revolution, was widely used by the Versailles counter-revolution through the provincial branches of the bank.

A significant mistake of the Commune was the underestimation by its leaders of the need for a merciless fight against the enemies of the revolution, against counter-revolutionary agitation in the press, against espionage and sabotage. The Commune banned about 30 reactionary newspapers, but their printing houses were not sealed, and some banned newspapers continued to be published under other names. To stop the mass executions of prisoners by the Versaillese, the Commune issued a decree on hostages on April 5, on the basis of which more than 200 reactionaries were arrested. But in the conditions of the civil war, these measures were insufficient.

The Commune made only weak attempts to establish contact with the peasant masses. Most of its leaders underestimated the role of the peasantry in the revolution and did not understand that without an alliance with the peasantry, the proletariat cannot retain the power it has won.

However, communication with the peasantry was extremely difficult for revolutionary Paris. The Versailles people set up a blockade around Paris to prevent the Commune from communicating with the provinces. The Thiers government and its local henchmen used all means to denigrate the communards in the eyes of the peasants. Only in a few rural areas did peasant demonstrations take place under red banners in solidarity with the Parisian communards.

International situation of the Commune

One of the activities of the Commune, which aimed to establish a connection between revolutionary Paris and the working strata of the countryside, was the publication of leaflets in the amount of 100 thousand copies for distribution in rural areas. This appeal, composed in early April by the socialist writer André Leo, vividly described the plight of the working peasantry and set out the program of socio-economic reforms outlined by the Commune (reduction of taxes levied on small landowners and tax exemption for the poor, elective rural administration, etc.) .d.). The appeal ended with the following lines: “Paris wants... land for the peasants, tools for the workers, work for everyone... The fruits of the land for those who cultivate it.”

The Commune was, as Marx put it, “the true representative of all healthy elements of French society...” ( K. Marx. Civil War in France, K. Marx, F. Engels, Selected Works, vol. I, M., 1955, p. 484.). At the same time, the Commune also had a deeply international significance: its slogan was the struggle for the liberation of the working people of all countries from capitalist exploitation.

As a sign of its love of peace, its deep disgust for militarism, for the aggressive foreign policy of the ruling classes, the Commune destroyed the column erected on Place Vendôme in memory of the victories of Napoleon I, and renamed this square Internationale.

The Paris Commune sought to establish normal relations with other states. To this end, the delegate (commissioner) of external relations of the Commune, Pascal Grousset, sent out on April 5 official notice of the formation of the Paris Commune and its intention to maintain good neighborly relations with all states to the diplomatic representatives of foreign powers. Most diplomats refused to accept this appeal. Almost all of them moved to Versailles and took an extremely hostile position towards the Commune.

The active support of the Versailles government by German militarists played a major role in the defeat of the Paris Commune. Having received news of the events of March 18, Bismarck offered the Thiers government direct assistance from the German occupation forces to suppress the revolution in Paris. The Prussian Junkers and the German bourgeoisie feared that the events in Paris would have a revolutionaryizing influence on the German labor movement. The ruling circles of the German Empire also feared that the new government formed in Paris would refuse to comply with the terms of the preliminary peace treaty concluded in February 1871 and resume the war with Germany.

Already on March 22, the Central Committee of the National Guard assured in writing the command of the 3rd Corps of the German Army, stationed in the vicinity of Paris, that the revolution of March 18 was “by no means directed against German troops” and that the Communards were not going to revise the preliminary conditions of the peace treaty adopted by the National Assembly. In an effort to protect revolutionary Paris from possible German intervention, the Commune expressed its readiness to pay Germany 500 million francs. as a first installment towards the indemnity, but demanded that the German government maintain neutrality in the struggle between Versailles and Paris.

Negotiations on this issue, which were conducted on April 26 by the military delegate of the Cluseret Commune with the German diplomat von Holstein, did not lead to successful results. Bismarck wanted to use these negotiations mainly to put pressure on Thiers and speed up the signing of the final peace treaty on the difficult conditions that were imposed on France. On May 10, 1871, a peace treaty was signed in Frankfurt am Main, and from that moment on, the cooperation of the German occupiers with the Versailles counter-revolution, directed against the Communards of Paris, became even closer. The big bourgeoisie of France, having betrayed the national interests of their country, entered into a conspiracy with the German invaders against their own people.

The ruling circles of other powers also took a hostile position towards the Paris Commune. Government Tsarist Russia contributed to the organization of police surveillance of leaders of the Commune and the International. United States Minister Washburn remained in Paris. He hypocritically declared to the leaders of the Commune his sympathy for their political program. At the same time, in his reports to Washington, Washburn did not hide his sharply negative attitude towards the Commune and its activities. In the most critical days of the Commune's existence, the American envoy misled the Communards with the assurance that, as a result of his petition, the German occupation authorities agreed to let Communard detachments pass through the lines of German troops. Believing these false promises, groups of Commune fighters headed to German outposts, but there most of the Communards were detained and handed over to the Versailles. The General Council of the International, in a special address written by Marx, exposed the treacherous behavior of the United States envoy. A ring of blockade created by international reaction closed around the Commune.

Solidarity of the international proletariat with the Paris Communards

The revolution of March 18 and the proclamation of the Paris Commune caused a wide wave of international solidarity between the working people and the heroic proletarians of Paris. The General Council of the International, led by Marx, and its sections in Germany, England, Belgium, Switzerland, the United States and some other countries expressed sympathy for the Paris Commune and declared that the entire international proletariat was interested in the victorious outcome of its struggle. In September 1870 (in the appeal of the General Council on the Franco-Prussian War), Marx warned the French workers and their leaders against premature action and pointed out that it would be “desperate madness.” However, in March 1871, when the uprising of the proletariat in Paris became a fact, Marx warmly supported it. In a letter dated April 12 to the German socialist Kugelmann, he wrote with admiration about the Communards as people ready to “storm the sky.” “What flexibility, what historical initiative, what capacity for self-sacrifice these Parisians have!..,” Marx noted. “History has never known an example of such heroism!” ( Marx to L. Kugelman, April 12, 1871, K. Marx, F. Engels, Selected Letters, M., 1953, p. 263.) Pointing out the mistakes made by the leaders of the Commune, Marx at the same time emphasized its greatest historical significance: “Be that as it may, the current Parisian uprising, even if it is suppressed by wolves, pigs and sneaky dogs old society - is the most glorious feat of our party since the June uprising" ( Marx to L. Kugelman, April 12, 1871, K. Marx, F. Engels, Selected Letters, p. 263.). In another letter to Kugelman, Marx noted: “The struggle of the working class against the capitalist class and the state representing its interests has entered a new phase thanks to the Paris Commune. No matter how the matter ends directly this time, a new starting point of world-historical importance has nevertheless been achieved" ( Marks-L. Kugelman, April 17, 1871, E. Marx, F. Engels, Selected Letters, p.264.).

In letters and oral instructions sent to Paris through faithful people, Marx gave advice and instructions to the leaders of the Commune, answered their requests, explained their mistakes, and gave them a number of warnings. In a letter dated May 13 to Frankel and Varlin, he reported important details about the conspiracy of Bismarck with Thiers and Favre against the Commune and warned the Communards that now the German government “will provide Versailles! all kinds of relief to speed up the capture of Paris.” “The Commune spends, in my opinion, too much time on trifles and personal scores,” Marx pointed out in the same letter. “It is clear that along with the influence of the workers there are other influences. However, this would not matter if you managed to catch up Lost time» ( Marks-L. Frankel and L.-E. To Varlen, May 13, 1871, Selected Letters, p. 265.). The General Council condemned the treacherous behavior of the French socialist Tholen, who went over to the side of the Versailles people, and approved the decision of the Paris Federal Council to expel him from the International.

On Marx's initiative, the General Council sent, through its corresponding secretaries, several hundred letters to all countries where sections of the International existed; in these letters, written by Marx, the true essence of the revolution taking place in Paris was explained. The General Council, at its meetings in March, April and May 1871, repeatedly discussed the situation in Paris and outlined ways to provide assistance to the communards.

In Lenin’s figurative expression, Marx, while in exile in London, experienced the events of the Commune “as a participant in the mass struggle”, “with all his characteristic ardor and passion” ( V. I. Lenin, Preface to the Russian translation of K. Marx’s letters to L. Kugelman, Works, vol. 12, p. 88.).

In the days of the Commune, the behavior of the leading part of the German proletariat was truly internationalist. Its leaders August Bebel and Wilhelm Liebknecht openly declared their solidarity with the Paris Commune from the Reichstag rostrum and in the central organ of the German Social Democratic Party, the Volksstatt (People's State) newspaper. They emphasized the enormous importance of the struggle of the Commune for the liberation movement of the entire international proletariat, exposed the aggressive policy of the ruling classes in Germany, and their conspiracy with the Versailles counter-revolution. In March-May 1871, meetings of workers were held in Berlin, Hamburg, Dresden, Chemnitz, Hanover, Munich and many other German cities, declaring their solidarity with the Paris Communards. Bebel’s courageous speech in the Reichstag on May 25, 1871 made a great impression not only in Germany, but throughout Europe, in which he expressed confidence that in the near future the liberation slogans of the Paris Communards would become the battle cry of the entire European proletariat.

The Paris Commune was greeted as a “republic of proletarians” by members of the Russian section of the International. The Bulgarian socialist Hristo Botev expressed his admiration for the heroic struggle of the Paris communards. The Serbian revolutionary democrat Svetozar Markovic dedicated a number of remarkable articles to her. Participants in a public meeting in London's Hyde Park on April 16 sent a message of welcome to the Commune. The outstanding Italian democratic revolutionary Garibaldi, who was elected commander of the Paris National Guard in absentia, was sympathetic to the struggle of the Parisian communards. The prominent English publicist and scientist Beazlp, defending the cause of the Commune, wrote in the Beehive newspaper: “Workers of all countries can be proud of the brilliant qualities shown by their Parisian brothers: their courage, patience, order, discipline, ingenuity, intelligence - truly amazing." Another progressive English publicist Fr. Garrison published an article in which he predicted that "the principles of the Commune will sweep through Europe and ultimately transform the entire foundations of society." The American radical publicist Linton, refuting the slanderous fabrications of the reactionary press about the Commune, wrote: “It was an uprising of the working class against long-term blatant usurpation of power.”

In Russia at that time there was no independent political movement working class. Therefore, sympathetic responses to the Commune in Russia came primarily from the revolutionary-democratic intelligentsia. One of its representatives, revolutionary student Nikolai Goncharov, compiled leaflets (called “The Gallows”), in which he called on “all honest people” to support the cause of the Commune and proved its global significance. N. A. Nekrasov dedicated a moving poem to the heroes of the Commune, “The honest ones who fell valiantly fell silent...” Gleb Uspensky angrily condemned the executioners of the Commune in his essay “Sick Conscience.”

The period of peaceful existence of the Commune did not last long. Already on April 2, Versailles troops attacked the advanced positions of the Communards located on the outskirts of Paris.

The course of the armed struggle between the Communards and the Versaillese

This attack came as a surprise to the Commune, among whose members there was a prevailing belief that civil war could be avoided.

The Versailles attack caused great outrage in Paris. On April 3, troops of the National Guard moved to Versailles in three separate columns. The campaign, however, was undertaken without sufficient preparation. Many soldiers did not have weapons, very few guns were taken - they believed that the Versailles soldiers would not offer serious resistance. These calculations did not come true. One of the columns came under deadly fire from Fort Mont Valerien, which remained in the hands of government troops even after March 18. Another column came quite close to Versailles, but soon retreated with heavy losses. On April 4, the advance of other Communard detachments also stopped. After this failure, the military department of the Commune, led by Cluseret, switched to passive defense tactics.

At the beginning of April, the National Guard was reorganized. Numerous volunteer detachments began to be created: “Avengers of Paris”, “Avengers of Flourens”, “Free Shooters of the Revolution”, etc. However, the significant military resources (especially artillery pieces) that the command of the Commune had at its disposal were far from sufficiently used. There were too many military bodies, and they often interfered with each other. Military courts, created to fight for raising discipline, acted too softly. Negative consequences there was also a shortage of military specialists; only a few career officers went over to the side of the Commune. Among its officers were secret accomplices of Versailles, whose actions undermined the combat effectiveness of the armed forces of the Commune.

Despite these unfavorable conditions, the federates - as the national guards of the Commune were called - fought with genuine revolutionary heroism. The artillerymen at the Mayo outpost, the fighters at the Tern outpost, and the defenders of Fort Issi were especially famous for their military courage. Women did not lag behind men, teenagers - from adults. Even the enemies of the Commune were forced to admit that the Versailles people were dealing with a brave enemy.

On April 6, Marshal MacMahon was appointed commander-in-chief of the Versailles army, and General Vinois was placed at the head of the reserve corps. On April 9, the Versailles first subjected Paris to artillery fire, which - apart from a one-day truce on April 25 - did not stop until the very end of the fighting.

IN last days In April, victory definitely began to lean towards the side of the Versailles army, which by that time numbered more than 100 thousand people; in the troops of the Commune there were only 35-40 thousand people (according to other sources - about 60 thousand). Overcoming the stubborn resistance of the federates, the Versaillese moved forward in all sectors. On April 30, Fort Issy (on the southern front) was abandoned by its defenders, but a few hours later the Communards reoccupied it.

Due to the general deterioration of the situation at the front, dissatisfaction with the tactics of the military delegate Cluseret increased, he was removed and arrested (the Commune subsequently tried him, but acquitted him). His place was taken by a young career officer, Colonel of the Engineering Troops Rossel.

Rossel's first actions aimed at raising discipline were distinguished by great determination. But the project he put forward to reorganize the national guard by replacing the legions with regiments and transferring them to barracks status met with sharp opposition from the Central Committee, whose members suspected Rossel of striving for a one-man dictatorship. Meanwhile, the situation at the front was getting worse and worse. On May 9, the Versaillese, having fired at Fort Issy with several hundred guns, captured it.

"May Bloody Week" Death of the Commune

The fall of this important Communard stronghold caused great excitement in Paris. Rossel published a statement in the newspapers in which he revealed the weaknesses of the Commune, accused members of the Central Committee of the National Guard of disrupting measures to strengthen the defenses of Paris and asked to be relieved of his duties as a military delegate. The publication of this letter caused considerable damage to the Commune, as it opened the enemy's eyes to the weakness of its military apparatus. By order of the Commune, Rossel was arrested and taken to the town hall, from where he soon fled. Rossel was subsequently arrested by the Versaillese, court-martialed and shot.

Rossel's place was taken by Delecluse, one of the most devoted leaders of the Commune, who, however, did not have military knowledge. The Versaillese advance continued. On May 13, Fort Vanves was captured. A fierce artillery bombardment destroyed a significant part of the fortress wall of Paris. On May 20, the Versailles command scheduled a general assault on the city.

On May 21, Versailles troops entered Paris through the dilapidated gates of Saint-Cloud. On the night of May 22, detachments (bel Commune of the Versailles army broke through other gates. Soon there were already about 100 thousand Versailles in Paris. Despite the enormous numerical and technical superiority of the Versailles troops, the Parisian proletariat offered them stubborn resistance. With feverish speed in the streets Over 500 barricades were erected in the capital; women and children participated in their construction.

On May 24, the Commune had to leave the town hall and move to the mayor's office of the XI arrondissement. By the evening of this day, the federates were driven out of all the bourgeois districts of the city, and the struggle moved to Belleville, Menilmontant and other proletarian areas. Here the Versaillese met fierce resistance from everyone capable of holding weapons in their hands. On Place Jeanne d'Arc, several thousand communards under the leadership of Vrublevsky successfully repulsed the attacks of an entire corps of the Versailles army for 36 hours and even went on the offensive themselves; however, under pressure from superior enemy forces, Vrublevsky's detachment had to retreat. On May 25, the entire left bank of the Seine fell into the hands of Versailles; by the end of this day they owned most of Paris. The Commune moved to the mayor's office of the XX arrondissement. On May 26, the Versailles, breaking the resistance of the Communards, occupied the Saint-Antoine suburb. On the 27th, after bloody battles, the heights of Belleville and Chaumont were taken. On the same day There was a fierce battle in the Père Lachaise cemetery: here they fought at almost every monument, every grave, the captured Communards were placed against the wall and every single one was shot.On May 28, the Versailles captured the last barricade of the Commune on the Rue Ramponeau.

Thus, after more than two months of heroic struggle, which amazed the whole world, the Paris Commune fell. In the May battles, many prominent figures of the Commune died, who courageously fought the enemy until the last minute. Among them were Delecluse and Dombrovsky. Varlen, arrested on May 28, was shot after brutal abuse. Vermorel, seriously wounded at one of the barricades, died in the Versailles prison hospital.

Seven days of street fighting in Paris in 1871 went down in French history as the “Bloody Week of May.” The Versailles military clique worked during these scary days unheard of brutal reprisal over the working people of Paris. After painful torture, they killed not only the leaders of the Commune, not only its fighters, but also civilians who were considered its supporters. “To find anything similar to the behavior of Thiers and his bloody dogs,” wrote Marx, “one must go back to the times of Sulla and both Roman triumvirates. The same cold-blooded mass beating of people; the same indifferent attitude of executioners to the gender and age of the victims; the same system of torture of prisoners; the same persecution, only this time against an entire class; the same wild persecution of the hidden leaders, so that none of them would escape; the same denunciations of political and personal enemies; the same indifferent beating of people completely uninvolved in the struggle. The only difference is that the Romans did not have mitrailleuses to shoot prisoners in crowds, that they did not have “the law in the hands”, and the word “civilization” on their lips” ( K. Marx, The French Civil War, K. Marx, F. Engels, Selected Works, vol. I, p. 494.).

The streets, squares and squares of Paris were littered with the corpses of those executed. They were hastily buried in pits along with those who still had life in them.

Over 30 thousand were shot and tortured - this was the bloody result of the crimes of the Versailles military committed in Paris in the May days of 1871.

Together with 50 thousand prisoners in prison, exiled to hard labor, sentenced to death penalty and several thousand who fled abroad from police persecution, Paris lost about 100 thousand of its best sons and daughters - mainly workers. Military courts continued to sit until 1875.

Lessons and historical significance of the Paris Commune

Even during the struggle of the Commune, Marx, in the proclamation he wrote, gave a deep and comprehensive analysis of its historical significance. This appeal, unanimously adopted at a meeting of the General Council of the International on May 30, 1871 and then published under the title “The Civil War in France,” is one of the most remarkable works of Marxist literature. The Commune, Marx emphasized, was the first “government of the working class,” the first experience of the dictatorship of the proletariat. It was precisely this form of political organization of society that Marx, taking into account the experience of the revolution of 1871, recognized as the most appropriate for the period of transition from capitalism to socialism. “The Paris of the workers with its Commune,” Marx predicted, “will always be celebrated as the glorious harbinger of a new society. His martyrs are forever etched in the great heart of the working class. History has already nailed his executioners to that pillory from which all the prayers of their priests will not be able to free them" ( K. Marx, The French Civil War, K. Marx, F. Engels, Selected Works, vol. I, pp. 499-500.).

The Paris Commune had a huge influence not only on its contemporary, but also on the subsequent international labor movement. The experience of the Commune enriched the revolutionary theory of Marx and Engels. He encouraged them to make a significant amendment to the Communist Manifesto. In the preface to the new German edition of the Manifesto (1872), Marx and Engels wrote: “In particular, the Commune proved that “the working class cannot simply take possession of a ready-made state machine and put it to use for its own purposes”” ( K. Marx and F. Engels, Manifesto of the Communist Party, M., 1958, p. 6.). As V.I. Lenin later emphasized: “Marx’s thought is that the working class must smash, break the “ready-made state machine,” and not limit itself to simply seizing it” ( V. I. Lenin, State and Revolution, Works, vol. 25, p. 386.).

The heroic struggle of the Parisian workers was unsuccessful. The French working class did not then have its own Marxist party; he did not receive support from the peasantry, which, as in 1848, turned out to be a reserve of the bourgeoisie. The mistakes and blunders that the Commune made both in military matters and in socio-economic policy accelerated its death. But, as Lenin pointed out, “for all its mistakes, the Commune is the greatest example of the greatest proletarian movement of the 19th century” ( V. I. Lenin, Lessons of the Commune, Works, vol. 13, p. 438.).

The First International after the Commune

The Paris Commune had a profound impact on broad sections of the international proletariat and served as a powerful impetus for the intensification of revolutionary socialist propaganda. The popularity of the International among the working masses of various countries has increased noticeably.

International reaction responded to the growing authority of the International by sharply intensifying the struggle against it. The courageous defense of the cause of the Commune by the General Council and sections of the International, the fiery propaganda of the ideas of proletarian internationalism in the appeals written by Marx, his concern for the refugees of the Commune - all this gave the reaction food for the fierce persecution of the socialists. Police and judicial persecution made it difficult and even impossible for sections to operate legally in France and some other countries.

Government repression was not the only danger that threatened the International Workers' Association. In the difficult situation that developed after the defeat of the Commune, the anarchist tactics of the Bakuninists and their subversive activities within the International brought enormous harm to the labor movement.

An important milestone in the struggle against Bakunism was the London Conference of the International, held in September 1871. This conference, in which Marx and Engels actively participated, played an outstanding role in the history of the international labor movement. In its resolution on political activity working class, the importance of creating proletarian parties in individual countries was emphasized.

“...Against the collective power of the propertied classes,” said one of the resolutions of the London Conference, “the proletariat can act as a class only by organizing itself in political party, different from all the old parties formed by the propertied classes and opposed to them... The organization of the working class into a political party is necessary in order to ensure the victory of the social revolution and its ultimate goal - the destruction of classes."

The Hague Congress of the International, which met in September 1872, confirmed the decision of the London Conference on the political activity of the working class and expanded the powers of the General Council, giving it the right to exclude, if necessary, individual sections and federations from the International. By a majority vote, the congress expelled Bakunin and another prominent representative of anarchism, James Guillaume, from the International for their subversive actions.

On the initiative of Marx and Engels, the Congress decided to move the seat of the General Council to New York. This decision was made under the influence of a number of circumstances. The further activities of the General Council in Europe in the conditions of fierce persecution of the International by reactionary forces encountered many obstacles. The work of the General Council was also hampered by the machinations of the Bakuninist anarchists and the conciliatory actions of the right-wing leaders of the English trade unions.

However, in the future, the connections of the General Council, located in the United States, with the European labor movement became more and more difficult and its activity gradually weakened. In July 1876, the conference of the International in Philadelphia adopted a resolution to dissolve it.

The First International fulfilled the historical task set before it with honor. With his struggle to improve the situation of the working masses, against petty-bourgeois sectarianism, anarchism and opportunism, with his decisions on the forms and methods of the class struggle of the proletariat, with his speeches against aggressive wars, for peace between peoples, for the brotherhood of the working people of all countries, he laid the foundation of an international proletarian organization.