Zyuganov Gennady Andreevich biography of his children. The secret life of Zyuganov

198th place

Gennady Zyuganov was born on June 26, 1944 into a teacher’s family in the village of Mymrino (about 100 km from Orel). According to Zyuganov himself, he was born premature - seven months old, “like Churchill.”

Graduated from Mymrinskaya with a silver medal high school Khotynetsky district, Oryol region.

1961-1962 - teacher of mathematics, physical education and military training schools with Mymrino (Oryol region).

1962-1963 and 1966-1969 - student at the Oryol Pedagogical Institute (OrPI).

1963-1966 - served in the Armed Forces in radiation and chemical reconnaissance units in Belarus, Chelyabinsk region. and the Group Soviet troops in Germany. Deputy platoon commander (Chelyabinsk region, 1966). He doesn’t want such service for anyone: “Out of the three years that I served, one year was spent wearing a gas mask.” Almost died at a chemical test site when a gas mask valve malfunctioned.

In 1966 he joined the CPSU.

1969-1970 - assistant, teacher of the Department of Mathematical Analysis, Faculty of Physics and Mathematics, OrPI.
Chairman of the trade union committee of the institute (1967-1968), secretary of the Komsomol committee of the institute (1968-1970).

1970-1971 - head of the department of propaganda and agitation, first secretary of the Factory district committee of the Komsomol (Orel), first secretary of the Oryol city committee of the Komsomol.

1972-1974 - First Secretary of the Oryol Regional Committee of the Komsomol.

People's Deputy of the Oryol Regional and City Councils of People's Deputies (1970-1978). Chairman of the Regional Council Commission on Work with Youth.

1974 - secretary,
1974-1978 - Second Secretary of the Oryol City Committee of the CPSU.

1978-1980 - student of the main department of the Academy social sciences at the Central Committee of the CPSU and graduate school of the AON.

In 1980 he defended his PhD thesis on the topic “The main directions of planned development of a socialist urban way of life (using the example of large cities).” Candidate of Philosophical Sciences.

1980-1983 - Head of the Department of Propaganda and Agitation of the Oryol Regional Committee of the CPSU.

Simultaneously:

1974-1978 - teacher higher mathematics,
1981-1983 - teacher of philosophy at the Oryol Pedagogical Institute.

1983-1989 - instructor, responsible organizer, head of the sector of the Department of Propaganda and Agitation of the CPSU Central Committee (hereinafter - Moscow). Oversaw Moscow, the Moscow region, the North Caucasus, the Baltic states, and Central Asia.

1989-1990 - Deputy Head of the Ideological Department (Head - Alexander Yakovlev).

From June 1990 to August 1991 - member of the Politburo, secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the RSFSR. Chairman of the Standing Commission of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the RSFSR on humanitarian and ideological problems. Oversaw ideological issues and relations with socio-political organizations.
“The leadership of the Central Committee urgently began to play the Russian card: the go-ahead was given for the formation of a separate republican Communist Party. The Secretary of the Central Committee, Yegor Kuzmich Ligachev, personally took up this issue, and the first secretary of the Krasnodar regional committee, Ivan Kuzmich Polozkov, was nominated as the leader. All this fuss created a lot of new seats, which G. Zyuganov did not fail to take advantage of.<...>And from this hill, in the best traditions of Bolshevism, he began to speak out against his former superiors. First of all, against the semi-disgraced A. Yakovlev. Both safe and noticeable! Then he threw more than one lump of dirt at M. Gorbachev” (magazine “Delo”, Samara, July 15, 1997).

At the beginning of 1991, he advocated the release of Mikhail Gorbachev from the post of General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee. Gorbachev did not pay attention to Zyuganov’s attacks.

In the spring of 1991, he spoke in print criticizing the reformist-democratic wing of the CPSU: “An Architect at the Ruins” - an open letter former member Politburo, Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee, Senior Advisor to the President of the USSR Alexander Yakovlev. The letter, although addressed to Yakovlev, was perceived as another attack on Gorbachev.

From the very beginning of his opposition career, Zyuganov was driven by the desire to create and lead an association of parties with a patriotic orientation (initially, an association within the framework and under the auspices of the CPSU or the Communist Party of the RSFSR).
He began by organizing in February 1991 the conference “For a Great, united Russia!", at which the Coordination Council of Patriotic Movements was created. Zyuganov became a member of the Constitutional Court. The activities of the Constitutional Court quickly came to naught.
In January 1992, Zyuganov tried again, creating the Council of People's Patriotic Forces of Russia. Then everything went more successfully, and he was elected chairman of the Coordination Council, but the life of this Coordination Council was also short-lived. Zyuganov, who had no authority among patriots, could not lay claim to a leadership role.
In the winter and spring of 1995, he again conducted unsuccessful negotiations on the creation of a coalition of “patriotic statesmen.” But nothing came of it. Mainly due to the ambitions of the leaders of other parties.
Zyuganov managed to form and lead a somewhat stable association only in August 1996, having proven his worth three times in the Duma and presidential elections. But this created People’s Patriotic Union of Russia existed exactly until next elections to the State Duma of the third convocation (1999): during the formation of the election coalition, the organizations included in the NPSR quarreled.
But all this will happen later, but for now it’s 1991 and Zyuganov is looking for his leading place in the opposition movement.

In the summer of 1991 - one of the signatories of the "Word to the People" - a manifesto of the opposition to perestroika, the ideological justification for the GKChP putsch, published in " Soviet Russia"July 23, 1991
On August 19-21, 1991, during the putsch, he was on vacation in Kislovodsk. He believes that the demands of the members of the State Emergency Committee were correct and legal, but they made too many mistakes. For example, it was not at all necessary to bring tanks into Moscow.
In the fall of 1991, he was one of the initiators of an appeal to the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation regarding the legality of the ban on the activities of the CPSU and the Communist Party of the RSFSR on the territory of Russia.

1991-1993 - head of the group for analysis and forecast of socio-political development of Russia, foreign policy And international relations With European countries Institute of European Humanitarian Programs of the Russian-American University (later - JSC "RAU-Corporation").
Political columnist for the newspaper "Soviet Russia".

Since 1991, he actively participated in the activities of the communist and patriotic (the latter, as already mentioned, more often) opposition. He finally decided on his party affiliation only in 1993.
Participated in almost all attempts by the opposition to create a somewhat stable coalition. I couldn’t apply for the first roles. Only once was he elected co-chairman, and that was of the National Salvation Front, the number of co-chairmen of which ranged from 10 to 17 people.
Ideologist of the creation of the association of deputies "Russian Unity" in the Supreme Council of the RSFSR (1992, was not elected as a people's deputy).
He took part in the VI Extraordinary Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR and the All-People's Assembly of the USSR (March 17, 1992), although he was not a deputy of the USSR.
Member of the Coordination Council of the Russian All-People's Union (ROS, Sergei Baburin, 1991-1992).
Member of the coordination council of the Fatherland movement (1992-1993, Boris Tarasov).
Member of the Presidium of the Russian National Council (RNS, Alexander Sterligov), co-chairman of the RNS Duma (1992-1993).
Co-chairman of the National Salvation Front (1992-1993). Member of the political and national councils Federal Tax Service.
Member of the National Salvation Committee (1993).
Member of the editorial board of the newspaper Den (until the newspaper was banned in August 1993).
On May 1, 1993, he was among the organizers of the demonstration that ended in a clash with the police. After the rally on Oktyabrskaya Square, a column of demonstrators moved from the city center along Leninsky Prospekt to Vorobyovy Gory (to agitate Moscow State University students). In front of Gagarin Square, the avenue was hastily blocked by police and riot police cordons. Apparently, the authorities were afraid that further the column would prefer the shorter road to Moscow State University - along the street. Kosygin, where the dachas of the capital's elite and embassies are located. Seeing the barrier, Zyuganov retreated from the head of the column (according to the stories of Sazha Umalatova). As a result of the ensuing clashes, one riot policeman was killed.

In May 1994, Zyuganov found himself at the center of two scandals: he was summoned to the prosecutor's office after speaking at a literary evening by the editorial offices of the newspapers "Zavtra" and "Den" and he discovered listening equipment in his office. Both stories had no continuation.

In September 1993, after President Yeltsin’s decree No. 1400 on the dissolution of the Supreme Council of the Russian Federation, he was in the House of Soviets, but never stayed there overnight. He gave incendiary speeches (according to the stories of Eduard Limonov), signed leaflets of the Federal Tax Service calling for civil disobedience (later he stated that he called only for peaceful resistance). But when the situation began to heat up, I panicked. He did not participate in the seizure of the mayor's office and the assault on Ostankino, and he was not present during the shelling of the House of Soviets either. On October 2 and 3, he appeared on television, inviting all parties not to succumb to provocations and to go home. Immediately after the dispersal of parliament, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation was banned, but two weeks later the ban was lifted.

He did not sign the Treaty of Public Accord proposed by the president, although he took part in the signing ceremony (April 1994). He became one of the initiators of the creation of an alternative to the presidential treaty “Concord in the name of Russia”.

In December 1992, he joined the organizing committee (chaired by Valentin Kuptsov) for convening the restoration congress of the Communist Party of the RSFSR. The party was re-established at the second emergency congress in February 1993 under the name Communist Party Russian Federation(CPRF).

From February 1993 to January 1995 - Chairman of the Central Executive Committee (CEC) of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. It was planned that the Central Election Commission would be headed by Kuptsov, who together with Yuri Ivanov defended the abolition of the ban on the Communist Party in the Constitutional Court, organized the congress and the initial party building. But at the congress everything turned out differently. Albert Makashov accused Kuptsov of aiding Mikhail Gorbachev in the collapse of the USSR. The speech was so fiery that Kuptsov did not dare to put his candidacy up for voting.
Since January 1995 (third congress) - Chairman of the Central Committee (Central Committee) of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation.
Member of the political executive committee of the Council of the UPC-CPSU (since 1995).
Member of the Central Council of the Spiritual Heritage movement (since May 1995, founding congress).

From December 1993 to December 1999 - deputy of the State Duma of the Russian Federation of the first and second convocations. Chairman of the Communist Party faction. He was elected on the federal list of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (No. 1 on the list).
In the elections to the State Duma of the first convocation, the party took third place (after the LDPR and Russia's Choice), and in the State Duma of the second convocation - first place.
Member of the State Duma Council with voting rights. Member of the group of representatives of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation in the Council of Europe (GD of the first convocation).
In the first elections, the inconspicuous, although the most numerous, Communist Party of the Russian Federation won, largely due to the ban on the remaining communist parties (after October 1993). In the Duma, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation achieved an amnesty for the participants in the events of October 1993, but they could no longer catch up with the Communist Party of the Russian Federation in the frequency of mentions in the media. Sympathetic “Red directors” and “Red bankers” began to give money to the Communist Party of the Russian Federation: party contributions in 1994 amounted to only 10% of party income. And in the Duma elections in December 1995, against the backdrop of increasing popular dissatisfaction with the activities of the party in power, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation won again. 99 deputy seats on the federal list, 58 in single-mandate constituencies and 23 candidates supported by the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. The faction was registered with 149 deputies (16 deputies from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation by the decision of the Presidium of the Central Committee were aimed at strengthening the Agrarian Deputy Group and "People's Power").
Zyuganov was never completely confident of winning the elections - his forecasts were extremely cautious, and the number of seats that, according to him, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, if successful, could get in the State Duma, was underestimated several times.
Deputy Stepan Sulakshin (unregistered group "People's Deputy") drew attention to the fact that during 6 years of work in the State Duma Zyuganov developed only one law (RBC, October 30, 1999).

In April 1995 he defended his doctoral dissertation at Moscow State University. Lomonosov, majoring in philosophy of politics. The topic of the dissertation is "Main trends and mechanisms of socio-political changes in modern Russia in the 80-90s." He did not write a special text of the dissertation, he only read a report compiled on the basis of his book "Power". The report was not scientific, but rather fictional in nature. He received the title based on the totality of previously published works.

In the spring of 1996 he ran for president of Russia. He was the first to submit signatures for registration as a candidate for the presidency of the Russian Federation (registered on March 4).
From the very beginning of the election race, Zyuganov sought to distance himself from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, explaining this by the fact that opponents could rely on anti-communism (which they did, despite Zyuganov’s efforts). He was nominated as a candidate by an “initiative group of citizens” close to the “Spiritual Heritage”; during the election campaign he called himself a candidate from the “people’s patriotic bloc” and asked the Central Election Commission to indicate him on the ballot as a candidate from the NPSR (he was refused - the NPSR was not registered, and Zyuganov was nominated by a group of citizens), promised to leave his posts in the party and faction if elected.
There was a complete lack of strategy in the election campaign - the Zyuganovites made one mistake after another. Zyuganov published the economic program too early, and his competitors managed to criticize it. Zyuganov did not use all the possibilities of television - he refused to discuss with all candidates except Yeltsin. And Yeltsin refused to discuss with anyone (as it later turned out, for health reasons). In April, Zyuganov said that the opposition was forming a “shadow cabinet of people’s trust,” without prior approval he enrolled many well-known politicians (including Luzhkov) in this cabinet and ran into criticism from them. The public signing of a statement by dwarf public organizations in support of Zyuganov's candidacy was poorly organized - some of the signatures were disputed with scandal.
Despite the fact that the election campaign began for Zyuganov in hothouse conditions - with good rating, frivolous opponents (Yavlinsky, Lebed, Zhirinovsky - maximum ten percent each), zero rating current president, Zyuganov during the entire election campaign was unable to expand his electorate at the expense of doubters and find mutual language with governors and bankers. He sensed the impending defeat long before the first round and tried to prepare his comrades for it.
There were not unfounded rumors that Yeltsin’s circle (primarily Korzhakov and Soskovets) were going to cancel the elections. The closest the Communists came to a possible ban on elections was on March 15 after the State Duma decided to denounce the Belovezhskaya agreements on the formation of the CIS and the restoration of the USSR.
In the first round of elections on June 16, he took second place, gaining 32.03% of the vote (Yeltsin - 35.28%).
Between the two rounds he did not take any drastic actions, he only proposed the creation of a Council of National Accord and a coalition government (a third - representatives of the people's patriotic bloc, a third - from the current government, a third - representatives of Duma factions). He gave press conferences, played volleyball and said that Yeltsin was sick.
He met with Alexander Lebed, who took third place in the first round and had already received a jackpot from Yeltsin in the form of the post of Secretary of the Security Council of the Russian Federation, and for some reason left the meeting confident that Lebed’s electorate would vote for him.
In the second round of voting, he lost to Boris Yeltsin, gaining 40.31% of the votes (Yeltsin - 53.82%).

Since August 1996 (founding congress) - Chairman of the People's Patriotic Union of Russia (NPSR). Chairman of the NPSR Coordination Council.

In February 1999, Zyuganov called Yeltsin a “helpless drunkard.” The presidential administration was indignant, but in order to initiate a criminal case, a personal statement from Yeltsin was needed, which was not forthcoming.
The response of the president can be considered an inspection that the Ministry of Justice carried out on the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. Although the ministry claimed that the inspection was planned, everyone was expecting a ban from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. Among the alleged violations: the creation of primary party cells in production (prohibited by the Constitution of the Russian Federation), strike committees and other structures not provided for by the charter of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. Statements by Kuptsov and Zyuganov were cited confirming the existence or intention to create such structures. Although Justice Minister Pavel Krasheninnikov threatened the party with trouble, he understood that it would not be possible to ban it and let the matter go.

May 1999 - attempt to impeach Russian President Boris Yeltsin. The idea did not belong to Zyuganov. The initiators were Viktor Ilyukhin and Lev Rokhlin. Zyuganov only gave the party's blessing. It all started in March 1998, when Yeltsin, threatening the Duma with dissolution, demanded that Sergei Kiriyenko be confirmed as prime minister. Having studied the basic law, the deputies thought about impeachment as a possible way to protect themselves from dissolution for three months (from the date of adoption). By May 1999, impeachment was no longer needed not only by Yeltsin, but also by the Communist Party of the Russian Federation itself: the current government was considered leftist. But it was already indecent to put it off any longer. The Duma commission prepared its conclusion back in February, but the fateful meeting was postponed. Even the president could not resist, demanding that this issue be considered.
The idea turned out to be a double defeat for the Communist Party of the Russian Federation: a few days before the vote, the president dismissed the left-wing government, and the long-prepared impeachment failed. Communists and farmers voted in solidarity (1 member of the Communist Party faction was sick). The allies failed: "Yabloko" (9 saboteurs) and "People's Power" (5 saboteurs). But even if they were just as unanimous, the most passable charge regarding the war in Chechnya would have received a maximum of 257 votes (actually - 242). The Communists' hopes for additional votes from the Russian Regions (20 votes in favor) and independent deputies (9 votes in favor) were not justified.

In 1999, when forming pre-election coalitions for the elections to the State Duma of the third convocation, the participation of all allies of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation was initially planned: “Spiritual Heritage” of Alexey Podberezkin, APR of Mikhail Lapshin, DPA of Viktor Ilyukhin, “Revival and Unity” of Aman Tuleyev. Then the idea was born to go to the Duma in “three columns”: one to the left of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (Ilyukhin) and one to the right (Podberezkin). When these two “columns” realized that they would not get into the Duma without the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and asked to return, the Zyuganovites were more pragmatic. Realizing that the easiest way to get into the Duma is under an already promoted brand, they invited everyone to join the bloc called “Communist Party of the Russian Federation.” Some were offended (Podberezkin), some did not like the allocated or unassigned place on the list (Ilyukhin and Makashov), some could not agree among themselves (agrarians Lapshin and Kharitonov), others did not have complete trust (Tuleev). Everyone quarreled. The Zyuganovites realized that they had gone too far and tried to gather everyone into a new bloc “For Victory.” But it was also unsuccessful. The Communist Party of the Russian Federation was supported only by a part of the farmers who broke away from their party, led by the leader of the Agrarian Deputy Group, Nikolai Kharitonov.

In December 1999, in the elections to the State Duma of the third convocation, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation bloc (Zyuganov-Seleznev-Starodubtsev) received 24.29% of the votes. Zyuganov was again elected as a deputy and leader of the Communist Party faction (95 deputies, 54 on the federal list and 41 on majoritarian constituencies).
In January 2000, he entered into an agreement with the pro-government Unity bloc (plus farmers, “people’s deputies” and the Liberal Democratic Party), according to which these factions divided posts in the Duma committees in their favor, and the Communist Party of the Russian Federation also got the post of speaker. The factions bypassed in this division are "Yabloko", "Fatherland", "Union of Right Forces" and " Russian regions" (one third of the Duma members) - called the agreement a conspiracy, the position of Unity - a betrayal and decided to temporarily boycott the meetings of the State Duma.

On January 6, 2000, Zyuganov was nominated as a candidate for President of Russia from the “People's Patriotic Forces” (the NPSR was not mentioned, and the “forces” were represented by Sergei Glazyev). And on January 15, the congress of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation decided that Zyuganov should be nominated as a candidate for the presidency of the Russian Federation by an initiative group of citizens (for ease of registration).

On February 8, 2000, he became the first registered candidate for the post of President of the Russian Federation. In the early presidential elections on March 26, 2000, he took second place, receiving about 30% of the vote.

Permanently resides in Moscow.

From a family of hereditary rural teachers in three generations. Mother - Marfa Petrovna, born in 1915. Teacher primary classes secondary school in the village of Mymrino. People's Teacher of the USSR. Pensioner.
Father - Andrei Mikhailovich, 1909-1990. During the Great Patriotic War commanded the artillery crew. Disabled person. While defending Sevastopol, he was wounded in the leg. He taught almost all subjects at the secondary school in the village of Mymrino, except native and foreign speech.
Sister - Lyudmila. Teaches at the Oryol Pedagogical Institute.
In the spring of 1996, notes began to appear in the central media that Gennady Zyuganov was actually the son of an occupier. The impetus for these publications was the press release of the L.P. Beria Union for the Liberation of the Motherland. But after delving into history books, journalists found out that the Oryol region was liberated in August 1943, ten months before Zyuganov’s birth. In addition, Zyuganov himself claims that he was born premature - seven months old (Soviet Russia, September 16, 1995). That is, he was conceived three months after the liberation of the region.
Wife - Nadezhda Vasilyevna Zyuganova (Amelicheva), born in 1946. I studied at the same school with my future husband. When Zyuganov taught, she was in the eighth grade. That's when I fell in love. Together they entered and studied at the Oryol Pedagogical Institute. Married in 1967 For a long time worked as an engineer at the Second Moscow Watch Factory. Now she is a housewife, raising her grandchildren.

Son - Andrey, born in 1968. Graduated from Moscow State University Technical University(MSTU) named after. Bauman. Teaches robotics at MSTU. Married. Wife - Tatyana, graduated from Moscow Higher Technical School. Two children: Leonid born in 1990. and Mikhail born in 1994 Lives separately from his parents.

Daughter - Tatyana, born in 1974. Father's astrologer assistant. Married, husband - Sergey. Raising a son. Lives with parents.

He considers ten people to be his family (himself, his mother, wife, son, daughter, daughter-in-law, son-in-law, three grandchildren) and his cat Vasily.

Titles and awards

Military rank: reserve lieutenant colonel (chemical troops).
Full member of the Academy of Social Sciences (since 1996).

Winner of the award named after. Sholokhov in the field of literature (May 1996). The prize was established by the Union of Writers of the Russian Federation (an organization of writers with a national-patriotic orientation). Its laureates are anti-imperialist politicians: Safarmurat Niyazov, Fidel Castro, Alexander Lukashenko.

Friends and enemies

The beginning of Zyuganov’s Komsomol-party career was facilitated by the first secretary of the Factory District Committee of the CPSU, Alexander Stepanovich Khokhlov.
Zyuganov worked with the Chairman of the Federation Council and Governor of the Oryol Region Yegor Stroev in the Oryol Regional Committee of the CPSU: Stroev in 1973-1984. - Secretary of the regional committee, Zyuganov in 1980-1983. - Head of the department of propaganda and agitation of the regional committee.
In addition, Stroev, like Zyuganov, is a native of the Khotynets region. This gave rise to speculation about their family ties, to the point that Zyuganov is Stroev’s son-in-law (the age difference between them is seven years).

In the ideological department of the CPSU Central Committee (1989-1990), Zyuganov worked under the leadership of perestroika ideologist Alexander Yakovlev, but Yakovlev cannot say anything about Zyuganov of that time. Claims he couldn't remember his face.
"Yakovlev, his former boss, our hero also disliked him as a neighbor. “But recently I looked out the window of my apartment, and he (Yakovlev) was already driving a Mercedes, and his daughter was driving a Volvo.”<...>- Zyuganov wrote in 1991.<...>So the conceptual dispute between Zyuganov and Yakovlev<...>also had a domestic background" (Profile magazine, June 8, 1998).

Professor of the Department of Political Science, Faculty of Philosophy, Moscow state university Alexey Kovalev headed the academic council that reviewed Zyuganov’s doctoral dissertation in 1995.

Assistants to Deputy Zyuganov in the State Duma of the second convocation (1995-1999): Vladimir Georgievich Pozdnyakov and Tarnaev.

Tarnaev Alexander Petrovich, born in 1956 - head of personal security and friend of Zyuganov. He has been working with Gennady Andreevich since 1992. Zyuganov “informs him (Tarnaev) about everything and almost always gives him his unpublished articles or unread reports to read. If you believe the rumors surrounding this couple, Mr. Tarnaev even ... ruled by Zyuganov's "works" (Moskovsky Komsomolets, March 3, 1999).
“The guards of the main communist strike the eye as rather attractive, intelligent faces” (“Profile”, July 14, 1999). During the 1996 presidential elections, Zyuganov was guarded by FSB officers. After the elections, they were offered to remain in the security service, offering substantial salaries.

On April 22, 1997, an incident occurred that nearly cost them their jobs. It happened like this: Zyuganov laid a wreath at the Lenin Mausoleum. Tomatoes flew from the crowd. The security guard covered Zyuganov with a folder for papers (“and when the bombs fly, will you also cover me with a folder?!”). But the leader was hit: after that, Zyuganov changed his light raincoat to a leather jacket. The guards especially suffered for the lack of information - the attackers (young radical communists) warned about the impending action through the newspaper "Bolshevik" (Igor Gubkin, see below), which was distributed on the eve of the action to the delegates of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation Congress.

Alexey Podberezkin, chairman of the board of the Spiritual Heritage movement and president of RAU-Corporation. Former chief assistant, sponsor and ideologist. Once upon a time (1991-1993) he warmed up the unemployed Zyuganov at RAU-Corporation. He ran for the State Duma on the lists of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, although he was not formally a member of the party. In the winter of 1998-1999. A black cat ran between him and Zyuganov. Either the closed plenum of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation decided not to put people from the “Spiritual Heritage” on its election list. Either the communists killed Podberezkin’s idea of ​​going to the Duma elections with the NPSR bloc. But Podberezkin said that he would go to the polls on his own. Bearing a grudge solely against the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, he initially did not distance himself from the NPSR. I even intended to register an election stamp for myself - the Patriots of Russia - NPSR bloc, but found out that I was late with the registration. Then the split worsened: Podberezkin, under pain of dissolution, banned regional organizations conduct any negotiations not only with the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, but also with other parties and movements included in the NPSR. At the same time, he himself negotiated with almost everyone, right down to Luzhkov’s “Fatherland” and the presidential bloc “Russia” (the bloc did not take place). From Podberezkin’s interview with Moskovsky Komsomolets (August 20, 1999): “I remember that in an interview with MK three years ago you called Zyuganov a well-mannered, deeply decent person...” - “Yes, I won’t shake hands with him now. And I won’t communicate will.<...>And if Zyuganov tries to split us ("Spiritual Heritage" - RBC note), then I will find several hundred dissatisfied members in his regional branches and we will establish another Communist Party of the Russian Federation. The real one!"

Zyuganov is jealous of Gennady Seleznev. Elected speaker of the State Duma of the second convocation, Seleznev found himself in the center of media attention. He began to shine, began to think a lot about himself, to allow him to have his own opinion, different from the party and Zyuganov.
There are persistent, and therefore not unfounded, rumors about Seleznev that he wants to create his own platform in the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (his own election bloc, his own party). And in October 1998, he generally stated that if he was offered by some center-left bloc to run for president of Russia in 2000, he would not object. The offended Zyuganov responded that the question of which of the two would run could only be decided by the congress of the NPSR*. After which Seleznev began to assure the journalists that they had misunderstood him, but Zyuganov had understood him correctly, and that he and Zyuganov had “good friendly relations.”

Valentin Kuptsov is Zyuganov's competitor. He harbors a grudge from the restoration congress of the Communist Party. He spent too much effort on restoring the party and defending it in court. And they elected some unknown Zyuganov. Kuptsov does not enter into open polemics, but conducts a subtle bureaucratic intrigue.

The rest of Zyuganov's enemies are mainly ideological. There are a lot of them, and it’s worth mentioning only Teimuraz Avaliani. For the simple reason that Avaliani simply got tired of the patient Zyuganov. Avaliani does not allow a single plenum to be held calmly and respectably - he goes to the podium and criticizes Zyuganov.
Almost 70-year-old Avaliani is a deputy from a single-mandate constituency in Kemerovo region(State Duma of the second convocation), first secretary of the Kemerovo regional committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, one of the leaders of the Marxist Lenin-Stalin Platform (MLSP) in the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. The peak of his career is elections Secretary General at the XXVIII Congress of the CPSU. Eight candidates ran, but all except Avaliani and Mikhail Gorbachev recused themselves. Gorbachev won, of course, but Avaliani also gained about 500 votes.
It was not the vindictive Zyuganov who embarked on intrigues in order to get Avaliani out of the Central Committee. Members of the Central Committee were delegated to Kemerovo, an appeal from the Presidium of the Central Committee and rumors defaming Avaliani were spread. As a result, Avaliani was re-elected as first secretary in the spring of 1998. Not all Kemerovo communists agreed with this (an appeal was filed with the Central Control Commission), and now there are two regional committees of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation in Kemerovo.

This is all despite the fact that Avaliani did not pose a hardware threat to Zyuganov - he always acted openly, without first joking with anyone. Therefore, even the orthodox communists from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation distanced themselves from him.

The Marxist Lenin-Stalin platform is the only organizationally formalized platform in the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. But from time to time in the Communist Party of the Russian Federation certain “currents of thought” appear, about which they say that they are about to result in platforms:
1. Moderate Social Democrats. Gorbachevites without Gorbachev. Representatives: Valentin Kuptsov, Gennady Seleznev, Vladimir Semago (Semago hates Seleznev).
2. People's patriots. They try not to mention the words “communism” and “socialism”, but to appeal to the Russian pre-revolutionary tradition, Orthodoxy. Representatives: Gennady Zyuganov, Alexey Podberezkin (not a party member), Viktor Peshkov, Yuri Belov.
3. Orthodox communists. Representatives: Tatyana Astrakhankina, Anatoly Lukyanov, Valentin Varennikov, Viktor Ilyukhin and Albert Makashov (always falls into the group of orthodox communists, despite anti-Semitism).

The differences between the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and Zyuganov with other communist parties are not only ideological in nature. Of course, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation dictates its terms during negotiations on the creation of a united election bloc. She has the right - she won elections twice. At the same time, Zyuganov is not against putting the leaders of these parties on the list for passing places: a passionate electorate, help from regional branches in the election campaign... But the party leaders do not want (and cannot) single-handedly enter the bloc without taking with them more 5-6 people from the leadership of their party. But Zyuganov cannot agree to this - he will have to seriously push back his people. Officially, the reason for the break of the Communist Party is explained by the fact that they allegedly proposed a more radical program and their own version of the name of the bloc, and they were offered to accept the program of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and join the bloc of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation.

Sponsor - Viktor Mikhailovich Vidmanov, born in 1934, Mordvin. Civil engineer. He was Chairman of the State Committee for Construction and Minister of Construction of the RSFSR. Currently, he is the chairman of the board of Agropromstroybank and the president of the joint-stock agro-construction and industrial corporation Rosagropromstroy. Member of the Presidium of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. Member of the NPSR Coordination Council. He was elected to the State Duma of the second convocation, but refused the mandate, remaining a banker.

Previously, businessman Vladimir Semago was often called a sponsor of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, although the owner of one casino and one business club clearly does not qualify as a party sponsor. But Semago obtained some money for the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. In 1998, he left the Communist Party of the Russian Federation during the re-election of the mayor Nizhny Novgorod(lost the election). Tries to play independently political role(New Left movement together with Alexander Abramovich).

The official sponsors of Zyuganov's presidential election campaign in 1996 were mainly regional (usually district) organizations of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, as well as the agro-industrial complex "Moscow", LLP "Skhodnyagromontazh", JSC "Insurance Company Podolsk", Klin RAIPO, KB "Euromet", the company "Nair" ", OPB "Patriots of Russia", LLP "Tenipod", knitting factory of the Paris Commune, "Garden No. 1 Salodko" (Shchigry), Zherdevsky District Council of Veterans and the Agrarian Union of the Moscow Region.
Viktor Vidmanov boasted in an interview with Sovetskaya Rossiya (July 25, 1996) that in the presidential elections the Communist Party of the Russian Federation saved 3 billion rubles out of the 14 allocated from the state treasury. “You have to kill for such joy” (“Duel”, September 10, 1996).

Unofficially, Zyuganov's presidential campaign in 1996 was also sponsored by Igor Vladimirovich Gubkin. Former Chairman of the Board of JSC " Professional boxing"organized in 1996 the financial pyramid "MZhK RF" - a market interpretation of the Youth Housing Complexes at the beginning of perestroika. Investors of the MZhK RF were promised housing after Zyuganov's victory in the presidential election. According to some estimates, 370 million rubles were spent on the election campaign. Zyuganov after his loss distanced himself from Gubkin. Gubkin joined more radical communists and in the summer of 1997 he ended up in the Lefortovo pre-trial detention center on suspicion of financing the explosion of the monument to Nicholas II (April 1, Taininskoye village) and the mining of the monument to Peter I (July 6, Moscow), where it is still located (July 1999).

According to the lists of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, three dozen businessmen ran for the State Duma of the second convocation in December 1995 - members of the management of the following companies: the Promstroygaz enterprise (Tula), JSC Shuya Calico (Shuya), JSC Severokhod (Tula). Yaroslavl), JSC "Perovo K-4" (Moscow), JSC "Mosagromontazh" (Khimki), "Moskurort" (Moscow), JSC "Severalmaz" (Arkhangelsk), the company "Pskov Revival" , JSC "Cadastre-Service" (St. Petersburg), Starorussky Forestry Enterprise (Staraya Russa), JSC "Koporye" (Sosnovy Bor), Oryol Cooperative Bank, Ostrogozhsky JSC "Voskozavod" (Ostrogozhsk), Chamber of Commerce and Industry of the Nizhny Novgorod Region, JSC "Instrument-Making Plant" (Saransk), JSC "Khoper-Ates" (director of the Balashov branch, Balashov), Astrakhan Ship Repair and Shipbuilding Plant, LLP "Radar" (Rostov- on-Don), North Caucasus Agricultural Company (Belorechensk), JSC "Vladikavkaz Instrument-Making Plant", representative office oil company Sidanko JSC (director, Tyumen), Tomsk Plastics Plant LLP, Nikan LLP (Barnaul), Novokuznetsk JSC, Krasnoyarsk Chemical Plant Yenisei, Medbioekonomika enterprise (Krasnoyarsk ), corporation "Rosagropromstroy" (Viktor Vidmanov), JSC "Ilimskles" (Ust-Ilimsk), repair and construction enterprise "Aurora" (Blagoveshchensk), Insurance Company"Logos" (Birobidzhan), LLP "Grand" (Birobidzhan), transport and forwarding enterprise "Kamchatsky" (Petropavlovsk-Kamchatsky), Russian Municipal Association (Moscow), JSC "Metallist" (Petropavlovsk-Kamchatsky). Moscow).

"Nezavisimaya Gazeta"

Gennady Andreevich Zyuganov - permanent leader of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, deputy of the State Duma of all convocations, head of the federation of communist parties in post-Soviet space(SKP-KPSS), member Parliamentary Assembly Council of Europe.

In 2018, he announced the need to limit the power of the head of state, who has powers “more than that of the Soviet Secretary General, to the State Council,” American President And Egyptian pharaoh" For the practical implementation of his proposal, he called for “fundamental changes” to be made to the Constitution of the Russian Federation.

Childhood and youth

Future political figure was born on June 26, 1944 in the Oryol region and became the son and grandson of rural teachers. His childhood years fell on the difficult post-war period. My father returned from the front legless and subsequently died from his wounds. On the farm they had a large garden of fruit trees, an apiary, chickens, rabbits, which they took care of with early age Gennady helped.

Having received his certificate in 1961, he continued family tradition and remained as a teacher at his native school, and a year later became a student of physics and mathematics at the Oryol Pedagogical Institute. From his second year he was called up to conscript service in the army, served from 1963 to 1966 in the GDR in a special intelligence unit, became a communist.

Having been demobilized, he returned to his alma mater, where, along with his studies, he was engaged in social and party work, in particular, having a good sense of humor and ingenuity, he led the KVN team of his faculty. In 1969, he graduated from the university with honors and for a year worked there in the department of higher mathematics.

Career development

In 1970, he was elected to the regional council and Orel city council. Since 1972, he switched to Komsomol work, holding the position of first secretary of the regional committee. In the period 1972-1978. - was the secretary of the city party committee. Then he decided to get a political education and entered the Academy of Social Sciences under the Central Committee of the Communist Party, then was enrolled in an external form of study in graduate school under it, defended his qualifying work and received academic degree Ph.D.

In 1983, a graduate of AON went to work at the Central Committee, where he oversaw issues of ideology and construction. After the fall of the putschists in 1991, Zyuganov was one of the initiators of the revival of the Communist Party. At the first founding congress he was elected chairman of the Central Committee. He also joined several political associations (the National Salvation Front, the People's Patriotic Union, etc.), and headed the Central Executive Committee of his political force.

Gennady Zyuganov about his school and student years

The head of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation was critical of the policies of Perestroika, warned in his “Word to the People” about the danger of the collapse of the state, and remained a supporter of the revival of the USSR. After Boris Yeltsin’s information regarding the dissolution of parliament, he spoke at the All-Russian State Television and Radio Broadcasting Company with an appeal to Muscovites not to take part in protests and clashes with the police.

In 1993, the politician was elected to parliament, then became the head of the Communist Party faction, and two years later he headed the Central Committee of the Communist Party. Subsequently, he regularly became a parliamentarian and communist leader. Since 1996, he has also been a member of the interparliamentary cooperation body - PACE.

During the same period, he first ran for the highest government post. Boris Yeltsin retained power then, but, according to the free press, he resorted to falsifying the election results. In 1997-1999 the politician demanded the resignation of the current head of state. In 2000, 2008 and 2012, he was again a candidate in the elections, but each time he ended up only second on the list.

Gennady Zyuganov. My hero

The head of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation has repeatedly criticized US actions in Libya and the Middle East. He also assessed politics negatively Russian authorities for miscalculations in economic sphere. He supported the annexation of Crimea, as well as the idea put forward by Russia to federalize Ukraine.

In 2016, he publicly criticized the decision of Dmitry Medvedev’s cabinet to make one-time meager payments to pensioners. At the presentation of his next book, “In Zyuganov’s Apiary,” he called a number of heads of ministries “drones” (by analogy with bee colonies).

In 2017, the country's main communist spoke sharply about the initiative of United Russia parliamentarians and representatives of the Liberal Democratic Party, who presented a draft law on the burial procedure of Vladimir Ilyich Lenin. He considered this proposal “the biggest provocation” directed against the state.

Personal life

The recognized communist leader is married. He met his future beloved Nadezhda Amelicheva back in school years. Then they entered the pedagogical institute together, but in different faculties: she - in history, he - in physics and mathematics. The couple has a son, Andrei, born in 1968, and a daughter, Tatyana, born in 1974, who gave them one granddaughter and seven grandchildren. The son is a graduate of MSTU. N. Bauman, software engineer, daughter was her father’s referent during the elections.

Communist leader - follower healthy image life, lover of hiking in the mountains. Vacations are spent mainly in the Caucasus and Kislovodsk. He enjoys tennis, billiards, and volleyball. He often spends his free time at the dacha, where he grows more than a hundred types of flowers. in honor of Zyuganov's 70th anniversary. Gennady Zyuganov is against raising the retirement age

The communist leader is against the Russian government's plans to increase retirement age. He called such a reform “madness” and proposed holding a referendum on this pressing topic.

Chairman of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (CPRF Central Committee), deputy State Duma Federal Assembly RF Gennady Andreevich Zyuganov was born on June 26, 1944 in the village of Mymrino, Znamensky district, Oryol region, into a family of teachers.

He graduated from high school with a silver medal in 1961, the Faculty of Physics and Mathematics of the Oryol State Pedagogical Institute in 1969, and the Academy of Social Sciences under the CPSU Central Committee in 1980.

He began his career as a rural school teacher.

In 1963-1966 he served in Soviet army in special reconnaissance of a group of Soviet troops in Germany.

Since 1968 - in Komsomol and party work.

In 1969-1970, Zyuganov taught at the Oryol State Pedagogical Institute in the department of higher mathematics.

From 1970 to 1978 he was a deputy of the Oryol city and regional councils.

In 1974-1978 he held the position of secretary, then second secretary of the Oryol city committee of the CPSU.

In 1980-1983 he worked as head of the propaganda department of the Oryol Regional Committee of the CPSU.

In 1983, Gennady Zyuganov went to work at the CPSU Central Committee. He dealt with issues of state building, humanitarian and ideological problems.

In 1989-1990, he served as deputy head of the ideological department of the CPSU Central Committee.

In 1990, Gennady Zyuganov was one of the initiators of the creation of the Communist Party of the RSFSR. He was elected a member of the Politburo, secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the RSFSR.

In December 1991, he was included in the Coordination Council of the Russian All-People's Union.

In 1992, Zyuganov was elected chairman of the Coordination Council of the People's Patriotic Forces of Russia. Joined the committee of the National Salvation Front. He was a member of the initiative group for convening the restoration congress of the Communist Party of Russia.

In 1993, at the Second Extraordinary Congress, Gennady Zyuganov was elected chairman of the Central Executive Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. In 1995, at the III Congress of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, he was elected Chairman of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. In 2001, he was elected Chairman of the Council of the Union of Communist Parties - CPSU. At the XVII Congress of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation on May 27, 2017, he was re-elected as a member of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. At the First Plenum of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, convened after the congress, he was re-elected Chairman of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation.

Gennady Zyuganov was elected deputy of the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation first (1993-1995), second (1995-1999), third (1999-2003), fourth (2003-2007), fifth (2007-2011), sixth (2011-2016) and seventh (since 2016) convocations. He is the leader of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation faction, a member of the State Duma Committee on Science and High Technologies. Member of the Council of the State Duma.

Since July 2012, Gennady Zyuganov -

Works at Bauman Moscow State Technical University, specializing in robotics

"Family"

"News"

A diamond worth $2 million was stolen from Zyuganov’s son’s safe.

In the last few days, the Russian social circle has been doing nothing but discussing the details of the two-year robbery of the apartment of the leader of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation Gennady Zyuganov. More precisely, the apartment belonged to his son Andrei, but the essence of the story does not change. The fact is that thieves allegedly stole a unique relic from the safe of the red leader’s son, valued by experts at about $2 million.

The apartment of Gennady Zyuganov's son was robbed in Moscow

In Moscow, unknown criminals robbed the apartment of the eldest son of Communist Party leader Gennady Zyuganov, Andrei. The owner of the apartment reported to the police that in the period from mid-July to August 2, when the family was at the dacha, thieves entered the apartment on Berezhkovskaya embankment. Their loot was 60 thousand rubles.

The son of Gennady Zyuganov was robbed

The apartment of the son of Communist Party leader Gennady Zyuganov Andrey was robbed. The unknown people took the money, were able to open the secret safe, but for some reason left the family’s family jewelry in place.

Thieves opened Zyuganov's cache of gold and diamonds

Yesterday, unknown attackers robbed the apartment of the son of Communist Party leader Gennady Zyuganov. Unknown attackers robbed the apartment of the son of Communist Party leader Gennady Zyuganov, Andrey.

What do the children of famous politicians do?

Completely non-public people are the children of Gennady Zyuganov. It is known that the son of Gennady Andreevich (Andrey) works at the Bauman Moscow State Technical University, from which he (the son) graduated. Andrei Gennadievich has two children. The communist leader also has a daughter, whose name is Tatyana. Tatyana has two children and, according to rumors, does not work anywhere, unless you count helping her father. This help is of a rather strange type. There is talk in Moscow that Tatyana draws up horoscopes for Gennady Andreevich. If this is so, then it is not clear how the country’s main materialist believes in all this...

Children of the Kremlin. What do the descendants of Gorbachev, Yeltsin, Zyuganov, Mironov, Seleznev, etc. do?

His son Andrei was born in 1968. At school I was an excellent student. Then he graduated from Moscow State Technical University. N.E. Bauman, stayed to work there with a specialization in robotics.

Diamonds for dictatorship...

The theft that recently happened in Moscow in the apartment of Andrei Zyuganov, the son of the leader of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation Gennady Zyuganov, could result in serious political troubles both for Gennady Andreevich himself and for the entire party.

Presidential candidates hide their wives from the public

Gennady Andreevich and Nadezhda Vasilievna have two children. Son Andrey is 43 years old, he graduated from Moscow State Technical University. Bauman and was engaged in the construction business in Moscow and the Moscow region. Daughter Tatyana was born in 1974, she is a housewife.