Russian Assembly Party attitude towards autocracy. Lecture notes

The chairman of the new public organization is Anatoly Stepanov. Several dozen people became the founders of the meeting. Among them are: famous people, as co-chairman of the Union of Writers of Russia Vladimir Nikolaevich Krupin, member of the board of the Union of Writers of Russia Sergei Ivanovich Kotkalo, famous writers - Vasily Vladimirovich Dvortsov, Alexey Alekseevich Shorokhov, Andrei Yuryevich Khvalin, venerable scholar-philologist Professor Vsevolod Yuryevich Troitsky, prominent public figures leader of the People's movement cathedral" Oleg Yuryevich Kassin, Chairman of the Union of Orthodox Citizens Valentin Vladimirovich Lebedev, head of the popular movement“For Orthodox Rus'” Pavel Andreevich Bezukladichny, editor-in-chief of the magazine “Slavyanka” Sergei Vladimirovich Timchenko, columnist for Radio Radonezh, publicist Viktor Aleksandrovich Saulkin, priests Father Alexander Shumsky and Father Sergiy Karamyshev, public figure Andrei Vitalievich Soshenko, deputy editor-in-chief of RNL Konstantin Gennadievich Novikov, political scientist Alexander Andreevich Gorbatov, director of the Center for Social Studies significant problems Vladimir Aleksandrovich Surin, director of the publishing house "Blessing" Yuri Grigorievich Samusenko, journalist Maria Andreevna Monomenova. Among the founders were also the head of the Kalyazinsky municipal district of the Tver region Konstantin Gennadievich Ilyin, public figures Alexey Anatolyevich Kaigorodov, Alexey Anatolyevich Derevyanko, Yuri Mikhailovich Dunyashenko, candidate of historical sciences Pavel Gennadievich Petin, Alexander Vladimirovich Skakov, Alexander Fedorovich Chernavsky, Nikolai Alekseevich Chistov, Viktor Fedorovich Shevchenko and others. They represented several regions of Russia: Moscow, St. Petersburg, Tula, Kaluga, Lipetsk, Moscow, Yaroslavl, Nizhny Novgorod and Tver regions. The meeting approved the temporary charter of the public organization, elected the chairman and the Central Council of the “Russian Assembly”, which included 5 people - the chairman of the RS, as well as Father Alexander Shumsky, Vladimir Krupin, Andrey Soshenko (secretary of the organization) and Konstantin Novikov. At the meeting, the idea was also born to create an Expert Council at the “Russian Assembly”, including authoritative scientists and experts in various fields of knowledge. The Council has already agreed to include Doctor of Philosophy, Professor of Moscow State University Valery Nikolaevich Rastorguev, Doctor of Economics, Professor of MGIMO Valentin Yurievich Katasonov, Doctor of Philology, Professor of Moscow State University Vladimir Alekseevich Voropaev, Doctor of Economics, Professor of Higher School of Economics Leonid Sergeevich Grebnev. The last two took an active part in the work of the meeting. In the future, as proposals were made, it is necessary not only to expand the composition of the Expert Council, but also to organize its work in different areas. In the meantime, it is planned to involve experts along with RS members in preparing round tables, readings, conferences and meetings. Significant was the participation in the founding meeting of the “Russian Assembly” by the chairman of the Union of Writers of Russia Valery Nikolaevich Ganichev, who addressed those gathered with words of greeting and even took part in the discussion about the name of the organization. Ganichev had just returned from St. Petersburg, where he participated in the awarding of the Alexander Nevsky Prize laureates and, frankly speaking, I had doubts that he would be able to take part in the meeting, although he promised to be there if the opportunity arose. Therefore, I would like to once again thank Valery Nikolaevich for the honor that he showed us all by taking part in the founding meeting. For me, Ganichev’s participation was a living embodiment of the continuity of generations, since Valery Nikolaevich is one of the “last Mohicans” of the patriotic movement of previous decades. Thus, the “Russian Assembly” demonstrated loyalty to the patriotic tradition. By the way, in addition to V.N. Ganichev, other guests were also present at the meeting: co-chairman of the Union of Orthodox Brotherhoods, rector of the Church of St. Nikola on Bersenevka, abbot Kirill (Sakharov), chairman of the party “Autocratic Russia” recently registered by the Ministry of Justice, writer Dmitry Nikolaevich Merkulov, editor-in-chief of the magazine “Pereprava” Alexander Ivanovich Notin. For us, such a worldview platform is Orthodoxy, patriotism and conservatism. We strive to update the ideas of Ivan Kireevsky and Alexei Khomyakov, Nikolai Danilevsky and Konstantin Leontyev, Konstantin and Ivan Aksakov, Mikhail Katkov and Konstantin Pobedonostsev, Lev Tikhomirov and Ivan Ilyin, the organizers of the pre-revolutionary “Russian Assembly” for the tasks of modern development of Russia. Only on this basis can we create a modern Russian ideology, capable of not only reconciling us with our great ancestors, who created, developed and defended the Fatherland, not only uniting around the Russian people all the diversity of nationalities and confessions of Russia, but also serving as the basis for new integration in the Eurasian space , for the reunification of the Russian people divided by borders.

(Moscow)

Number and compound members of the Russian Assembly (1901 – 1916)

The number of political parties and organizations usually reflects not only their size, but also their significance in the social movement and their capabilities. The Russian Assembly in this regard was a kind of exception. This organization occupied a leading place among other right-wing monarchist organizations and was their “think tank,” although its number did not exceed 1 – 1.5 thousand people, while the number of members of all extreme right parties (mainly the Union of the Russian People) in 1908 g. equaled 400 thousand people.

The composition of this organization, as already noted, was “privileged”. Suffice it to say that the annual membership fee in 1905 was 10 rubles. (and on the eve of the war it was even planned to increase it by one and a half times), while the corresponding contribution in an ordinary “mass” right-wing party was only 50 kopecks. (remember that 10 rubles is half the monthly wage of a factory worker at the beginning of the twentieth century).

The Russian Assembly was initially conceived as a fairly narrow organization consisting of the intelligentsia and privileged representatives of society. Already the first composition of the Assembly consisted of educated, completely “sufficient” representatives of the intelligentsia, office workers, military personnel, titled nobility, and representatives of elite circles. In 1905, the composition of the Russian Assembly began to be replenished with shopkeepers, butchers, and janitors. One of the leaders of the Russian Assembly noted that in the fall of 1905, the organization’s premises were provided to potential members of the future Union of the Russian People, which took shape in November, becoming a mass organization and incorporating the “lower classes” of the capital’s population. It can be assumed that some of them, before the formation of the RNC in the conditions of the revolution, could have become part of, or at least joined, the Russian Assembly. In this regard, the diary entry that after the formation of the RNC “all the scum of the Russian Assembly rushed to this Union” is evidence-based. After this, the composition of the Russian Assembly returned to its original form. However, the Russian Assembly was not an aristocratic organization, as was sometimes noted even in the literature of the 1990s.

Organizationally, the Russian Assembly and its local organizations were very fragile. To join it, an application by the person wishing to do so and a guarantee from two members of the Assembly were required. The composition, as one can assume, was constantly changing and replenished. Some members automatically dropped out of the Russian Assembly due to non-payment of the next membership fee. The turnover of Assembly members was influenced by government regulations in 1906, which recommended that employees not join political parties. Membership was often purely formal in nature, not obliging to carry out certain instructions of the organization. This is especially clearly seen in the example of the female part of the Assembly members. As a rule, these were wives and widows of dignitaries, officials, generals and officers. Their role in the Russian Assembly (except for their activities in the gymnasium or in the Ladies' Committee) was very modest. Annual reports recorded isolated cases of lectures and speeches by female members of the Assembly. Their “activity” was apparently limited to attending meetings, as well as signing certain documents and appeals. A rare exception was the editor of the "Bulletin of the Russian Assembly" for some time.

In terms of nationality, the composition of the Russian Assembly was quite homogeneous. In addition to the Great Russians, Ukrainians and Belarusians, a small group of members included Orthodox Poles and Germans (in Kazan, Yachevsky, in St. Petersburg).

There are lists of members of the Russian Assembly for a number of years, which allows us to talk quite specifically about the composition and number of its members. The first list of members of the Russian Assembly was apparently published in the spring of 1902. It listed 985 members by name (including 40 founding members). By January 1, 1904, less than two years after the appearance of the first list, the Russian Assembly, according to my calculations, had 1,804 active members. At four meetings in 1904, another 308 people were elected full members. Thus, the total number of members by January 1, 1905 became 2112. In 1904, among the members of the Russian Assembly there were representatives of the country’s cities (which, however, did not mean the presence of local organizations of the Russian Assembly in these cities). Thus, in just two to two and a half years, the number of members of the Russian Assembly increased by approximately 2 times.

Revolution 1905 – 1907 had an ambiguous effect on the size of the Russian Assembly. It certainly contributed to the activation and growth of public organizations. But for various reasons (both ideological and administrative restrictions), the process was not easy. As noted in the “Historical Sketch” of the Russian Assembly, published in 1906, its composition has changed greatly over the 5 years of its existence: “many have left us to the left, but no less, but new members have also arrived.” At the end of 1905 - 1906, the Russian Assembly, while remaining a special, elite organization in composition, was nevertheless replenished with the help of democratic strata. According to the calculations given from the list of names of members of the Assembly, its number in 1906 was about 2,300 members (of which 500 people lived outside St. Petersburg).

Having published in November 1906 the programs of various political parties and brief information about them regarding the size and composition of the Russian Assembly, he noted: “The list of members contains over 2000 names, including a very significant number of bearers of high-profile titles (princes, counts), as well as persons occupying a very high position in the public service. Most of the members are St. Petersburg residents, but there are quite a few of them in the provinces. Among them are also named persons who, perhaps, were once members of the Assembly, but are now undoubtedly in it perhaps due to a misunderstanding (for example, the editor of Rus)."

It should be noted that for a considerable number of members of the Assembly, the connection with this organization was of a purely “ideological” and symbolic nature. Many high-ranking dignitaries and officials, not only from other cities, but also from the capital (and among them, etc.), apparently rarely attended meetings of the Assembly and did not participate in practical activities related to membership in it. To one degree or another, this distinguished all nonresident members. Their membership was expressed in ideological, material and moral support for the Russian Assembly, propaganda and defense of its positions on the ground. Therefore, official data on the number of members of the Russian Assembly both in the initial and subsequent periods are quite conditional.

The above data on the number of members of the Russian Assembly and their composition at initial stage may be supplemented over the next few years. The monograph on right-wing monarchist parties contains the development of a list of names of members of the Russian Assembly for 1906. Let us reproduce these data.

The number and composition of members of the Russian Assembly in 1906 of the Russian Council of the Russian

Class, profession
Bureaucracy
Military personnel
Teachers, doctors, engineers, representatives of liberal professions
Clergy
Peasants (engaged in trade)
Merchants and entrepreneurs
Landowners
Unknown

Source: Stepanov hundred... M., 1992. P.110.

According to the data presented, the three most numerous groups of the Russian Assembly were officials, military personnel, as well as representatives of the so-called third estate - teachers and technical intelligentsia (33, 22 and 18%, respectively). Of the rest, a significant proportion were merchants and entrepreneurs (6.3%) and clergy (3%). The data on landowners is, presumably, underestimated, since the calculations reflected only the indication of occupation and class recorded in the list. According to estimates, approximately 72% of the payroll belonged to the nobility, and 3 to the titled nobility.

Lists of active members of the Russian Assembly at the end of 1911 and those present at the general meeting on December 4, 1911 have been preserved. It follows from them that slightly less than half of all members were present at the general meeting in December 1911.

In connection with the election of new full members at the general meeting in December 1911, a “List of persons proposed for election ...” was compiled, marked “For the general meeting on December 18, 1911.” It indicated the surname, first name and patronymic, professional activity, class (not always), address and surnames of the two guarantors. The corresponding summary of data is presented in the following table:

Position, profession, Estate				Repeated mention
Official, railway agent d., government official institutions
College Advisor, Daughter of K.S.
Engineer, mining engineer
Technician (chemist)
Head tobacco store, sales clerk
Head church-teaching School, women's educational institution
Home teacher
Professor's widow
Doctor's wife
Artist
General, wife, widow, daughter of a general
Retired colonel, reserve lieutenant, wife of a colonel, captain 2nd rank, staff captain
Baron, Baroness
Hereditary nobleman, nobleman, noblewoman
Clergy
Hereditary honorary citizen, personal honorary citizen, their widows
Peasant
Art. s., daughter s. With.

Printing organs of the “Russian Assembly”. Count's Union of Russian People. "Moskovskie Vedomosti" as a political center of right-wing forces. Black Hundred "Russian Banner". “The Tsar and the People”, “Veche” and others.

PRINT OF THE CONSERVATIVE PARTY

In 1905, noble political associations intensified their activities. After the publication of the Tsar's manifesto on October 17 "Russian meeting" made an “Appeal to all like-minded people and to the people.” This was the first program document of the Assembly. The core of the organization's program guidelines was the recognition of the "unshakable foundations of state order." “The Russian state,” said the “Appeal,” “must form one indivisible whole under the rule of an autocratic tsar.”

Soon the political Program of the “Russian Assembly” itself was adopted. It identified the causes of the unrest: the diminishment of faith among the people, the plunder of autocracy by representatives of the bureaucratic system, the weakening of national feeling and patriotism, the decline of Russian enlightenment, foreign dominance in all spheres of Russian life.

The leaders of the “Russian Assembly” saw a way out of the created turmoil in the calling of elected representatives of the people, “who will be able to actually realize the true unity of the people with the tsar in the matter of state building.” Not a word was said in the Program about any reforms announced in the manifesto.

This document was published in the first issue "Bulletin of the Russian Assembly", published January 27, 1906. The editor of "Bulletin..." was V.V. Yaromkin, then S.L. Obleukhova. The general management was carried out by the editorial staff. The first issue was sent to all members of the "Assembly" free of charge, subsequent issues were sent free of charge only to non-resident members who paid membership fees. It should be noted that by 1906 the “Russian Assembly” numbered 1,500 people. It was the largest and most stable organization of noble political associations.

In 1906, an attempt was made to publish a newspaper for the provinces by the Russian Assembly "Outskirts of Russia". Even a special meeting was created to publish the newspaper, headed by Senator N.D. Sergeevsky. But due to a lack of funds in the “Sobranie”, the newspaper began to be published by the participants-donors themselves, who, on the initiative of A.S. Budilovich decided to create their own organization at the end of 1907 - the Russian Outlying Society.

Provincial departments of the “Russian Assembly” also published their own periodicals. For example, the Odessa department published a newspaper "Russian speech", the Irkutsk branch published a newspaper "Siberian", the Kazan branch issued "Right-Wing Newspaper" and the chairman of the board of the Kazan branch A.T. Soloviev was the editor-publisher of the newspaper "Orthodox and autocratic Rus'" and magazine "Doer".

Of the right-wing noble associations, the Russian Assembly was one of the most moderate and loyal to the government. Its press basically followed the guidelines of the central Council and its editorial outfit: to be bodies “pacifying, alien to the desire to sow discord between nationalities.”

Unlike the "Russian Assembly" "Circle of Moscow nobles faithful to the oath" advocated the implementation of certain reforms, without which, in the opinion of the leaders of the Circle, the normal development of state life would be disrupted and, consequently, harm would be caused to the autocracy. On this matter, they conducted active correspondence with S.Yu. Witte and other members of the cabinet.

The ideological and theoretical positions of the “Circle” were substantiated in the works of its Slavophile ideologists F.D. Samarin and S.F. Sharapova. Therefore, the propaganda concept of the “Circle” boiled down to the idea of ​​strengthening the authority of the autocracy and justifying the existence of noble land ownership. The main mouthpiece of the "Circle" was the newspaper S.F. Sharapova "Russian Affair".

Until its self-dissolution in 1912, the “Circle of Moscow Nobles True to the Oath” remained a temporary and uninfluential association. The breakaway part of this “circle”, which received the name “Sheremetyevo group” (after the name of the organizer) in March 1905 was transformed into Union of Russian People. It was a rather small and closed class organization. In the spring and summer of 1905, the number of its participants ranged from 100 to 300 people; in subsequent years, many members of the Union joined more powerful Black Hundred associations, however, maintaining intra-class corporatism. The small number of members of the Union of Russian People was more than compensated for by big names known in Russia. The backbone of the organization was made up of representatives of ancient aristocratic families: Counts Pavel and Pyotr Sheremetyev, D.A. Olsufiev, A.A. Bobrinsky, V. Gudovich, princes A.M. Golitsyn, A. and N. Shcherbatov, V. Volkonsky, S. Gagarin, V. Urusov, as well as Archimandrite Anastasy, the son of the famous Slavophile D.A. Khomyakov, son and grandson of the poet I.F. and F.I. Tyutchevs, historian D.I. Ilovaisky, priest and publicist Fr. Joseph Fudel, academician A.M. Sobolevsky and other famous Moscow figures.

In the charter of the Union of Russian People, its goals were determined exclusively by the Uvarov triad: to promote, by legal means, the correct development of the principles of Russian churchism, Russian statehood and the Russian national economy on the foundations of Orthodoxy, autocracy and Russian nationality.

Despite such a large composition of wealthy aristocrats, the Union of Russian People was not successful in organizing its party printed organs. To some extent, the ideas of the Union were unofficially propagated by the daily political and literary newspaper of history professor D.I. Ilovaisky "Kremlin", published in Moscow from 1897 to 1913. But it was financed by the Moscow merchants and reflected the all-class ideology of right-wing forces.

The Union's own publications were not durable. First number "Vremennik of the Union of Russian People" came out on March 5, 1906, and the last (No. 3) on May 30. In all likelihood, it was mainly members of the Union who were able to familiarize themselves with the publication, to whom it was sent free of charge. Weekly "Moscow Voice" published for just over a year: from April 1906 to May 1907.

The Union of Russian People used the opportunities of the local official press. Thus, the Tambov branch of the Union arose on the basis of the editorial office "Tambov Diocesan Gazette" and made extensive use of the platform of the local “Governor's Gazette”, publishing in them articles by members of the Union or publishing brochures as appendices. Chairman of the Odessa branch of the Union of Russian People N.N. Rodzevich opened his party newspaper "Russian World" and then - "Russian voice". The Kiev branch published a newspaper "Voice of the Russian".

The press of noble political associations cannot be classified as a type of mass publication. For the most part, the newspapers and "Bullets" of these organizations carried out internal party functions, serving to publish reports, orientation speeches of leaders, discussion materials, reports and letters. Ideologically, the press of noble organizations differed only in nuances: the press of the “Russian Assembly,” like this entire organization, was closer to government circles, criticized the bureaucracy less and called for reform; publications of the “Circle of Moscow Nobles True to the Oath” gravitated toward Slavophile ideology and were more critical of the government, demanding more stringent measures in defending the foundations of autocracy and noble land use; The few publications of the Union of Russian People did not deny the need for some reforms and were focused on the non-estate unification of all right-wing forces.

However, practical steps towards this kind of unification were taken only "Moskovskie Vedomosti" led by V.A. Greenmouth. It was this newspaper that was chosen for massive Zubatov propaganda among the workers. And it was “Moskovskie Vedomosti” that, together with the head of the Moscow security department Zubatov, initiated the creation of the “Independent Patriotic Society of Monarchist Workers.” In the work of the constituent meeting of this company, in addition to V.A. Gringmut, took part in the editor of the newspaper "Svet" V.V. Komarov, editor of the "Russian Messenger" Syromyatnikov, editor-publisher of the humorous magazine "Oskolki" Leikin, employee of the "New Time" Velichko and others. The pages of the "Moskovskiye Vedomosti" published letters from monarchist workers with calls to join their society and fight together against the rebels .

Prime Minister S.Yu. Gringmuth called Witte a state villain, through whose fault factories and factories appeared in Russia, and with them the labor issue.

In the events of January 9, 1905, Moskovskie Vedomosti insightfully captured the beginning of the revolution. The newspaper called on the government to immediately continue “its activities to resolve the labor issue, which were stalled at the very first steps.” “That organization is needed,” said the editorial of Moskovskie Vedomosti, “which is needed by the workers and the authorities to determine the needs of the workers, to enable correct relations with employers. Wherever such organizations are created, the working class fights for its true interests and no longer may be involved in riots."

Gringmuth's hint about the government's first steps in resolving the labor issue did not at all refer to any relaxations or reforms in this area. It was about broadly attracting workers to the large monarchist party conceived in circles close to the tsar. The author of the “project” was the well-known figure of the tsarist secret police, the head of foreign agents since the time of the “Sacred Squad”, P.I. Rachkovsky. He was joined by: Minister of Internal Affairs P.N. Durnovo, General Gerasimov, Stanchinsky, Comrade Minister of Internal Affairs Lykoshin, Moscow priest John Vostorgov, Count Darrer from Kursk, engineer V.P. Sokolov and Grand Dukes Nikolai Nikolaevich and Vladimir Alexandrovich.

Gringmut did not wait for decisive action from the government and in February 1905 announced the creation of the Russian Monarchist Party, the central bureau of which was formed under the editorship of Moskovskie Vedomosti. At this time, the newspaper resembled a military headquarters: ordinary people, officials and dignitaries crowded here. The pages of the newspaper were filled with letters of support and requests for the sending of patriotic literature.

In the article “Organization of the Monarchist Party,” the newspaper reported on the unification of revolutionary destructive forces in the country and called for a single, strong monarchist party to oppose anarchy, “to create a common all-Russian squad around the royal throne.” Proposing his newspaper as a unifying center, Gringmut wrote: "Moskovskie Vedomosti" for more than forty years has always invariably called the government's policy of concessions to revolutionary demands a policy of pathetic impotence, causing not a decrease, but a more daring strengthening of these demands." And it was further argued that no representation can claim that it is the opinion of the people and expresses their interests.The tsar himself is the representative of the people and responsible for them before God, the publicist emphasized.

“There are two paths before the government,” the newspaper wrote, “either immediate, merciless destruction of sedition, or... But it’s scary to even think about the second path... We must call decisive people to power...”. Later, in the article “Two Dictatorships,” Gringmuth wrote: “All roads now lead to dictatorship; it has become inevitable anyway. The question now is what kind of dictatorship will be established in Russia.”

Moskovskie Vedomosti increasingly reported on the creation of various small societies, circles, and unions. For example, at the end of January 1905, it was reported about the emergence of a “society of banner bearers” at the Prince Vladimir Church in Moscow, which included peasants, workers, small traders, artisans, cab drivers, and janitors.

On behalf of the Russian monarchist party, Moskovskie Vedomosti published an appeal to the Russian people: “Converge everywhere, in all cities, get to know each other and rally in the name of the Orthodox Church, the Autocratic Tsar and the Russian people, and the enemies will not defeat us.” In fact, the Moskovskie Vedomosti, led by Gringmut and his Russian Monarchist Party, became the organizer of the fighting squads of the Black Hundreds, who carried out counter-revolutionary pogroms after the Tsar’s Manifesto on October 17, 1905. The Moskovskie Vedomosti Manifesto itself was assessed as “just a helpless response to anarchy.” .

The day before, Moskovskie Vedomosti published an appeal from the Union of Russian People to all loyal subjects of the Russian Tsar to create order committees at each parish. For this purpose it was proposed on Sunday 16 October after Divine Liturgy to form such committees and thus turn churches into strongholds of opposition to sedition. In turn, the committees were supposed to create order squads at each parish, designed to directly combat the turmoil. In the same issue, the word of Metropolitan Vladimir (Epiphany) of Moscow was published, in which the “atheist revolutionaries” were condemned. The Bishop demanded from each believer: “Do what the king’s servants demand of you, what the shepherds of the church tell you.”

However, not all pastors agreed with the Bishop: a group of professors of the Moscow Theological Academy in the Russkie Vedomosti called the Metropolitan’s appeal Black Hundred propaganda, 79 priests in a public statement dared to disagree with their archpastor, and even the Holy Synod expressed its mild but censure.

At the same time, many priests and bishops took an active part in the conservative monarchist movement: Archbishop Anthony (Khrapovitsky), Bishop Evgeny (Georgievsky), Abbot Vitaly (Maksimenko), Archimandrite Macarius (Gnevushev), Archpriest John Vostorgov and others.

In October 1905, the charter and program of the Russian Monarchist Party were published in the Moskovskiye Vedomosti. It was headed by V.A. Greenmut, I.I. Vostorgov, Prince D.N. Dolgorukov and Baron G.G. Rosen. According to the charter, all adult Russian subjects, without distinction of classes, conditions and religions, except Jews, could become members of the party. The program, in particular, contained the following provisions: about the “salvation” of the tsar from the influence of high-ranking bureaucrats-“reformers” and the wavering part of the court, “pulling the tsar towards a constitution”; the unacceptability of any changes in the system of power; the exaltation of the Orthodox Church; preservation of the class system; streamlining local government; moral, national education of youth, etc. The status of the newspaper was also fixed in the program: “The monarchist party is simultaneously organized in various cities and villages of the Russian Empire, its center is located in Moscow, where the organ of the monarchist party “Moskovskie Vedomosti” is published. Under the editorship of this The newspaper organized for the first time a Central Bureau, which focused on receiving applications to join the monarchist party and directing its actions, as well as an election committee to conduct the upcoming election campaign." However, Moskovskie Vedomosti did not conduct an election campaign, but an anti-election campaign, because it did not recognize the very right of existence of any kind of legislative, let alone legislative, body in autocratic Russia. Therefore, from the first days of the work of the State Duma, the appeal daily and invariably appeared in the “header” of the front page: “And first of all, the Duma must be dissolved!” The result of the extensive preliminary work done by Gringmut and Vostorgov was the emergence of branches of the monarchist party in more than 60 cities.

In February 1907, Gringmut was elected chairman of the autonomous Moscow Union of the Russian People with the simultaneous leadership of the Russian Monarchist Party. "Moskovskie Vedomosti" served two parties and provided assistance to other monarchist associations.

In 1907 V.A. Gringmuth rented a university printing house, where he printed materials from all right-wing organizations. In addition, Moscow monarchists, led by Gringmut, provided extensive material support to numerous right-wing newspapers and magazines in the provinces. “...We,” wrote I.I. Vostorgov on behalf of the parties headed by Gringmut, “will try to provide financial assistance to the following publications: “Tverskoe Volga Region”, “Susanin” (in Krasnoyarsk), “Nabat” (in Simferopol), “ Russian People" (in Yaroslavl), "Peaceful Labor" (in Kharkov), "Kursk Byl"... In addition, millions of copies of brochures, leaflets, books were sent to right-wing parties and their branches through Moskovskiye Vedomosti, including including those issued by the Police Department.The former director of this department, A. A. Lopukhin, reported that during the period of the first Russian revolution, counter-revolutionary appeals signed by workers, printed in the printing houses of the department, were distributed in Moscow through V. A. Gringmut.

Moskovskie Vedomosti had an ambiguous attitude towards government officials, or rather, clearly from the standpoint of the program of the Russian Monarchist Party. In paragraph X of the program it was written: “Public service must stand high and honestly; only persons who sacredly, strictly and selflessly fulfill their duty to the Autocratic Tsar and the Fatherland can be servants of the Tsar.” However, as noted in the program, “In all spheres there are persons who violate the laws of the state or indulge their violators out of cowardice and self-interest, thereby contributing to the decline of Government authority and the corruption of society, they, moreover, cause incalculable harm to the state. The monarchist party indignantly rejects these unfaithful and crafty servants of the king...". The compilers of the program believe that Russia can be liberated from “bad bureaucracy” only by a monarch who is unlimited in his power,” “a fair court, to which all faulty and especially selfish officials, even those who occupied the highest official positions in the government, should be brought to justice.” State. The right to initiate such involvement must be ensured for every loyal subject.”

It was precisely this “right of initiative” that Moskovskie Vedomosti widely used to denounce liberal or dishonest tsarist dignitaries.

At the same time, the program of the Monarchist Party expressed clear support for the agrarian policy of P.A. Stolypin. Therefore, when for the publication in Moskovskie Vedomosti of the appeal “Orthodox Russian people!” and the harsh “Open Letter to the Government,” then printed as separate leaflets in hundreds of thousands of copies, Gringmut was brought to trial, Stolypin expressed obvious dissatisfaction with the actions of the Moscow administration. The mayor of Moscow justified himself by the ostentatious nature of the preventive measure: “...By initiating prosecution against Moskovskie Vedomosti, I am significantly expanding the field for further influence on the press of the opposite direction, and the usual reproach in public spheres that the authorities allegedly turn a blind eye to stimulating articles from the reactionary press, and only persecutes the liberal press, there is no room left.”

V.A. Gringmut is rightfully considered one of the main ideologists of the Black Hundred movement. In the article "The Guide of the Black Hundred Monarchist" he defines the essence of this movement as follows: "The Black Hundred" are thousands, millions, this is the entire Orthodox people who remain faithful to the oath to the unlimited Autocratic Tsar." And he continued further: "Is this name "Black Hundred" honorable? "? Yes, very honorable. The Nizhny Novgorod Black Hundred, gathered around Minin, saved Moscow and all of Russia from the Poles and Russian traitors, and Prince Pozharsky and the Russian boyars loyal to the Tsar joined this glorious Black Hundred. All of them were real “Black Hundreds,” and all of them, like the current “Black Hundreds-monarchists,” came to the defense of the Orthodox Monarch, the Autocratic Tsar.”

Indeed, the definition of “Black Hundred” initially had the most innocent meaning. The “Black Hundreds” included the townspeople of the Russian medieval city.

For Gringmut and Moskovskie Vedomosti, Jews clearly acted as enemies of Orthodoxy, autocracy and the Russian people. This “dislike” for Jews was transferred to all party leaders to the left of the Black Hundreds. Therefore, on the pages of Moskovskie Vedomosti, as well as in other monarchist publications, epithets have become commonplace: “Christ sellers”, “corrupt hirelings”, “traitors to Russia”, “intelligentsia riffraff”, etc. However, Moskovskie Vedomosti has always emphasized the peacemaking nature of the right-wing movement. In one of his speeches, Gringmut urged his like-minded people: “Never dare to think about it, remember that anyone who fights for a well-known idea will never kill, otherwise he will sign that he does not believe in the triumph of his idea. Indeed. a viable, truly holy idea can only be watered with the blood of its adherents. Each new victim from our ranks brings us closer to victory, but let him be ashamed who thinks of raising a fratricidal hand against his enemy: by doing this he will put a shameful stain on our holy cause! Peacefully ", covering it with our corpses and not yielding one iota of our beliefs, we will reach our goal, we will achieve victory."

The leader of the Russian monarchists formulated these goals as follows: “If the Union of the Russian People were limited only to political activities, for example, elections to the State Duma, then its significance would be transient and temporary. But our Union has an incomparably higher and eternal goal: national, religious and moral revival of the Russian people, in order to make them so conscious and strong that neither external nor internal enemies could even come up with any attempt on the glory, integrity and holding power of Russia."

The censors of the Moscow Committee for Press Affairs noted in their review for 1907 that, with a circulation of 5 thousand copies, “the oldest newspaper in Moscow achieved its greatest influence, reminiscent of the brightest years of the editorship of M.N. Katkov... Having made its newspaper an organ of monarchical organizations , he (Gringmut) printed in it their appeals, reports and notices of fundraising... A significant sensation was caused by the very short but lively satirical notes of the editor himself - “Professor Barrikadov’s Notebook”, which described the agitation and revolutionary activities of a fictional professor inciting students to all kinds of active actions of an anti-state nature."

"Moskovskie Vedomosti" was recognized as the organ of the All-People's Russian Union; its editors took an active part in organizing the All-Russian Congresses of the United Russian People, receiving and publishing telegrams addressed to the congresses.

Gringmut treated the right-wing movement as non-partisan, since he believed that there could not be a monarchical party in an autocratic state. He said that the Union of the Russian People is nothing more than the Russian people themselves, united in a common multimillion-dollar union to defend their church, their Tsar and their Motherland.

A native of Germany, V.A. Gringmut was one of the most devoted and unyielding adherents of Russian Orthodox and autocratic statehood. A widely educated man, a brilliant publicist, and an energetic public figure, he did a lot to unite the right-wing forces, although the laurels of unifiers went to others. His "Moskovskie Vedomosti", like the Social Democratic "Iskra", the Socialist Revolutionary " Revolutionary Russia" and the cadet "Liberation" were the core around which the political movement of the monarchists was formed. He was the leader of this movement, and the newspaper was the leader's tribune. It was Gringmut, as the "Russian Banner" wrote, who was "the first worker and chief architect of this colossal building , the main executor of this difficult work. When the revolutionary movement broke out in Moscow, when the Russian people..., hearing the shots of Brownings..., timidly hid in their homes, the editor of Moskovskie Vedomosti stepped forward and shouted a cry to everyone who did not mock the word “patriot”, who did not lose faith in the Russian nation and did not applaud the crowd of political brawlers with red flags: “Unite and gather, Russian people!” . And while he lived and worked, everything was heading towards the fact that numerous monarchist, nationalist and simply conservative organizations and unions would unite into a single force.

Union of the Russian People took shape at the beginning of November 1905 on the wave of already fading Jewish and anti-revolutionary pogroms from numerous small monarchist, nationalist, patriotic organizations and simply from spontaneously formed fighting squads. It was a non-estate organization, which included social elements that by their nature were not associated with autocracy, but needed it and depended on landownership, as well as masses of declassed elements.

The Union quickly grew in provincial organizations, of which in 1906 - 1907. there were more than 3000. The social basis of the Union was made up of the most heterogeneous elements: conservative landowners, representatives of the large and petty bourgeoisie, merchants, artisans, people from the countryside, “backward” workers. The size of the organization grew in direct proportion to the decline of the revolutionary movement. According to various estimates, in the summer of 1906 there were 253 thousand members of the Union, and by the end of 1907 - 410 thousand people. According to estimates by the Police Department, the Black Hundreds numbered about 500 thousand people. And the Black Hundreds themselves numbered up to three million in their ranks. But even minimal figures indicate that the Union was at the end of the revolution of 1905 - 1907. was the largest political organization in Russia.

The newspaper became the main organ of the Union of Russian People "Russian Banner". Its typological and substantive concept was built on the basis of the statutory and program guidelines of the Union. In the charter, the purpose of the Union was defined as follows: “the development of national Russian self-awareness and the strong unification of Russian people of all classes and conditions for general work for the benefit of our dear Fatherland - Russia, united and indivisible."

The program of the Union of the Russian People was laconic, written in the form of an appeal (“Russian people!”), understandable to all social strata and elements included in the Union. In basic terms, it boiled down to the following provisions: the inviolability of royal power; a legislative Duma, but with the right to control the activities of ministers; responsibility of ministers and every official “for any irregularity in the affairs of the service, based on complaints from injured private individuals brought to the prosecutor’s supervision.”

“Russian Banner” adhered to these frameworks in its agitation and propaganda activities. The first issues were edited by the Chairman of the Union A.I. Dubrovin, then the editors were I.S. Durnovo, A.I. Trishatny, P.F. Bulatzel. The newspaper was published with a circulation of 3 to 14.5 thousand copies, first weekly, and since 1906 - daily. The subscription did not cover even 25% of the costs. During the years of the first Russian revolution P.A. Stolypin allocated 15 thousand rubles for the needs of the Union and its newspaper. per month. But after anti-government articles in “Russian Banner”, the government’s source of funding dried up, and all financial burdens fell on the shoulders of a staunch monarchist, the widow of the merchant E.A. Poluboyarinova, who spent up to 60 thousand rubles annually on publication.

“Russian Banner” opened its first issue (November 27, 1905) with the appeal “To the Russian Army. From the Union of the Russian People,” in which it spoke out against anti-government propaganda and “all the intrigues of the villains of anarchists and revolutionaries who encroached on the Orthodox Faith, integrity and unity Russia, rebelled against the Tsar and the Law!" and called on Russian soldiers not to forget their fathers, grandfathers and great-grandfathers, who shed blood for them.

In the leading article of the same issue, left-wing publications “New Life”, “Nachalo”, “Son of the Fatherland” and others were angrily criticized, “rejoicing” over the workers’ strikes. “Is it even possible for the listed newspapers to continue to exist?” - the “Russian Banner” posed the question, obviously addressed to the authorities. The newspaper explained to its readers “what autocracy is and whether the Russian people need it,” and in the article “About Friends and Traitors” it called: “For the Faith, for the Tsar, for the Motherland!”, “Down with the strikes!”, “Russia is for Russians!" Such slogans will be characteristic of all publications of the Union of the Russian People.

Another characteristic feature of all Black Hundred publications was their speeches against Jews and their defenders - intellectuals from left-wing parties. Not the last violin in this anti-Semitic orchestra was the “Russian Banner”.

State Duma for the Union of the Russian People headed by A.I. Dubrovin was an enemy organ, infringing on the autocratic power of the tsar, a gathering place for revolutionaries. Therefore, neither Dubrovin himself nor his closest associates took part in the elections to the Duma. Publicists of the "Russian Banner" constantly advocated the dissolution of the Duma, not shying away from methods of political blackmail. Thus, in November 1906, the Main Council of the Union published a statement in the Russian Banner that it disclaimed responsibility for pogroms that could occur in the event of a positive question in the Duma about expanding the rights of Jews.

The issue of dissolving the Duma was constantly discussed in the Russian Banner. All such publications of the Russian Banner were accompanied by letters about an alleged assassination attempt on the Tsar. At the same time, sharp epigrams were published against deputies - members of opposition parties and participants in the revolutionary movement. The background to all this was notes about the growing activity of numerous organizations of the Union of the Russian People.

Other private newspapers were also published in St. Petersburg, taking the position of the Union of the Russian People. Since 1905 the newspaper has been published "An association", which, by definition of censorship, had a conservative direction." The editors themselves claimed that "Unification" did not belong to any party. However, on weekends, on Mondays, the editors of "Russian Banner" sent "Unification" to its subscribers. In the printing house of the Ministry of Internal Affairs newspaper was printed "Russian reading" and her weekly supplement "Collection of Russian reading"(editor-publisher D. Dubensky). Here, on eight A4 pages, patriotic and Christmas tales and stories, humoresques, cartoons, anecdotes, and useful tips were published. Here is an example from the “Jokes and Laughter” section: “Everybody knows who the “cadets” are. They’re good.” the best people"In fact, look: here is a lawyer who is a liar, a Chukhonian, a Jew, a Georgian, an Armenian. The “cadets” care about everyone, they benefit everyone, only they have forgotten about the Russians and even think that it is a shame to be called “Russian”.

The famous conservative publicist of that time, A.A., also spoke on the propaganda field of the Union of the Russian People. Bashmakov, who published from October 1905 to May 1906. St. Petersburg daily newspaper "People's Voice".

The Moscow Autonomous Union of the Russian People was no less active in publishing than its St. Petersburg counterparts. The newspaper appeared in February 1905 "The Tsar and the People" immediately adopted the style and rhetoric that became characteristic of the entire Black Hundred press. About Bloody Sunday, the newspaper wrote: “Political hooligans have come to life, the hydra of international anarchy has raised its head... Enough! It’s time to put an end to both political murders and the flirting of political spheres with liberals... one cannot look with indifference at the unbridled orgy of liberal tongue-lashing that continues in the press.” This was accompanied by an article in the spirit of the unforgettable M.N. Katkova - “Stand up: Power is coming!” .

The newspaper "Tsar and the People" became the forerunner of that type of Black Hundred publication, which combined tabloid unbridledness and orientation towards the unpretentious, poorly educated masses, political agitation for the autocratic Orthodox system, overt chauvinism and violent anti-Semitism. A prominent representative of this type of Black Hundred publication was the newspaper "Veche", - as the subtitle says, “the organ of the Russian monarchist allies. Publication of the Moscow Union of the Russian People.” True, until 1909 it was published as a private publication of the Olovennikovs.

The first issue of the newspaper was published on December 11, 1905, underground. In revolutionary Moscow, engulfed in an armed uprising, declaring itself an officially Black Hundred publication was like death. But the new underground leaflet was sold, as the editors themselves recalled, “in great demand.” This “underground” period was forever immortalized” in a “memorial inscription” next to the heading: “The newspaper was founded by V.V. Olovennikov on December 5, 1905, during the days of the armed uprising in Moscow."

The newspaper was published in A3 format on four pages. In January-February 1906, it changed its names ("Back", "Moscow Veche", "Our Veche"), until on February 13 it returned to the original one. Newspaper circulation in 1905-1908. reached 25-30 thousand copies. The newspaper was distributed throughout Russia.

Officials of the Moscow Censorship Department wrote in 1907 about the newspaper “Veche”: “The newspaper is of a highly patriotic, but very Black Hundreds hue, and Jews are ridiculed in caricatures, always drawn smartly and talentedly, denounced in articles, notes and messages... Expect It is impossible for this newspaper to turn into a decent organ, and it is hardly desirable; it has its own circle of readers, and in general has a beneficial effect on them, protecting them from being carried away by seditious ideas, instilling respect for the Russian people and holding high the banner of Orthodoxy and autocracy ".

Despite such a “positive” review from the Moscow Committee for Press Affairs, Veche was repeatedly subjected to censorship persecution. At the beginning of 1907, editor V.V. Olovennikov was expelled from Moscow, and the newspaper was administratively closed after sharp attacks on Metropolitan Anthony (Vadkovsky) of St. Petersburg.

Large regional departments of the Union of Russian People published their own newspapers locally. Researchers name 33 official and unofficial organs of the Union published in the provinces: "Sea Wave" (Vilna, 1907-1910), "Sychevskaya Gazeta" (1907), "Russian People" (Yaroslavl, 1906-1910), "Voice of Rybinsk" ( 1907), "Glazov Speech" (1912-1913), "Kursk Byl" (1906-1917), "Eagle" (1911-1916), "Voice of Order" (Elets, 1907, 1909-1917), "Minin" ( N. Novgorod, 1906-1907), "Kozma Minin" (N. Novgorod, 1909-1917), "Minin Sukhoruk" (N. Novgorod, 1911), "Minin's Voice" (N. Novgorod, 1911-1913), " Permyak" (1908), "Self-Defense" (Ekaterinburg, 1912-1913), "Susanin" (Krasnoyarsk, 1907-1914), "Ogloblya" (Krasnoyarsk, 1911-1912), "Sibirskaya Pravda" (Tomsk), "Banner" (Rostov n/D, 1907), "Veche of the capital city of Kiev" (1907), "Kiev baton" (1907), "Voice of the People" (Kharkov, 1906-1907), "Black Hundred" (Kharkov, 1907), " Pochaev news" (1906-1909), "Pochaev leaflet" (1909-1917), "Blagovest" (Lubny, 1909-1913), "Russian hero" (Nikolaev, 1906-1907), "Nabat" (Simferopol, 1907- 1909), "Living Stream" (Sevastopol, 1909), "Bessarabets" (Chisinau, 1897-1906, 1912), "Black Hundreds" (Kazan, 1906-1907)", "Odessa Rubber" (1908-1909), "For Tsar and Motherland" (Odessa, 1906-1910), "Odessa Bulletin" (1910-1914), etc.

Undoubtedly, one of the oldest large monarchist newspapers also joined this “galaxy” "Kievite". Its editor and publisher was a member of the State Council, Professor D.I. Pikhno. Back in the early 900s, "Kievlyanin" and Kharkov "Yuzhny Krai", two provincial newspapers throughout Russia, contrary to the statute on censorship and the press, were exempted from preliminary censorship for the purely official nature of their speeches and special merits in carrying out the government's Russification policy in Ukraine. In his youth D.I. Pikhno actively collaborated in Katkov’s Moskovskie Vedomosti and Aksakov’s Rus. In 1905, as S.Yu. recalled. Witte, Pikhno “immediately, like crazy, rushed to the right side and, having become an adherent of the “Union of the Russian People,” began preaching the most extreme reactionary thoughts in “Kievlyanin.” In fact, D.I. Pikhno was not only an adherent, he headed the Kiev branch of the Union of Russian People. And although he did not make his newspaper an official organ of the Union and even denied its party affiliation, "Kievlyanin" followed the mainstream of Black Hundred propaganda.

Among the provincial organizations, the Odessa department of the Union of Russian People, headed by Count A.I., also stood out. Konovnitsyn. Konovnitsyn was also the editor-publisher of the newspaper "For the Tsar and the Motherland." The newspaper was published in Odessa in 1906-1910, but was popular and was sent to many Black Hundred organizations in other regions. Therefore, the type of publication is of particular interest.

The newspaper was published in A2 format on four pages. The design of the headline included a third of the first page and consisted of a drawing symbolizing the triad “Orthodoxy, autocracy, nationality.” At the top center of this magnificent composition, under the church dome, framed by banners, symbols of royal power were depicted: a crown, a scepter and an orb. Along the edges are St. Basil's Cathedral in Moscow and, obviously, the Odessa Cathedral. On the right hung a banner with the face of a saint. On the left was a Russian warrior-hero with a sword, shield and royal standard in his hands; On the ribbons there is an inscription: “God is with us.” The hero crushes a snake with his boot, symbolizing the enemy. In the center of the composition, in a stylized Slavic font, is the title “For the Tsar and the Motherland.” Below is the icon of the Union of the Russian People.

The newspaper "For the Tsar and the Motherland" is strictly adhered to in the spirit of the program provisions of the Union of the Russian People. The correspondence “Once again, a disgrace with Russian newspapers” described another case of an attack by hooligans on a peddler of monarchist newspapers, who “crumpled and tore more than 30 copies of her, threatening her that if she continues to sell our newspaper, they will beat her and tear up the newspaper every time." And, of course, behind these cases the newspaper, as always, saw the machinations of the Jews.

In the “feuilleton” section there is a poem, helpless in the sense of poetry, but ideologically consistent, calling on all classes of Russian people to join the ranks of the Black Hundreds:

"All Russians need to unite,

Show your power to everyone;

Let everyone merge with our Union,

All to drive away sedition."

A large article “Moscow uprising. (December 1905) According to revolutionaries” was also published here. It describes the confusion in the ranks of the rebels. The Bolsheviks, Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries understood tactical tasks in their own way, their leaders gave contradictory commands, no one knew military affairs. The workers were heated up by rallies and the construction of barricades, they were deceived by rumors about troops going over to the side of the rebels, etc. The author of the article concludes that the bloodbath perpetrated by the revolutionaries, who used the workers as cannon fodder, was senseless.

The newspaper "For the Tsar and the Motherland" was an interregional publication and served one of the largest organizations of the Union of the Russian People. Most of the local branches of the Union were less numerous, and their newspapers were much more modest in terms of volume, circulation, and periodicity.

Typical of such publications was the weekly newspaper of the Rostov-on-Don department of the Union of Russian People "Banner". The department of the Union itself was opened on November 5, 1906. L.G. was elected its chairman. Epifanovich, “famous” for the fact that his book “Jews, their worldview and social activities” (Novocherkassk, 1908), published by the department, was arrested by the Rostov press inspector V.A. Kansky, initiating criminal proceedings against the author. The publication was banned not because of statements against the Jews themselves, but because of statements offensive to the government and its bodies, which could arouse in the population a hostile attitude towards government regulations. The conflict involved Nakaznoy Ataman, Chairman of the Union A.I. Dubrovin, Chief Prosecutor of the Holy Synod and even Prime Minister P.A. Stolypin.

The first issue of the newspaper "Styag" was published on May 25, 1907 under the heading "The Duma must be immediately dissolved! The elected body must be changed!" In the leading article of this issue, declaring itself an “arch-right newspaper,” “Styag” promised its readers to deal with “left-wing comrades of the pen” - “toadies from the revolution.” And the newspaper opens on its pages a constant persecution of all more or less liberal Rostov newspapers.

Placing a call for unity in fighting squads, the newspaper immediately publishes a kind of “legal advice”, which is spread out in large print on a third of the page: “For the allies’ information: by virtue of Article 1471 of the Penal Code, “murder is not charged as a crime when it was a consequence of the defense of one’s own life permitted by law.” And then there is a frightening comment: “This must be firmly remembered, and then all the Jews and many of the robbers of “freedom” will lose the desire to openly kill, maim and beat us, people faithful to the oath!”

The pseudo-fictional prose poem “Before the Storm,” apparently inspired by M. Gorky’s “Petrel,” describes in allegorical form the troubled revolutionary time: “Where has the clear sun gone, red, bright, quiet days? The clouds have moved in - they’ve dimmed everything, They brought bitter grief with them. Bitter grief, dashing adversity - storm and rain... The darling is crying, the holy one is crying, Rus', protected by the Lord God. Evil bad weather - black sedition - gloomy clouds are hanging..."

Further, the author claims that the eagle-autocrat is not afraid of any crow, as long as his faithful falcons and gyrfalcons (read - Black Hundreds) are next to him: “With his wings wide open, the double-headed eagle soared, and everything bowed before him, in the azure skies he was his enemies formidable and great!

An evil kite circled above him in an envious flock, but the Eagle was not afraid of their rebellious, treacherous scream. He was their ruler, falcons followed him, gyrfalcons hovered, and their bold cry accompanied the dear eagle in the high skies!

But the treacherous kites, taking advantage of the bad weather, covered the sky with a black cloud again. “Everything is confused in the fog of bad weather,” writes the author. “In the barmas, in the monomachos’ cap, Rus' is crying bitterly, bitterly.” And he appeals to the “defenders of the Fatherland”: “Where have you gone - lost, dear falcons, that your bold call is not heard in bad weather? Where have you gone, lost, dear gyrfalcons, that your bold flight is not visible in bad weather?

With your white breast, boldly cut through the clouds around the Eagle and dispel the thick fog with the flapping of your wings!..”

Correspondence from Novorossiysk “Vile Time” speaks of the murder of “a staunch fighter for the Faith, the Tsar and the Fatherland,” police chief P.N. Kireeva. Accusing the left-wing “liberators” of political murders of members of the Union of the Russian People, the author says that the allies stand guard over law and order, strive to pacify Russia, and therefore will not “follow murderers from around the corner, expropriators and other “comrades” .

The content of the newspaper "Styag" ended with "An experience of an explanatory dictionary for readers of "left-wing" newspapers", among which were named "Southern Telegraph", "Nadezhda" and "Priazovsky Krai". Here are examples from this “dictionary”: “Revolutionaries are a people of thieves,” “Expropriation is robbery,” “Advanced element are foreigners,” “The intelligentsia are Russian Ivanushki, taking chestnuts out of the oven for the Jews,” “Black Hundreds are anti-Semites,” “Azov the bank is the headquarters of the revolution of the southeast,” etc.

"Styag" was published during the period of the so-called Stolypin reaction. Therefore, both criticism of the government from the right and unbridled attacks on “foreigners” were no longer in honor of the government and local administration. The assistant to the head of the regional gendarmerie department reported to the police department that the publication of the newspaper "Styag" was suspended for a month from July 1 for publishing in No. 5 an article entitled "Political debauchery", in which the author in harsh terms accuses the intelligentsia and foreigners of treason and the desire to sow turmoil, and the government - in an indifferent attitude towards them.

Approximately the same type of publication was typical for other provincial departments of the Union of the Russian People.

Conservative parties made attempts to unite and coordinate the activities of monarchist periodicals. On February 14, 1907, during the distribution of press representation in the Duma, the rights of the right-wing press were infringed in favor of “progressive journalists.” In response to this, on February 18, a meeting of representatives of the right-wing press took place in the premises of the “Russian Assembly”, who established the Union of Representatives of the Right-Wing Russian Press. The board of this union included M.L. Shakhovsky (chairman), V.G. Yanchevetsky (secretary), P.F. Bulatzel, P.G. Byvalkevich, S.K. Kuzmin, V.M. Skvortsov, N.I. Tour, E.E. Ukhtomsky and V.V. Yarmonkin. 20 metropolitan publications joined the union; it was planned to unite up to 150 newspapers and magazines throughout Russia, including publications of the Octobrists and the Legal Order Party, and to open artels of newspaper peddlers. From April 29 to May 1, 1907, the First All-Russian Congress of the Right-Wing Russian Press took place. He set the following tasks: to establish a reference bureau to supply periodicals with information and correspondence; open a network of their own stores and kiosks, as well as peddlers’ artels for distributing publications, organize material support for right-wing Russian newspapers through a centralized collection of donations. If each of the more than 0.5 million subscribers of right-wing newspapers and magazines, wrote the Russian Banner, contributed 10 kopecks. 50 thousand rubles were collected for the right-wing press fund. would be enough to get things started. However, due to disagreements within the Union, the “case” burst before it had time to unfold.

conclusions

The proclamation of political freedoms, including freedom of the press in the Tsar's Manifesto on October 17, 1905, the release of new temporary rules on the press, the announcement of elections to the State Duma and the elections themselves, the emergence of numerous political parties put the Russian journalism system on a liberal basis.

Political factor became systemically important for the entire Russian press, including the official government press. The powerful official information subsystem of government publications is being translated into political and propaganda channels through the use of a wide range of various types officialdom aimed at the peasantry, liberal-monarchist intelligentsia and bourgeoisie, their supporters in the provinces, as well as information manipulation of public opinion with the help of the Government-controlled Information Bureau and telegraph agencies.

Numerous conservative parties with their press organs, and above all, the Union of the Russian People, came out in support of the autocracy.

The substantive concept of the newspapers of the Union of the Russian People was reduced to a simple problem-thematic model: a positive triad (propaganda of autocracy, Orthodoxy and the Russian people) and a negative triad (the fight against revolutionaries - mostly Jews, with reforms and the State Duma, criticism of the "mediastinum between the Tsar and people" - the bureaucracy, officials, and ultimately the government).

In general, the press of the Black Hundreds was a great deterrent in the revolutionization of the masses and an attractive force for the unification of Russian pro-monarchist patriots and nationalists.

Direction of training

230400 “Information systems and technologies”

Training profile

Information and management systems

Graduate qualification (degree)

Bachelor

Form of study

Novokuznetsk

Topic 1.1. History of the creation and development of automated information systems

Structural diagram of terms

Under system understand any object that is simultaneously considered both as a single whole and as a collection of heterogeneous elements united in the interests of achieving set goals. The systems differ significantly from each other both in composition and in their main goals.

Example 1 Let us present several systems consisting of different elements and aimed at achieving different goals.

Table 1

The concept of "system" applies to a set of technical tools and programs or computer hardware. A system can also be considered a set of programs for solving specific application problems, supplemented by procedures for maintaining documentation and managing calculations.

The concept of “system” + “information” reflects the purpose of its creation and operation. Information systems provide the collection, storage, processing, retrieval, and issuance of information necessary in the decision-making process of problems from any area. They help analyze problems and create new products.

An information system is an interconnected set of tools, methods and personnel used for storing, processing and issuing information in the interests of achieving a set goal.

The modern understanding of an information system assumes the use of a personal computer as the main technical means of information processing. In large organizations, along with a personal computer, the technical base of the information system may include a supercomputer. In addition, the technical implementation of an information system in itself will not mean anything if the role of the person for whom the information produced is intended and without whom it is impossible to receive and present it is not taken into account, therefore

AIS is a human-machine system that provides automated preparation, search and processing of information within the framework of integrated network, computer and communication technologies to optimize economic and other activities in various areas of management.

On this basis, various automatic and automated process control systems are created. A typical example of such systems is in communications - an automatic switching station. In this system, control is carried out using technical devices such as processors or other simpler devices. The human operator is not part of the control loop that closes the connections between the object and the control body, but only monitors the progress of the technological process and intervenes as necessary (for example, in the event of a failure). The situation is different with an automated production process control system. In automated production processes, both the object and the control body are a single human-machine system; a person is necessarily included in the control loop. By definition, an AS is a human-machine system designed to collect and process information necessary to manage the production process, that is, manage teams of people. In other words, the success of the functioning of such systems largely depends on the properties and characteristics of the human factor. Without a person, the AS production system cannot work independently, since a person forms tasks, develops all types of supporting subsystems, and selects the most rational solution options from the computer generated ones. And, of course, a person, which is very important, is ultimately legally responsible for the results of the implementation of the decisions he has made. As we see, the role of man is enormous and irreplaceable. A person organizes a program of preparatory activities before creating an AS, therefore, among other things, special organizational and legal support is required.

Stages of AIS development

History of the development of information systems and the purposes of their use in different periods are presented in table. 1.1.2.

Table 2. Changing approach to the use of information systems

Changing the approach to use	Information Use Concept	Type of information systems	Purpose of use
1950-1960	Paper flow of settlement documents	Information systems for processing settlement documents on electromechanical accounting machines	Increasing the speed of document processing Simplifying the procedure for processing invoices and payroll calculations
1960-1970	Basic assistance in preparing reports	Management information systems for production information	Speeding up the reporting process
1970-1990	Management control of sales (sales)	Decision support systems Systems for senior management	Development of the most rational solution
2000---	Information is a strategic resource that provides a competitive advantage	Strategic information systems Automated offices	Survival and prosperity of the company

Stage 1. The first information systems appeared in the 50s. During these years, they were intended for processing bills and payroll, and were implemented on electromechanical accounting machines. This led to some reduction in costs and time for preparing paper documents.

Stage 2. 60s are marked by a change in attitude towards information systems. The information obtained from them began to be used for periodic reporting on many parameters. To achieve this, organizations needed multi-purpose computer equipment capable of serving many functions, and not just processing invoices and calculating salaries, as was previously the case.

Stage 3. In the 70s - early 80s. Information systems are beginning to be widely used as a means of management control, supporting and accelerating the decision-making process.

Stage 4. By the end of the 90s and early 2000s. The concept of using information systems is changing again. They become a strategic source of information and are used at all levels of any organization. Information systems of this period, providing the necessary information on time, help the organization achieve success in its activities, create new goods and services, find new markets, secure worthy partners, organize the production of products at a low price, and much more.

The impact of AIS on the efficiency of an organization

AIS influence many characteristics of an organization.

Let's take a closer look at the most important of them.

1. Labor productivity (operational efficiency). It relates to the speed, cost and quality of performing routine tasks. To increase productivity, organizations use transaction processing systems. For example, to manage inventory in a warehouse in order to reduce the costs associated with their maintenance. In this case, the computer determines optimal stock products in stock, tracks the current quantity. Another example is increasing the productivity of office workers using text editors. At the same time, the time for preparing the text is reduced, especially in cases where the text is revised several times. Manufacturers also increase productivity in the office through the use of desktop publishing systems and presentation graphics systems.

2. Functional efficiency can be improved through the use of DSS. For example, credit card company American Express uses artificial intelligence systems to improve the efficiency of its credit approval functions. These systems combine the skills of all the best loan managers.

3. Quality of customer service. An example is the use of banking machines (ATMs). A normal ATM operates 24 hours a day, every day. It allows you to withdraw cash from your account at any time of the day.

4. Creation and improvement of products. There are two types of products: information-intensive and traditional. Information-intensive products are produced in banking, insurance, financial services, etc. Information-intensive products can be created and improved on the basis of modern information technologies.

5. IP creates opportunity for a company. changes in the basis of competition. For example, in the 70s. One large distributor of magazines and newspapers began recording weekly shipments and returns of printed products from each retailer. After that, he used a program that determined the income per unit of area of ​​​​each publication for each seller, then compared the results obtained, grouping them by economically and ethnically similar areas. After this, the distributor informed each of the sellers about the optimal range of publications for his area. This has increased revenue for distributors and retailers.

6. Consolidating customers and alienating competitors. Information systems for competitive advantages(ISCPs) serve the strategic needs of the organization. ISKPs provide instant and quick access to information about the most important factors influencing a firm's achievement of its objectives. But the main thing is that ISKPs produce such information products and services that help attract clients to their company at the expense of the competitor’s clients. For example, bank plastic cards provide more reliable protection against cash theft, so the client often chooses exactly the bank that provides services in the form of plastic cards.

ISKP is actually a complex of many other types of IP. Market conditions require firms, banks, and corporations to constantly seek new opportunities to increase competitiveness. Recently, significant advantages have been created through the use of telecommunications, local, corporate, and global computer networks. They, firstly, allow you to attract customers by reducing service time or providing them with comfort, and secondly, they improve the quality and efficiency of managers’ work in the decision-making process through high-speed data collection from regional divisions and operational data analysis.

Human functions in IS

Any information system implies the participation of people in its work. Among the personnel related to information systems, categories such as end users, programmers, system analysts, database administrators, etc. are distinguished.

A programmer is traditionally called a person who writes programs. A person using the result of work computer program, is called the end user. A systems analyst is a person who evaluates the computer use needs of users and designs information systems that meet those needs.

In the field of economic management, two categories of specialists work with information systems: end-user managers and data processors. The end user is the one who uses information system or the information it releases. Data scientists professionally analyze, design, and develop a system.

Systems, in relation to speakers, can be classified according to a number of characteristics. For example:

1. By hierarchy levels (supersystem, system, subsystem, system element);

2. According to the degree of closedness (closed, open, conditionally closed);

3. By the nature of the processes occurring in dynamic systems (deterministic, stochastic and probabilistic);

4. By type of connections and elements (simple, complex).

Systems are divided into primitive elementary ones (automatic control systems are built for them) and large complex ones. Since large and complex systems have the property of vastness, they can be viewed from several points of view. Consequently, there are also many classification criteria.

Speakers can be classified:

1. By level:

a. ACS Industry;

b. Automated Control System of Production;

c. ACS of the Shop;

d. ACS of the Site;

e. ACS T P (technological process).

2. By type of decision made:

a. Information and reference systems that simply provide information (“express”, “siren”, “09”);

b. An information and advisory (reference) system presents options and assessments based on various criteria for these options;

c. Information-control system, the output result is not advice, but a control influence on the object.

3. By type of production:

a. ACS with discrete-continuous production;

b. ACS for discrete production;

c. ACS for continuous production.

4. By purpose:

a. Military automated control systems;

b. Economic systems (enterprises, offices, management structures);

c. Information retrieval systems.

5. By region human activity:

a. Medical systems;

b. Ecological systems;

c. Telephone systems.

6. By type of computer used:

a. Digital computers (DCM);

b. Average;

c. Minicomputer, etc.

d. Mobile

In connection with the revolutionary events of 1905, about fifty political parties were formed in Russia - both small-town and large, with a network of cells throughout the country. They can be classified into three directions - radical revolutionary democratic, liberal opposition and monarchical conservative parties of Russia. The latter will mainly be discussed in this article.

Batch creation process

Historically, the formation of various political parties occurs with precise systematicity. Opposition left parties are the first to be formed. During the revolution of 1905, that is, a little after the signing of the October Manifesto, numerous centrist parties were formed, uniting, for the most part, the intelligentsia.

And finally, as a reaction to the Manifesto, the right appeared - the monarchical and conservative parties of Russia. Interesting fact: all these parties disappeared from the historical stage in the reverse order: the right was swept away by the February Revolution, then the October Revolution abolished the centrists. Moreover, most of the left parties united with the Bolsheviks or dissolved themselves in the 20s, when show trials of their leaders began.

List and leaders

The Conservative Party - not a single one - was destined to survive 1917. They were all born in different time, and died almost simultaneously. The conservative party "Russian Assembly" existed longer than all the others, because it was created earlier - in 1900. It will be discussed in more detail below.

Conservative Russian People" was founded in 1905, the leaders were Dubrovin and from 1912 - Markov. The "Union of Russian People" existed from 1905 to 1911, then until 1917 purely formally. V. A. Gringmut in the same 1905 founded the Russian which later became "Russian Monarchical Union".

High-born aristocrats also had their own conservative party - the “United Nobility”, created in 1906. The famous Russian People's Union of the Archangel was led by V. M. Purishkevich. The national conservative party "All-Russian National Union" disappeared already in 1912, it was led by Balashov and Shulgin.

The moderate right party ceased to exist in 1910. The “All-Russian Dubrovinsky Union of the Russian People” managed to form only in 1912. Even later, the conservative party “Fatherland Patriotic Union” was created by leaders Orlov and Skvortsov in 1915. A.I. Guchkov assembled his “Union of the Seventeenth of October” in 1906 (the same Octobrists). Here are approximately all the main conservative parties in Russia at the beginning of the 20th century.

"Russian meeting"

St. Petersburg became the birthplace of the RS - "Russian Assembly" in November 1900. The poet V. L. Velichko in a narrow circle complained that he was constantly haunted by vague, but clearly prophetic visions of Russia being captured by some dark forces. He proposed creating a kind of commonwealth of Russian people, ready to withstand future adversity. This is how the RS party began - beautifully and patriotically. Already in January 1901, the RS charter was ready and the leadership was elected. As historian A.D. Stepanov put it at the first meeting, the Black Hundred movement was born.

So far, this did not sound as threatening as, say, eighteen or twenty years later. The charter was approved by Senator Durnovo and sealed with warm words full of bright hope. Initially, the RS meetings were similar to a Slavophile literary and artistic club.

Intellectuals, officials, clergy and landowners gathered there. Cultural and educational goals were put at the forefront. However, after the revolution of 1905, thanks to its activities, the RS ceased to be like other conservative parties in Russia at the beginning of the 20th century. It became clearly right-wing monarchist.

Activity

At first, the RS organized discussions of reports and organized theme nights. Meetings took place on Fridays and were devoted to political and social issues. “Literary Mondays” were also popular. All “Fridays” were first handled by V.V. Komarov, but they became popular and influential in the fall of 1902, when V.L. Velichko became their leader.

Since 1901, in addition to “Mondays” and “Fridays,” separate meetings began (here it should be noted the activity of the Outskirts Department, chaired by Professor A. M. Zolotarev, later this department became an independent organization of the “Russian Outskirts Society”). Since 1903, under the leadership of N. A. Engelhardt, “literary Tuesdays” became increasingly popular.

Already in 1901, the “Russian Assembly” numbered more than a thousand people, and in 1902 - six hundred more. Political activity boiled down to the fact that, starting from 1904, petitions and loyal subjects were periodically submitted to the Tsar, deputations were organized to the palace and propaganda was carried out in periodicals.

Deputations at different times were graced by the presence of Princes Golitsyn and Volkonsky, Count Apraksin, Archpriest Bogolyubov, as well as no less famous people - Engelhardt, Zolotarev, Mordvinov, Leontyev, Puryshev, Bulatov, Nikolsky. The Emperor received the RS delegations with enthusiasm. Nicholas II, one might say, loved and trusted conservative political parties.

MS and revolutionary turmoil

In 1905 and 1906, the “Russian Assembly” did nothing special, and nothing happened to it, except for the post-revolutionary circular, which prohibited members of the tsarist army from being members of any political communities. Then the liberal and conservative parties lost many of their members, and its founder, A. M. Zolotarev, left the RS.

In February 1906, the RS organized an all-Russian congress in St. Petersburg. In fact, the Russian Assembly became a party only in 1907, when the program of the Conservative Party was adopted and amendments were made to the charter. Now the RS could elect and be elected to the State Duma and the State Council.

The basis of the program was the motto: “Orthodoxy, Autocracy, Nationality.” The Russian Assembly did not miss a single monarchist congress. However, it took a long time to create an independent political faction. The first and second Dumas did not give the RS a chance, so the party decided not to nominate candidates, on the contrary, to vote for the extreme left (such a trick against the Octobrists and Cadets). The political position at the Third and Fourth Dumas clearly did not recommend that its deputies bloc with centrists (Octobrists) and even with moderate right-wing nationalist parties.

Schisms

Until the end of 1908, passions raged in the monarchist camp, which resulted in splits in many organizations. For example, the conflict between Purishkevich and Dubrovin split the “Union of the Russian People”, after which the “Union of Archangel Michael” appeared. Opinions in the RS were also divided. The party was haunted by quarrels, departures and deaths, but especially by bureaucratic carrion.

By 1914, the leaders of the RS decided to completely depoliticize the party, seeing educational and cultural orientation as the right path to resolving conflicts. However, the war deepened all the fault lines in relations, since the Markovites were for the immediate conclusion of peace with Germany, and Purishkevich’s supporters, on the contrary, they needed a war to a victorious end. As a result, to February Revolution The “Russian Assembly” has outlived its usefulness and turned into a small circle of Slavophile tendencies.

NRC

The Union of the Russian People is another organization representing conservative parties. The table demonstrates how high passionarity was at the beginning of the twentieth century - all kinds of societies and communities multiplied like mushrooms in the autumn rain. The RNC party began to operate in 1905. Its program and activities were entirely based on chauvinistic and even more anti-Semitic ideas of a monarchical kind.

Orthodox radicalism especially distinguished the views of its members. The RNC was actively opposed to any kind of revolution and parliamentarism, advocated for the indivisibility and unity of Russia and advocated joint actions of the authorities and the people, who would be an advisory body under the sovereign. This organization, naturally, was banned immediately after the end of the February Revolution, and recently, in 2005, they tried to recreate it.

Historical background

Russian nationalism has never been alone in the world. The nineteenth century was marked by nationalist movements everywhere. In Russia, active political activity could only appear during a state crisis, after the defeat in the war with the Japanese and a cascade of revolutions. Only then did the king decide to support the initiative of right-wing social groups.

First, the above-mentioned elite organization “Russian Assembly” appeared, which had nothing in common with the people, and its activities did not find sufficient response among the intelligentsia. Naturally, such an organization could not resist the revolution. Just like other political parties - liberal, conservative. The people no longer needed right-wing, but left-wing, revolutionary organizations.

The “Union of Russian People” united in its ranks only the highest nobility, idealized the pre-Petrine era and recognized only the peasantry, merchants and nobility; it did not recognize the cosmopolitan intelligentsia either as a class or as a stratum. The course of the SRL government was criticized for the international loans it had taken, believing that in this way the government was ruining the Russian people.

RNC and terror

The “Union of the Russian People” was created - the largest of the monarchical unions - on the initiative of several people at the same time: the doctor Dubrovin, the abbot Arseny and the artist Maikov. Alexander Dubrovin, a member of the Russian Assembly, became the leader. He turned out to be a good organizer, politically sensitive and energetic person. He easily came into contact with the government and administration and convinced many that only mass patriotism could save the current order, that a society was needed that would carry out both mass actions and individual terror.

Conservative parties of the 20th century begin to engage in terror - this was something new. Nevertheless, the movement received support of all kinds: police, political and financial. The Tsar blessed the RNC with all his heart in the hope that even terror is better than the inactivity demonstrated by other conservative parties in Russia.

In December 1905, a mass meeting was organized at the Mikhailovsky Manege of the RNC, where about twenty thousand people gathered. Prominent people spoke - famous monarchists, bishops. The people demonstrated unity and enthusiasm. The "Russian Banner" newspaper was published by the "Union of the Russian People". The Tsar received deputations, listened to reports and accepted gifts from the leaders of the Union. For example, the insignia of members of the RNC, which both the Tsar and the Tsarevich wore from time to time.

Meanwhile, the RNC's calls of absolutely pogrom and anti-Semitic content were replicated among the people using millions of rubles received from the treasury. This organization grew at a tremendous pace, regional sections were opened in almost all major cities of the empire, in a few months - more than sixty branches.

Congress, charter, program

In August 1906, the charter of the RNC was approved. It contained the main ideas of the party, its program of action and the concept of development. This document was rightfully considered the best among all the charters of monarchical societies, because it was short, clear and precise in wording. At the same time, a congress of leaders from all regions was convened to coordinate activities and centralize them.

The organization became paramilitary due to the new structure. All ordinary party members were divided into tens, tens into hundreds, and hundreds into thousands, respectively, subordinate to tens, centurions and thousands. The organization of such a plan was good for popularity among the people. The monarchist movement was particularly active in Kyiv, and a huge part of the RNC members lived in Little Russia.

The deeply revered John of Kronstadt - the All-Russian priest, as he was called - arrived at the St. Michael's Manege for the next celebration on the occasion of the consecration of the banner, as well as the banner of the RNC. He gave a welcoming speech and later joined the RNC himself, and until the very end he was honorary member this Union.

To prevent revolutions and maintain order, the RNC kept self-defense on alert, often armed. The "White Guard" from Odessa is a particularly well-known squad of this type. The principle of formation of self-defense is a military Cossack with esauls, atamans and foremen. Such squads existed at all factories in Moscow and St. Petersburg.

Camber

By its fourth congress, the RNC was the first among Russian monarchist parties. It had over nine hundred branches, and the vast majority of the delegates were members of this Union. But then contradictions began among the leaders. Purishkevich tried to remove Dubrovin from business, and he soon succeeded. He pulled all the publishing and organizational work to himself; many leaders of local branches no longer listened to anyone except Purishkevich. This also affected many of the founders of the RNC.

And a conflict arose that went so far that the most powerful organization quickly came to naught. Purishkevich in 1908 created his own “Union named after Archangel Michael”, and the Moscow department left the RNC. The Tsar's Manifesto on October 17 finally split the RNC, since the attitude towards the creation of the Duma was completely different. Then there was a terrorist attack with the murder of a prominent State Duma deputy, in which Dubrovin’s supporters and himself were accused.

The St. Petersburg department of the RNC in 1909 simply removed Dubrovin from power, leaving him with honorary membership in the Union, and very quickly ousted his like-minded people from all posts. Until 1912, Dubrovin tried to fight for a place in the sun, but realized that nothing could be returned, and in August he registered the charter of the Dubrovin Union, after which regional branches began to break away from the center one after another. All this did not add to the authority of the RNC organization, and it completely collapsed. Conservative parties (right) were sure that the government was afraid of the power of this Union, and Stolypin personally played a huge role in its collapse.

Prohibition

It got to the point that the RNC formed a single bloc with the Octobrists. Subsequently, attempts were made repeatedly to recreate a single monarchical organization, but no one achieved success. And the February Revolution banned monarchist parties, initiating lawsuits against the leaders. Then came the October Revolution and most of the leaders of the RNC faced death during these years. Those who remained were reconciled, having erased all past contradictions, by the White movement.

Soviet historians considered the RNC to be an absolutely fascist organization, which far predated their appearance in Italy. Even the RNC participants themselves wrote many years later that the “Union of the Russian People” became the historical predecessor of fascism (one of the leaders, Markov-2, wrote about this with pride). V. Laqueur is confident that the Black Hundreds have gone about halfway from the reactionary movements of the nineteenth century to the right-wing populist (that is, fascist) parties of the twentieth century.

Black Hundreds

"Black Hundreds" - participants in patriotic organizations in Russia 1905-1917, who also spoke from the positions of monarchism, great-power chauvinism and anti-Semitism, who established a regime of terror against the rebels, participated in the dispersal of demonstrations, rallies, meetings, carried out pogroms against Jews, and supported the government. At first glance, it is quite difficult to understand the Black Hundred movement - it was represented by various parties, which did not always act as a united front. However, if we focus on the main thing, we can identify the main directions of development of the Black Hundreds movement.

The first monarchist organization can be considered the Russian Assembly, organized in 1900 (if you do not count the short-lived underground organization Russian Squad). However, the basis of the Black Hundred movement is the organization “Union of the Russian People”, which arose in 1905, headed by Dubrovin. In 1908, Purishkevich disagreed with Dubrovin and left the RNC, forming his own Union of Archangel Michael. In 1912, a second split occurred in the Union of the Russian People, this time a confrontation occurred between Dubrovin and Markov. At the same time, Dubrovin leaves the Union, forming his own ultra-right All-Russian Dubrovinskaya “Union of the Russian People.”

Thus, the three main leaders of the monarchists come to the fore - Dubrovin (VDSRN), Purishkevich (SMA) and Markov (SRN).

You can also highlight the Russian Monarchical Union. But the members of the party were exclusively nobles and Orthodox clergy, so the party was small and of no particular interest. Moreover, it split and part of it went to Purishkevich.

Now let's look at the Black Hundred movement in more detail...

Black Hundred movement

S. Yu. Witte spoke about the “Black Hundred”:

This party is fundamentally patriotic... But it is spontaneously patriotic, it is based not on reason and nobility, but on passions. Most of its leaders are political scoundrels, people are dirty in thoughts and feelings, do not have a single viable and honest political idea and all their efforts are directed towards inciting the lowest passions of the wild, dark crowd. This party, being under the wings of a double-headed eagle, can cause terrible pogroms and upheavals, but can create nothing but negative things. It represents a wild, nihilistic patriotism, fueled by lies, slander and deception, and is a party of wild and cowardly despair, but does not contain courageous and insightful creativity. It consists of a dark, wild mass, leaders - political scoundrels, secret accomplices from the court and various, mostly titled nobles, whose entire well-being is connected with lawlessness, who seek salvation in lawlessness and whose slogan is: “We are not for the people, but the people for the good.” our womb." To the honor of the nobles, these secret Black Hundreds constitute an insignificant minority of the noble Russian nobility. These are degenerates of the nobility, nurtured by handouts (albeit millions) from the royal tables. And the poor Sovereign dreams, relying on this party, to restore the greatness of Russia. Poor sovereign... (Quoted from: S.Yu. Witte. Petrograd, 1923, p. 223.)

The Black Hundreds (from the Old Russian “black hundred” - the taxable townspeople population, which was divided into hundreds, which were military-administrative units.) - members of Russian right-wing Christian, monarchist and anti-Semitic organizations. The term "Black Hundred" came into widespread use to refer to far-right politicians and anti-Semites. In "Small explanatory dictionary Russian language" by P. E. Stoyan (Pg., 1915) Black Hundred or Black Hundred - "Russian monarchist, conservative, ally." In contrast to democratic institutions, the Black Hundreds put forward the principle of absolute, individual power. In their opinion, Russia had three enemies against which it was necessary to fight - the foreigner, the intellectual and the dissident, in an inseparable perception.

Part of the Black Hundred movement arose from a spontaneous popular movement for sobriety. Temperance was never denied by Black Hundred organizations (it was assumed that moderate beer consumption was an alternative to vodka poisoning); moreover, some Black Hundred cells were formed as temperance societies, tea houses and reading rooms for the people, and even beer houses.

The Black Hundreds did not propose a program of direct action other than “beat the Jews, revolutionaries, liberals, intellectuals.” Therefore, the Russian peasantry, which had little exposure to these categories, turned out to be little affected by the Black Hundred movement.

The main focus of the Black Hundreds on inciting ideological and ethnic hostility resulted in pogroms that took place in Russia, however, even before the development of the Black Hundreds as such. The Russian intelligentsia could not always avoid the blow that fell on the “enemies of Russia,” and intellectuals could be beaten and killed in the streets, sometimes on a par with Jews, despite the fact that a significant part of the organizers of the movement were conservative intellectuals.

Contrary to popular belief, not all pogroms were prepared by Black Hundred organizations, which were still very small in 1905-1907. Nevertheless, Black Hundred organizations were most active in regions with a mixed population - in Ukraine, Belarus and in 15 provinces of the Pale of Settlement, where more than half of all members of the Union of Russian People and other Black Hundred organizations were concentrated. As the activities of the Black Hundred organizations unfolded, the wave of pogroms began to subside, as many prominent figures of this movement pointed out.

Government subsidies were a significant source of financing for the Black Hundred unions. Subsidizing was carried out from the funds of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, in order to be able to control the policy of the Black Hundred unions. At the same time, the Black Hundred movements also collected private donations.

The Black Hundred of 1905-1917, according to information from a number of sources, included clergy who were later canonized as Orthodox saints: Archpriest John of Kronstadt, Metropolitan Tikhon Bellavin (future patriarch), Metropolitan of Kiev Vladimir (Epiphany), Archbishop Andronik (Nikolsky), future first hierarch of the ROCOR Metropolitan Anthony (Khrapovitsky) of Kiev and Galicia, Archpriest John Vostorgov, in total no less than 500 new martyrs and confessors of Russia. Among the famous laymen are the captain of the cruiser “Varyag” Rudnev, the artist Viktor Vasnetsov, Michurin, Mendeleev, Dostoevsky’s wife and daughter...

The Black Hundred movement at various times published the newspapers “Russian Banner”, “Pochaevsky Listok”, “Bell”, “Groza”, “Veche”. Black Hundred ideas were also preached in major newspapers“Moskovskie Vedomosti”, “Kievlyanin”, “Citizen”, “Svet”.

Among the leaders of the Black Hundred movement, Alexander Dubrovin, Vladimir Purishkevich, Nikolai Markov, and Prince M.K. Shakhovskoy stood out. In October 1906, various Black Hundred organizations held a congress in Moscow, where the Main Council was elected and unification under the roof of the United Russian People organization was proclaimed. The merger did not actually happen, and a year later the organization ceased to exist.

It should be noted that the constructive part of the Black Hundred ideas (this refers to both the programs of organizations and the topics discussed by the Black Hundred press) assumed a conservative social structure (there were significant disputes regarding the admissibility of parliamentarism and generally representative institutions in the Autocratic Monarchy), and some curbing of excesses capitalism, as well as the strengthening of social solidarity, a form of direct democracy, which organically received its further development in fascism.

History of the Black Hundreds

During the Revolution of 1905-1907, the Black Hundreds mainly supported the government's policies. They committed the murders of two members of the Central Committee of the Cadet Party - M. Ya. Herzenstein and G. B. Yollos. Both victims were political opponents of the Black Hundreds: they were liberals, former deputies of the rebellious State Duma and Jews. Professor Herzenstein especially aroused the ire of the far right with his speeches on the agrarian question. On July 18, 1906, he was killed in the resort town of Terijoki. Members of the Union of Russian People Alexander Polovnev, Yegor Larichkin, Nikolai Yuskevich-Kraskovsky and Sergei Alexandrov were convicted in the murder case. The first three were sentenced to 6 years for complicity, Aleksandrov - to 6 months for failure to report an impending murder. The direct perpetrator of the murder, Alexander Kazantsev, had himself been killed by that time and could not stand trial.

Despite certain political successes, after the Russian Revolution of 1905, the Black Hundred movement was unable to become a monolithic political force and find allies in a multi-ethnic, multi-structured Russian society. But the Black Hundreds managed to turn against themselves not only influential radical left and liberal centrist circles, but also some of their potential allies among supporters of the ideas of Russian imperial nationalism.

Frightened by the radical rhetoric and episodic violence of the Black Hundreds, the powers in power saw almost all Russian ethnic nationalism main threat Russian state. They managed to convince Tsar Nicholas II, who sympathized with the “allies,” and court circles to turn away from the Black Hundred movement, which contributed to the weakening of the Black Hundreds on the Russian political scene on the eve of the 1917 revolution. The First World War also contributed to some weakening of the movement, to which many ordinary people and activists of Black Hundred organizations volunteered. In the Russian Revolution of 1917, the Black Hundred movement played virtually no role, and after the victory of the Bolsheviks, who saw in Russian ethnic nationalism one of the main threats to the Soviet system created on the basis of proletarian internationalism, the remnants of the Black Hundred movement activists were mercilessly destroyed.

After the February Revolution of 1917, Black Hundred organizations were banned and partially remained underground. During Civil War many prominent leaders of the Black Hundreds joined the White movement, and in exile they loudly criticized the emigrant activities. Some prominent Black Hundreds eventually joined various nationalist organizations.

"Russian Assembly"

"Russian Assembly" is the oldest monarchical and nationalist organization(party) of Russia, created in St. Petersburg in October-November 1900, continued to exist after the February Revolution of 1917.

On January 26, 1901, the comrade of the Minister of Internal Affairs, Senator P. Durnovo, approved the charter of this first political organization of the Russian people. The party united representatives of the Russian intelligentsia, officials, clergy and landowners of the capital. Initially, the “Russian Assembly” was a literary and artistic club; cultural and educational activities came to the fore; politicization intensified only after 1905. The first founders of the “Russian Assembly” were 120 people.

The society was governed by a Council of 18 people: the chairman, novelist Prince D. Golitsyn and his two comrades (A. S. Suvorin and S. N. Syromyatnikov), Prince M. Kh. Shakhovskoy, Count Apraksin, Prince Kurakin, landowners Kashkarov, Chemodurov, Bishop Seraphim, editor of the first newspaper "Svet" Komarov, attorney at law P. Bulatzel, publicist, later editor of "Russian Citizen", shot after the revolution, prof. B. Nikolsky (like Bulatzel, who became the creator of the “Union of the Russian People”), V. Velichko, V. M. Purishkevich, creator of the “Russian People’s Union named after Michael the Archangel” (1908), General Mordvinov, artist of the imperial theaters K. Varlamov.

The “Russian Assembly” had branches in Kharkov, Kazan, Odessa and other cities. TO political activity The party moved in the fall of 1904 with such actions as submitting addresses to the tsar, delegations to the tsar, and propaganda in the press. The 1st Congress of the Russian Assembly (1906) approved the program platform:
autocratic and indivisible Russia;
the dominant position of Orthodoxy in Russia;
recognition of the legislative capacity of the State Duma.

The slogan was adopted - “Orthodoxy. Autocracy. Nationality."

The “Russian Assembly” took part in all monarchist congresses. Defended the interests of the Russian people. Opposed the liberal-Masonic and revolutionary movements. It had a number of periodicals: the monthly magazine “Peaceful Work” (in Kharkov), since 1903 “Izvestia of the Russian Assembly” (weekly), as well as “Plowman” and “Russian Business” (both edited by S. Sharapov), “Rural Messenger” ", "Orthodox and Autocratic Rus'" (in Kazan), "Russian Listok", and a number of other publications.

Butkevich, Timofey Ivanovich;
Velichko, Vasily Lvovich;
Gurko, Vladimir Iosifovich;
Naryshkin, Alexander Alekseevich;
Nilus, Sergey Alexandrovich;
Polivanov, Vladimir Nikolaevich;
Bishop of Dmitrov Seraphim (Zvezdinsky);
Engelhardt, Nikolai Alexandrovich.

"Union of the Russian People"

“The Union of the Russian People” is a radical monarchist and nationalist organization. The largest “Black Hundred” formation on the territory of the Russian Empire, which existed from 1905 to 1917.

The initiative to create the “Union of the Russian People” belonged to several prominent figures of the monarchist movement of the early 20th century - the doctor Alexander Ivanovich Dubrovin, the artist Apollo Apollonovich Maykov and abbot Arseny (Alekseev). Dubrovin later wrote that “the thought of him had been ripening in my mind since January 9, 1905. As it turned out, almost simultaneously with me, Apollo Apollonovich Maikov was gripped by the same thought.” Hegumen Arseny, in describing the emergence of the Union, recalled that the idea of ​​​​opening an organization appeared to him on October 12, 1905. On this day, he announced this to the people gathered in his apartment, and they placed two notes in front of the icon of the Tikhvin Mother of God. After the prayer, a note was taken, which turned out to be a blessing for the creation of an alliance.

The first meetings took place in the apartment of A.I. Dubrovin in St. Petersburg. On November 8 (21), 1905, the Main Council of the “Union of the Russian People” was created, Dubrovin was elected chairman, his deputies were A. A. Maikov and engineer A. I. Trishatny, the treasurer was the St. Petersburg merchant I. I. Baranov, the secretary of the Council was lawyer S.I. Trishatny. The Council also included P.F. Bulatzel, G.V. Butmi, P.P. Surin and others.

On November 21 (December 24), 1905, the “Union” held its first mass meeting in the Mikhailovsky Manege in Moscow. According to the memoirs of P. A. Krushevan, about 20 thousand people were present at the meeting, prominent monarchists and two bishops spoke, with general enthusiasm and popular unity.

Under the Union, the newspaper “Russian Banner” was created, the first issue of which was published on November 28, 1905. This newspaper soon became one of the leading patriotic publications of the time. On December 23, 1905, Nicholas II received a deputation of 24 members of the union, headed by Dubrovin. Hegumen Arseny presented the Emperor with an icon of the Archangel Michael, on the day of whose celebration the Council of the “Union” was organized, and made a welcoming speech. Dubrovin reported on the growth in the number of the “Union”, assured the Emperor of the loyalty of the organization’s members to him, and presented Nikolai Alexandrovich and Tsarevich Alexei with signs of a member of the “Union of the Russian People”, made according to the design of A. A. Maikov. The Emperor accepted the signs, thanking Dubrovin. Based on this, monarchists consider Nicholas II and Tsarevich Alexei members of the “Union”. There is evidence that the king and his son sometimes wore these marks on their clothes.

On August 7, 1906, the charter of the “Union of the Russian People” was approved, which contained the basic ideas of the organization, a program of action and a concept for the development of the organization. This charter was recognized as the best of the documents written in the monarchical organizations of that time. On August 27, 1906, a congress of heads of regional departments of the Union was held in the main hall of the Russian Assembly, aimed at coordinating the activities of the organization and improving communication between departments and the center. 42 heads of departments took part in the congress. On October 3, 1906, a commission was organized under the leadership of the comrade chairman of the Main Council of the “Union of the Russian People” A.I. Trishatny, which established a new structure of the organization. The basis was taken on the methods practiced in the old days, that is, division into several regional departments with the division of union members into tens, hundreds and thousands, subordinate to foremen, centurions and thousanders. First, these innovations were adopted in the capital, and then implemented in the regions.

In the period from 1906 to 1907, many prominent figures of the Union and its ordinary members suffered from revolutionary terror. From February 1905 to November 1906, 32,706 ordinary people were killed or seriously wounded, not counting law enforcement officials, officers, officials, nobles and dignitaries. Many of those killed were leaders of local departments of the Union and active participants in the organization. A large number of terrorist attacks were carried out at rallies, religious processions and processions held by the Union of the Russian People. To maintain order and prevent accidents during the revolutionary events, self-defense squads were organized under the “Union”. The activities of the squads were of a protective nature, despite frequent accusations of “Black Hundred terror”; the organization’s charter did not prescribe any illegal aggressive actions, and most of them were disbanded after the situation in the country stabilized.

By the Fourth All-Russian Congress of Russian People, held on April 26 - May 1, 1907 in Moscow, the “Union of the Russian People” occupied the first position among all monarchist organizations. There were about 900 departments, and the majority of the delegates to the congress were members of the “Union”. At the congress, the unification of monarchists around the “Union” was approved, which contributed to the strengthening of the monarchist movement. Also, a resolution was passed to rename the regional administrations of the United Russian People, created by the decision of the Third Congress, into the provincial administrations of the “Union of the Russian People”.

In 1907, contradictions began among the leaders of the organization. V. M. Purishkevich, who held the post of comrade chairman, showed more and more independence in the affairs of managing the “Union”, pushing A. I. Dubrovin to the background. Soon he had almost complete control over organizational and publishing activities, work with local departments, many of whose leaders became his supporters. Some of the founders of the “Union” also supported Purishkevich in his aspirations for power. At the next congress of the “Union of the Russian People”, held on July 15-19, 1907, on the initiative of supporters of the chairman of the “Union”, A. I. Dubrovin, a resolution was adopted requiring that documents that did not pass the approval of the chairman not be considered valid, aimed at suppressing arbitrariness Purishkevich, who did not consider it necessary to coordinate his actions with the chairman. The conflict ended with Purishkevich’s withdrawal from the “Union” in the fall of 1907. This story was continued at the Union congress on February 11, 1908 in St. Petersburg. At the congress, which brought together many eminent monarchists, a group of “allies” dissatisfied with Dubrovin’s policies in the organization, among whom were V.L. Voronkov, V.A. Andreev and others, filed a complaint with a member of the Main Council of the “Union”, Count A.I. Konovnitsyn, pointing to Dubrovin’s “dictatorial behavior,” the lack of financial reporting in the organization, and other violations of the charter. Dubrovin, offended by the fact that they wanted to remove him, the founder of the Union, from leadership, demanded the expulsion of the oppositionists. Splits soon followed in the regional departments.

Purishkevich, meanwhile, united with the expelled and left the “Union of the Russian People” participants on November 8, 1908, created a new organization - “Russian people's union named after Michael the Archangel." After the Moscow department led by Ivan Vostorgov separated from the “Union,” Purishkevich hastened to establish contact with it, supporting Dubrovina in the opposition.

Over time, the situation in the organization worsened even more, which led to the final split of the Union. The stumbling block was the attitude towards the State Duma and the Manifesto of October 17. Allied opinions regarding these phenomena were divided. The leader of the "Union" Dubrovin was an ardent opponent of innovations, believing that any restriction of autocracy carries Negative consequences for Russia, while another prominent monarchist figure, Nikolai Evgenievich Markov, considered the Duma a positive phenomenon, citing among the arguments that since the Manifesto is the will of the Sovereign, it is the duty of every monarchist to submit to it. The story of the murder of State Duma deputy M. Ya. Herzenstein on July 18, 1906 also contributed to the split. The investigation into this case revealed the involvement of some ordinary members of the union in the murder, and served as the reason for numerous provocations against the “allies,” including N. M. Yuskevich-Kraskovsky and Dubrovin himself. A large role in the development of the scandal was played by former member of the “Union” Prussakov and Zelensky, who testified and accused Dubrovin of involvement in the crime. At the same time, an attempt was made to poison Dubrovin. He went to Yalta for treatment, where he was patronized by the mayor, General I. A. Dubmadze.

Meanwhile, in St. Petersburg, a “quiet revolution” took place in the “Union of the Russian People.” In December 1909, Dubrovin’s opponents appointed Count Emmanuel Ivanovich Konovnitsyn to the post of Comrade Chairman of the Main Council. On July 20, 1909, the Main Council was moved from Dubrovin’s house to house No. 3 on Baskov Lane. Dubrovin received a proposal to limit his power, remaining only the honorary chairman and founder of the Union, transferring leadership to a new deputy. Gradually, Dubrovin's supporters were forced out of leadership positions, and a new newspaper, Zemshchina, and a magazine, Bulletin of the Union of the Russian People, began to be published instead of the Russian Banner. The opposing sides exchanged statements and letters, accusatory statements, issued contradictory circulars and resolutions, convened congresses and forums, which continued from 1909 to 1912, and ultimately led to the complete disengagement and fragmentation of the “Union”. In August 1912, the charter of the “All-Russian Dubrovinsky Union of the Russian People” was registered; in November 1912, power in the Main Council of the “Union of the Russian People” passed to Markov. Also, a number of regional branches broke away from the center and declared their independence. The fragmentation of the largest monarchist organization in the empire could not but affect the image of the “Black Hundreds” patriots; their credibility in the eyes of society decreased, and many members of the “Union” withdrew from participation in monarchist activities. Many far-right figures of that time believed that the government, and Stolypin personally, played a major role in the collapse of the Union of Russian People.

Subsequently, repeated attempts were made to recreate a single monarchical organization, but no one was able to achieve success. Almost immediately after the February Revolution of 1917, almost all monarchist organizations were banned, and trials were initiated against the leaders of the Union. Monarchical activity in the country was almost completely paralyzed. The subsequent October Revolution and the Red Terror led to the death of most of the leaders of the Union of the Russian People. Many former “allies” took part in the White movement.

Ideology and activities of the RNC

The goals, ideology and program of the “Union” were contained in the Charter, adopted on August 7, 1906. Its main goal was the development of national Russian self-awareness and the unification of all Russian people for common work for the benefit of Russia, united and indivisible. This benefit, according to the authors of the document, was contained in the traditional formula “Orthodoxy, autocracy, nationality.” Particular attention was paid to Orthodoxy as the fundamental religion of Russia.

The “Union” aimed to bring the tsar closer to the people, through liberation from bureaucratic dominance in the government and a return to the traditional concept of the Duma as a conciliar body. For the authorities, the charter recommended respect for freedom of speech, press, assembly, association and personal integrity, within the limits established by law.

The charter noted the primacy of the Russian people in the state. Russians meant Great Russians, Belarusians and Little Russians. In relation to foreigners, strict principles of legality were prescribed, allowing them to consider it an honor and a blessing to belong to the Russian Empire and not be burdened by their dependence.

The section on the activities of the union set the tasks of participating in the work of the State Duma, educating the people in the political, religious and patriotic spheres, by opening churches, schools, hospitals and other institutions, holding meetings, and publishing literature. To assist the members of the “Union” and the events organized by it, the creation of the All-Russian Bank “Union of the Russian People” with branches in the regions was prescribed.

Reports on activities, educational and ideological materials were published in the newspaper “Russian Banner” and in regional newspapers such as “Kozma Minin”, “Belarusian Voice”, “Russian People” and others.

The Union paid much attention to the Jewish question. The activities of the union were aimed at protecting the state-forming people, including from oppression by Jews. The “allies” were also concerned about the increased activity of Jewish organizations and the active participation of Jews in politics and the revolutionary movement. Thus, the Beilis Case, a trial to investigate the murder of a Russian boy, which the Jewish community was suspected of committing, caused a loud resonance in society. Many leaders of the “Union” were convinced of the ritual nature of this crime, and called for speedy reprisals against the Jews. In general, the "Union" advocated stricter enforcement of the law regarding the Jewish population of the empire, and against the softening of legislation that took place in pre-revolutionary times.

Individual members of the union had different points of view on the Jewish question. Some advocated the complete deprivation of Jews of all rights and expressed openly anti-Semitic positions. This was the attitude of many of the main ideologists of the “Union”, such as Georgy Butmi and A.S. Shmakov. Publications controlled by the “Union” published a lot of literature denouncing Jews, including provocative materials, such as “The Protocols of the Elders of Zion.” Other members of the organization held a different point of view, condemning the rabid Judeophobes, and often coinciding with the Zionists in supporting the desire of the Jews to gain their own state in Palestine.

Organization structure

Membership in the organization was granted according to the charter to Russian people of both sexes professing Orthodoxy (as well as fellow believers of the Old Believers). Foreigners were accepted only by unanimous decision of a commission of a certain composition. Jews were not accepted into the Union, even if they converted to Christianity.

The social composition of Black Hundred parties and organizations in the 20th century can be judged from a number of published studies and documents. The majority of the “Union” members were peasants, especially in regions where there was significant pressure on the Russians - for example, in the South-Western Territory, cases of entire villages signing up for the “Union” were recorded. Also in the ranks of the “Union” there were many workers, many of whom essentially remained peasants. Among city residents, members of the organization were mainly artisans, small employees, shopkeepers and handicraftsmen, and less often - merchants of senior guilds. Leading positions in the “Union” were occupied mainly by nobles. Representatives of the clergy, both white and black, played a large role in organizational and educational activities, moreover, quite a few of them were subsequently canonized. Among the members of the union there were also intellectuals - professors, artists, poets and publicists, doctors and musicians. In general, the number of members of the “Union of the Russian People” (before the split) was greater than in any other organization or party of the Russian Empire.

The annual membership fee was 50 kopecks; poor people could be exempted from paying it. Male members of the “Union” who showed themselves to be particularly useful, or who made donations of more than 1,000 rubles, were included in the number of founding members by decision of the Council. The governing body of the organization was the Main Council, consisting of 12 members, headed by the chairman (from the foundation until the split was A.I. Dubrovin) and his two deputies. Members of the Council and candidates for members of the Council, numbering 18 people, were elected every 3 years. To monitor the activities of the “Union,” congresses and meetings were held regularly, and reports were published in the newspaper “Russian Banner.”

Notable party members:

Glorified Saints

Holy Righteous John of Kronstadt;
Saint Patriarch Tikhon (Bellavin);
Hieromartyr Bishop Hermogenes (Dolganev);
Hieromartyr Bishop Macarius (Gnevushev);
Hieromartyr Archpriest Mikhail Petrovich Alabovsky;
Hieromartyr Archpriest John Ioannovich Vostorgov.

Other notable members

Patriarch Alexy I;
Metropolitan Anthony (Khrapovitsky);
Viktor Mikhailovich Vasnetsov - an outstanding artist;
Pavel Dmitrievich Korin;
Pavel Alexandrovich Krushevan;
Mikhail Alexandrovich Kuzmin;
Dmitry Ivanovich Mendeleev - famous chemist;
Konstantin Sergeevich Merezhkovsky;
Mikhail Vasilyevich Nesterov - famous painter;
Vasily Vasilyevich Rozanov - religious philosopher and publicist;
Lev Aleksandrovich Tikhomirov;
Alexey Nikolaevich Khvostov.

"Union of Michael the Archangel"

"Union of Michael the Archangel" (full name - "Russian People's Union named after Michael the Archangel") - Russian monarchical, Black Hundred organization(party), which arose at the beginning of 1908 as a result of the withdrawal of a number of public figures led by V. M. Purishkevich from the “Union of the Russian People”. It existed until 1917.

The main body of the “Union” was the Main Chamber of 14 members, elected at congresses for three years. The “Union” had its own cells in many cities of Russia, especially large organizations in Moscow, Odessa, and Kyiv.

The "Union" advocated the preservation of the historical foundations of Russia - Orthodoxy and autocracy, fought for the deprivation of voting rights of Jews and the limitation of the representation of Poland and the Caucasus. At the same time, the “Union” supported the existence of the State Duma and approved the Stolypin reform aimed at destroying the peasant community.

The Union published the newspaper Kolokol, the weekly magazines Straight Path and St. John's Wort, distributed books and brochures, held meetings, readings, and mass anti-Semitic campaigns.

With the fall of autocracy, the activities of the “Union” (Main Chamber and departments) ceased.

Known members of the organization:

Purishkevich, Vladimir Mitrofanovich;
Oznobishin, Vladimir Nilovich.

"All-Russian Dubrovinsky Union of the Russian People" (VDSRN)

“All-Russian Dubrovinsky Union of the Russian People” (VDSRN) is a Russian Orthodox-monarchist patriotic organization that existed in the Russian Empire in 1912-1917.

It was formed as a result of a split in the “Union of the Russian People” - the largest monarchist organization in the Russian Empire. By 1909, two currents had taken shape in the RNC. The first, led by chairman A.I. Dubrovin, stood on extreme right-wing positions, not accepting the June Third political system. This movement absorbed a significant part of the workers (dissatisfied with the policies of P. A. Stolypin, who paid main attention to the Russian countryside), peasants (dissatisfied with the Stolypin agrarian reform, which was aimed at destroying the community in which the middle and poorest layers of the peasantry, which formed the basis of the social base of the RNC in the village, saw an effective tool for their social protection), as well as part of the intelligentsia. The second (nationalist) trend, led by N. E. Markov and S. A. Volodimerov, consisted mainly of representatives of the upper strata, primarily landowners, reconciled with political reforms and headed for cooperation with the government. During 1909-1910, Dubrovin's supporters were gradually squeezed out of the Main Council of the RNC, so that by 1911 they found themselves in the minority, and the share of "renovationists" - Markov's supporters - increased significantly. Then Dubrovin resigned as chairman of the RNC.

November 21 - December 1, 1911 in Moscow Dubrovin held a congress of his supporters (5th All-Russian Congress of the Union of Russian People), at which the “renovationist” Main Council was declared “illegal” and “deviated from the ideas of the Union of Russian People”, All its members were expelled from the Union. Its Main Council was elected, consisting of 12 members (A. I. Dubrovin, E. A. Poluboyarinova, A. I. Sobolevsky, N. N. Zhedenov, A. N. Bork, B. V. Nikolsky, A. V. Blinov, A. Yu. Sakovich, N. P. Pokrovsky, L. B. Malyago, E. A. Mamchich and G. G. Nadezhdin), 6 candidate members (N. F. Volkov, P. I. Denisov, N. N. Shavrov, N. V. Oppokov, N. M. Rakhmanov and N. S. Zalevsky) and for the first time 12 candidates for membership from the province, which indicated an increase in the political weight of regional structures (I. N. Katsaurov from Yaroslavl, V. A. Balashev from Moscow, N. N. Tikhanovich-Savitsky from Astrakhan, A. Kh. Davydov from Gomel, Archimandrite Vitaly (Maksimenko) from Pochaev, Father S. Jeremiah-Chekan from Bessarabia, V. K. Chirikov from Rostov-on-Don, L. G. Epifanovich from Novocherkassk, Archpriest D. Uspensky from Kovno, V. P. Raznatovsky from Tula, M. T. Popov from Tambov and A. T. Soloviev from Kazan). Regional organizations were asked to confirm their subordination to the new Main Council.

Markov’s supporters in May 1912 held the Fourth All-Russian Congress of the “Union of the Russian People” in St. Petersburg on May 13-15, 1912, as well as the Fifth All-Russian Congress of Russian People in St. Petersburg on May 16-20, 1912. These events showed that Markov also enjoyed quite noticeable support as participants NRC in St. Petersburg, and regional branches. Therefore, the question arose about the legal demarcation of organizations and in August 1912 the charter of the “All-Russian Dubrovinsky Union of the Russian People” was officially registered, according to which the goal of the “Union” was proclaimed “the preservation of Russia united and indivisible - with the dominance of Orthodoxy in it, with the unlimited power of the Tsarist Autocracy and the primacy of the Russian People." The printed organ of the “Union of the Russian People” - the newspaper “Russian Banner” - supported Dubrovin and became the printed organ of the new organization. Members of the Union could be “only natural Orthodox Russian people, of both sexes, of all classes and conditions, who recognized themselves as aware of the goals of the Union and devoted to them. Before joining, they are required to promise not to enter into communication with any communities pursuing goals that are inconsistent with the objectives of the Union.” The candidate had to enlist the support of two members of the Union. Foreigners could only be accepted by decision of the Main Council. Jews, persons whose at least one parent was a Jew, and persons married to a Jew were not accepted into the union.

In 1912-1914, a number of new departments of the VDSRN were created (in the Perm province, Nizhny Novgorod province, Warsaw, Libau, Vladikavkaz, Khasav-Yurt, in the Kiev, Podolsk, Volyn and Kazan provinces, in St. Petersburg and Moscow, Saratov province, Vladimir, Yekaterinburg , Ekaterinoslav, Tomsk, Penza, etc.), a campaign was carried out to combat drunkenness, the VDSRN often acted as a defender of its members and, in general, those who turned to it before government bodies and individual officials.

With the outbreak of the First World War, the Union carried out a number of campaigns to help the Russian army and family members of front-line soldiers. In 1915-1916, there was a rapprochement between the Dubrovin and Markov organizations, caused by the need to unite the monarchical forces in the face of growing opposition to the Autocracy, in particular, expressed in the creation of the Progressive Bloc in the IV State Duma. A number of monarchist congresses and meetings were held, the Council of Monarchist Congresses was created, which included supporters of both Dubrovin and Markov, a number of joint events were held, and joint appeals were issued. The authorities repressed the VDSRN during the same period.

After the February Revolution, the VDSRN was banned, and A.I. Dubrovin was arrested and died during the Bolshevik terror.

"Russian monarchist party"

The “Russian Monarchist Party” is a Russian monarchist, Black Hundred organization that arose in the spring of 1905 in Moscow. Since 1907 - “Russian Monarchical Union”.

Until his death in 1907, the party leader was V.A. Greenmouth. He was replaced by Archpriest John Vostorgov. Instead of Gringmut, he also became chairman of the “Russian Monarchist Assembly” - the intellectual headquarters of the monarchists of Moscow. Party members were exclusively nobles and Orthodox clergy, which is partly why it was small organization and its influence on the political situation in Russia was limited.

The party's printed organs were Moskovskie Vedomosti and Russkiy Vestnik.

By March 1906, the Russian Monarchist Party had 13 district departments in Moscow. In December 1907, the party advocated the immediate transformation of patriotic unions on religious and moral principles. In 1913, the Holy Synod decided to ban the participation of church hierarchs in political activities. Submitting to the decision of the Synod in September 1913, Archpriest Vostorgov and Archimandrite Macarius resigned from their duties as leaders of the Russian Monarchical Union. At Vostorgov’s suggestion, retired Colonel Valerian Tomilin was elected as the new head of the Union. This election led to a split in the “Union”, because another associate of Vostorgov, Vasily Orlov (part-time casino owner), also laid claim to leadership. As a result, Orlov’s supporters left the meeting and, at their separate meeting in November 1913, expelled Vostorgov and Tomilin from the “Union.” In turn, Vostorgov’s supporters expelled Orlov and his assistants from the “Union”. Ultimately, Orlov’s group joined the “Union of Michael the Archangel”. Having got rid of his competitors, Tomilin, demonstrating his independence, “adequately thanked” his patron Vostorgov, speaking out against him in the press. After the outbreak of the World War on August 8. 1914 Tomilin resigned as chairman of the Russian Monarchical Union due to mobilization. He was replaced by S. A. Keltsev. Keltsev was the head of the quartermaster unit of the stage and economic department of the 8th Army of the Southwestern Front.

Notable members of the Russian Monarchist Party:
Gringmut, Vladimir Andreevich;
Vostorgov, Ivan Ivanovich - Russian Saint Orthodox Church;
Macarius (in the world Mikhail Vasilyevich Gnevushev) - Holy Russian Orthodox Church.

"Union of Russian People"

“The Union of Russian People” is a Russian national-monarchist organization that existed in Moscow from 1905 until actually 1910-1911, formally until 1917. The founders and main figures are counts Pavel Dmitrievich and Pyotr Dmitrievich Sheremetev, princes P. N. Trubetskoy and A. G. Shcherbatov (1st chairman), Russian publicists N. A. Pavlov and S. F. Sharapov.

The task of the “Union” is to promote, through legal means, the correct development of the principles of the Russian Church, Russian Statehood and the Russian national economy on the basis of Orthodoxy, Autocracy and the Russian Nationality.

Members of the “Union” could become Russian Orthodox (including Old Believers) people, as well as, by decision of the general meeting, non-Russian or heterodox (except Jews). According to social status, representatives of the noble aristocracy stood out among the members of the "Union", then the proportion of representatives of the intelligentsia, students and employees began to increase.

The “Vremennik of the Union of Russian People” was published, and leaflets and brochures were mass-produced. Organizations of the same name also began to emerge in other cities of the Empire, but they did not have a common leadership.

"Sacred Squad"

“The Holy Squad” is an underground monarchist organization in the Russian Empire, created to fight revolutionary terror immediately after the assassination of Emperor Alexander II on March 12, 1881. Organizers and leaders Count P. P. Shuvalov, Count I. I. Vorontsov-Dashkov and others.

It had numerous Russian and foreign agents (the number of Druzhina members was 729 people, voluntary assistants - 14,672). She was primarily involved in the protection of Emperor Alexander III in St. Petersburg and on trips to Russian cities, as well as members of the Imperial Family.

Among the initiators of the creation and leaders of the Druzhina were Count P. P. Shuvalov, Minister of the Court and Appanages Count I. I. Vorontsov-Dashkov, Prince A. G. Shcherbatov, General R. A. Fadeev, S. Yu. Witte, P. P. Demidov, Levashov, and also, presumably, the Minister of Internal Affairs N.P. Ignatiev, the Minister of State Property M.N. Ostrovsky, the Chief Prosecutor of the Synod K.P. Pobedonostsev, the Grand Dukes Vladimir and Alexei.

P. A. Stolypin began his career in the Samara department of the Holy Squad. About half of the Druzhina's personnel were military men, among them 70% were officers who had the highest military ranks. It also included a large number of representatives of Russian aristocratic families.

The organization was well kept secret, so information about the structure and immediate leaders is rather fragmentary. The governing body is the Council of First Elders (its composition is unknown, but it is known that it did not include Vorontsov-Dashkov, Levashov, or Shuvalov), consisting of 5 people. The remaining members were divided into 2 departments. The first department (100 people) was engaged in organizational work. From its members, administrative and governing bodies of the Druzhina were created - the Central Committee (the most closed highest governing body, its personal composition was known only to the Council of Elders), the Executive Committee (in charge of agents) and the Organizing Committee (organization). The second department was engaged in practical work.

Published printed publications- newspapers “Volnoye Slovo” and “Pravda” (underground, in Geneva), “Moscow Telegraph” (legally). Newspapers published on behalf of revolutionary organizations contained materials discrediting them.

Officially ceased to exist on January 1, 1883, the detective inventory, newspapers and a significant number of personnel were transferred to the police.

"All-Russian National Union"

“All-Russian National Union” is a Russian Orthodox-monarchist right-wing conservative party that existed in the Russian Empire in 1908-1917. It was created in 1908-1910 as a union of a number of parties, organizations and factions of the State Duma - the Russian Party of the People's Center, the Legal Order Party, the Moderate Right Party, the Tula Union "For the Tsar and Order", the Bessarabian Party of the Center, the Kiev Club of Russian Nationalists and a number of other provincial organizations, two factions of the Third State Duma - the Moderate Right and the Russian National.

The founding congress took place on June 18, 1908. The main ideologist of the party was the Russian publicist M. O. Menshikov, the chairmen were S. V. Rukhlov (1908-1909) and P. N. Balashov (1909-1917).

The ideology of the “Union” was based on the triad “Orthodoxy, Autocracy, Nationality”; among the goals of the Supreme National Assembly were indicated “the unity and indivisibility of the Russian Empire, the protection in all its parts of the dominance of the Russian nationality, the strengthening of the consciousness of Russian national unity and the strengthening of Russian statehood on the basis of the autocratic power of the Tsar in unity with legislative popular representation."

In relation to foreigners, the Supreme Council proposed to pursue the following policy:
restriction of political (electoral) rights of foreigners at the national level;
restriction of the rights of foreigners to participate in local life;
restriction of some civil rights of foreigners (when entering the civil service, when engaging in business and liberal professions);
limiting the influx of foreigners from abroad.
At the same time, it was declared that “given the loyal attitude of foreigners to Russia, the Russian people cannot help but meet their aspirations and desires.”

Persons “belonging to the indigenous Russian population or organically merging with the Russian people” could become members of the Supreme Council. The latter was understood as a political merger, that is, the guidance by foreigners of the interests of the Russian Empire.

The largest regional organizations of the VNS were organizations on the national outskirts (mainly in the west of the Empire), as well as in the capitals.

The VNS consisted of famous Russian scientists prof. I. A. Sikorsky, prof. P. N. Ardashev, prof. P. Ya. Armashevsky, prof. P. E. Kazansky, prof. P. I. Kovalevsky, prof. P. A. Kulakovsky, prof. N. O. Kuplevasky and others. The union was supported by the government of P. A. Stolypin. After 1915 it actually disintegrated and finally ceased to exist in 1917.

The Council of Monarchist Congresses is a collegial body created to coordinate the monarchist movement in the Russian Empire in November 1915. The creation of such a body was caused by the need to unite monarchical forces in the face of growing opposition to the Autocracy, revolutionary propaganda, and growing instability in the country, as a counterbalance to the consolidation of anti-monarchical forces, expressed, in particular, in the creation of the Progressive Bloc in the IV State Duma.

In addition, the creation of such a body was intended to smooth out the contradictions and hostility between the “Markov” and “Dubrovin” Unions of the Russian People by including representatives of both organizations in it.

The Council of Monarchist Congresses was created at the Petrograd Conference of Monarchists on November 21-23, 1915. It was created on the basis of the governing body of the meeting - the Council of the Petrograd Conference. Initially, the Council consisted of 27 people:
Chairman - Member of the State Council I. G. Shcheglovitov,
2 comrades of the chairman - member of the State Duma prof. S. V. Levashev and Senator A. A. Rimsky-Korsakov,
19 members of the Council: head of the Kyiv department of the Union of Russian People, Fr. M. P. Alabovsky, member of the State Council Count A. A. Bobrinsky, general from infantry S. S. Buturlin, head of the Pochaev department of the RNC Archimandrite Vitaly (Maksimenko), head of the Smolensk department of the RNC, Lieutenant General M. M. Gromyko, chairman of the Ryazan department of the NRC, Bishop of Ryazan and Zaraisky Dimitri (Sperovsky), head of the Odessa department of the NRC A. T. Dontsov, chairman of the Main Council of the All-Russian Dubrovinsky Union of the Russian People (VDSRN) A. I. Dubrovin, member of the State Duma G. G. Zamyslovsky, head of the Kharkov department RNC E. E. Kotov-Konyshenko, Chairman of the Zhytomyr Department of the RNC Major General A. M. Krasilnikov, Bishop of Balakhna Makariy (Gnevushev), Member of the State Council N. A. Maklakov, Chairman of the Main Council of the RNC N. E. Markov, Chamberlain of the Highest At home, Prince S. B. Meshchersky, member of the State Council A. N. Mosolov, prominent monarchist figure K. N. Paskhalov, Odessa mayor B. A. Pelikan and fellow chairman of the Main Council of the RNC V. P. Sokolov.
5 secretaries of the Meeting: member of the Main Council of the RNC L. N. Bobrov, honorary member of the Kostroma department of the RNC V. A. Vsevolozhsky, chairman of the Russian Monarchical Union S. A. Keltsev, chairman of the Nikolaev department of the RNC I. V. Revenko and member of the Kyiv department of the RNC G M. Shinkarevsky.

However, among the members of the new Council there were disproportionately few well-known monarchist supporters of A.I. Dubrovin. Therefore, immediately after the end of the Petrograd Conference, they held a monarchical meeting in Nizhny Novgorod (All-Russian Monarchical Meeting in Nizhny Novgorod of authorized right-wing organizations on November 26-29, 1915), at which an alternative coordinating body was formed - the Presidium of the monarchical movement.

To prevent the deepening of the split, at the first meeting of the Council of Monarchist Congresses (January 21 (February 3), 1916), many of Dubrovin’s supporters were co-opted into its composition - the chairman of the Odessa Union of Russian People N.N. Rodzevich, the chairman of the Astrakhan People’s Monarchist Party N.N. Tikhanovich-Savitsky and the Saratov leader of the nobility, actual state councilor V. N. Oznobishin.

In mid-1916, Shcheglovitov resigned from his post as head of the Council. S.V. Levashev was elected in his place, and A.I. Dubrovin and N.E. Markov, leaders of the opposing Unions of the Russian People, were among the chairman’s companions.

The Council held meetings at which issues of coordination of the monarchist movement were considered, issued statements and appeals in which, in particular, it condemned attempts to hold “alternative” monarchist congresses, not under the auspices of the SMC.