Francois Mitterrand: domestic and foreign policy of the French President. Francois Mitterrand - biography, photos
Francois Mitterrand Francois Mitteran Career: Rulers
Birth: France" Jarnac, 10/26/1916
Francois Mitterrand is a French politician, one of the leaders of the socialist movement, President of France from 1981 to 1995. Born on October 26, 1916. His fourteen-year presidency (2 terms of 7 years each) is the longest in the history of France. At the beginning of each of his presidential terms, Mitterrand dissolved parliament and announced early elections in order to have a majority in parliament in the first 5 years of his presidential term, and both times after that his party lost the next elections, which is why in the last 2 years of both terms Mitterrand was forced put up with conservative prime ministers. Mitterrand was the oldest French president in the 20th century (he was 78 years and 7 months when he left the presidency) and lived the shortest of all presidents after leaving office (only 236 days). Shortly before his death, in May 1995, Mitterrand came to Moscow to celebrate the 50th anniversary of the USSR victory in the Great Patriotic War.
A lawyer by training. During the 2nd important war 193945 Mitterrand from September 1939 to military service, wounded and captured. After escaping (1942), he participated in the Resistance Movement and headed the National Prisoners of War Movement.
In 1944 general secretary for prisoners of war affairs in the de Gaulle government. Member of Parliament in 194658 and since 1962. Mitterrand was one of the leaders of the Democratic Socialist Union of Resistance (UDSR) party, in 195365 chairman of the YUDSR.
In 194748, 195053 he was a member of the government. In 1953 he resigned as a sign of disagreement with the government's policies in North Africa. In 195457 he was again a member of the government.
Mitterrand acted as a candidate of the left forces in the presidential elections in December 1965. In December 1965 November 1968 chairman of the Federation of Democratic and Socialist Left Forces. In December 1970 June 1971 he headed the party of the Convention of Republican Institutes. After the unification congress of socialists, Mitterrand was elected first secretary of the Socialist Party in June 1971. In 1972 he signed a joint government program of leftist forces.
In 1981, Mitterrand took over as President of France. The reforms carried out by his government included the nationalization of finance and key industries, increases in the minimum wage, social benefits, and the abolition of the death penalty. As for foreign policy, Francois Mitterrand was a supporter of strictly limiting relations with the USSR and a maximum turn towards the United States.
Mitterrand's reforms caused an increase in inflation. So in 1983 its leadership found itself in a terribly precarious position. Towards the end of his first term as president, Mitterrand was forced to strengthen liberal principles in the economy.
In 1986, France experienced another parliamentary election in which the majority of votes were given to the right wing of politicians. Jacques Chirac became prime minister. However, Mitterrand's victory in the 1988 elections created a rather contradictory situation, when parliament and the prime minister belonged to one party, and the president to another. Then Mitterrand took a very original step - he announced that in the future his style of governing the country would be radically different from party affiliation, because he was going to become a truly objective politician, an arbiter, unbiased in political battles.
On January 8, 1996, the world community was stunned by the news of the death of Francois Mitterrand. A severe form of cancer gave no hope of relief. The French took this news as a personal grief. For many, Mitterrand was an example of a true Frenchman, one who, having a wife, maintained a long relationship with his mistress. The nation was aware, but forgave its president, respecting him for his honesty.
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Battalion commander, leader of the Great French Revolution, Jacobin.
François Mitterrand is the 21st President of France and at the same time the 4th President of the Fifth Republic, founded by Charles de Gaulle. His leadership of the country turned out to be the longest in the history of the Fifth Republic and at the same time the most controversial, when the political pendulum moved from socialism to the liberal order.
Birth and years of study
At a time when Europe was still burning in the First World War, in 1916, on October 26, the future President of France Francois Mitterrand was born in the town of Jarnac. According to him, he was born “into a very religious Catholic” family. His father was J. Mitterrand, and his mother was I. Lorraine. He stayed in his native Jarnac until he was 9 years old, received his primary education here, and then went to Saint-Paul, a boarding college in Angoumel. This place was a private Catholic privileged educational institution, upon completion of which he became a Bachelor of Philosophy.
At the age of 18, Francois Mitterrand went to Paris to continue his studies. There he entered the Sorbonne, where he studied science until 1938. After completion, he received three more diplomas: graduating from the philological and law faculties of the Sorbonne University, as well as the School of Political Sciences. This is where his education ends and adult life begins, but even then the gift of diplomacy and foresight was visible in him, and the future president Mitterrand Francois was already noticeable in him. Politics didn’t just attract him, he lived it and welcomed the coming to power of the Popular Front in 1936 with ardent delight.
Military service and World War II in the life of François Mitterrand
In 1988, François Mitterrand was re-elected for a second term. His domestic policy remained unchanged: he supported the communists, negotiated with right-wing forces and at the same time did not ignore the left, which characterizes him as a skillful and far-sighted politician with rich experience in this field of activity.
Foreign policy of François Mitterrand
Almost all the years of his presidency he was forced to share power with right-wing prime ministers. Mitterrand's foreign policy also represented the idea of maneuvering between. He especially advocated strengthening relations with the USA, Germany, and then with a united Germany and, of course, with Russia. Francois Mitterrand was one of the first to support Boris Yeltsin during the State Emergency Committee. But even before the events of August 1991, he actively interacted with Soviet Union. In addition, Francois advocated expanding interaction with African states.
In 1981, François Mitterrand won a major victory - he became the President of France, but the same year gave him another “surprise” - he was diagnosed with oncology. He went through all the years of his reign with prostate cancer. Mitterrand fought to the last. In 1995, his second term as president ended, and for Christmas he managed to visit Egypt with his family. But already on January 8, 1996, at the age of 79, the 21st President of France, Francois Mitterrand, passed away. He carried his interest in politics and love for his homeland throughout his far from short life.
(1916-1995) President of France from 1981 to 1995
The Second World War changed the plans of many people, as it did with François Mitterrand. He studied at the university, studied law and social sciences, but was practically unable to work in his specialty. Shortly after he graduated from university, war with Germany began and Mitterrand joined the army.
After being wounded, he was captured by the Germans and tried to escape several times, which he managed to do on the third attempt. At this time, the Resistance movement against German occupation, and François Mitterrand became an active participant in it, organizing a national prisoner-of-war movement.
During the war, François Mitterrand was part of the provisional government of Charles de Gaulle, where he was Secretary General for Prisoners of War Affairs. It is no coincidence that after the war, in 1947-1948, he dealt with the same issues with the rank of minister for former front-line soldiers.
At the same time, he actively became involved in politics and in 1946 was first elected to the French National Assembly, which he did not leave until 1958, returning to it again in 1962. At the same time, Mitterrand was part of the French government, occupying high government posts. At various times he was Minister of Internal Affairs and Justice, Minister of State, and Senator.
By his convictions, François Mitterrand was a socialist. In 1965, he became the leader of the Federation of Democratic and Socialist Left Forces, hoping to gain their support in the presidential elections. But he did not become president of France that year, just like in 1974. By this time, Mitterrand was already the first secretary of the French Socialist Party.
He became President of France only in 1981. His reign was not easy, the president was criticized from all sides, but nevertheless voters gave him preference in 1988, re-electing him for a second term.
During Mitterrand's reign, France took a strong position among the leading countries of the world. Its economy was developing steadily, which gave it confidence in its foreign policy.
Francois Mitterrand did not ignore issues of culture, science, and education. One of the president's remarkable undertakings was the construction of the National Library in Paris. He announced his plan on a national holiday in the summer of 1988, saying: "Books and written heritage are the essence of our civilization." It was decided to build a huge library using the latest achievements of science and technology. The new book depository had to represent all areas of knowledge, it had to be equipped with the most modern means transmitting information using audiovisual technology.
Another problem that worried François Mitterrand was related to the preservation of life on Earth and the struggle for a clean environment. On March 11, 1989, together with 24 other countries, France signed an appeal that spoke of the urgent need to create international body on environmental issues.
But the most significant event of his presidency was the signing of the Schengen agreements, which removed borders and customs barriers between several European countries.
Francois Mitterrand was a brilliant speaker and publicist. He owns a number of works in which he reflected his vast experience as a political and public figure, who witnessed many major events of its time.
His widow Danielle Mitterrand heads the international foundation "France - Liberty", whose goal is to help adults and children victims of hunger, war and oppression.
François Mitterrand served as President of France for 14 years, the country's longest tenure. He had to begin each of his presidential terms with the dissolution of parliament and the announcement of early elections to ensure a parliamentary majority in the next five years of his rule.
Victory in the first elections
François Mitterrand, whose biography had not always been successful before, won his first victory in the presidential election campaign in 1981. His victory was ensured by the nationwide support of left-wing forces that created a coalition that included communists, socialists, trade unions and left-wing radicals.
The united left forces then managed not only to win a convincing victory in the presidential elections, but also to get the largest number of their representatives into membership in the National Assembly.
Until this time, for more than thirty years, the socialists did not need the help of representatives of the Communist Party to create a coalition government. In 1981, there were 40 socialists in the government, and the communists received 4 portfolios.
The candidacy of the socialist Maurois was proposed for the post of head of government.
Francois Mitterrand, who assumed the presidency, had to take all these circumstances into account. The state's domestic and foreign policy was based on the pre-election program statements of the winning parties.
First reforms
After 1981, during his two years as head of state, the newly elected French president managed to implement several effective reforms in the country.
Nine large corporations and 36 large private banking structures were nationalized.
Minimum wages have been increased, there has been an increase in family benefits and benefits for single mothers, and loans for persons caring for a disabled person or an elderly person.
The period of paid leave has increased to five weeks.
At the same time, more than two million people were unemployed in France due to structural economic restructuring associated with the scientific and technological revolution and international competition.
In 1983, an expensive military program was adopted to modernize the nuclear triad. Combining the advertised social programs and rearmament turned out to be impossible, so the left government had to embark on a policy of “cruel austerity.” This led to discontent among the electorate.
In order not to lose influence on the people, in mid-1984 the Communist Party withdrew its members from the government.
Tightening in domestic policy
After French President François Mitterrand returned to the austerity policy in the spring of 1983, which the socialist government had abandoned for two years, unemployment increased in the country and an army of new poor people appeared.
The previously heard slogans calling for a break with capitalism gradually disappeared.
A thoughtful and conscious course correction was carried out, to some extent imposed by the development of the economic situation in the world, but contrary to the French leftist experiment.
François Mitterrand, a master of political compromise, managed to gradually turn his socialist orientation into a social-democratic one. What had previously matured in the depths moved closer to the surface.
External reasons only managed to play the role of a catalyst. By adjusting its course, the ruling party managed to turn the power steering wheel from the left to the right. The two-year experiment deepened the crisis and contributed to the growth of conservative sentiment.
François Mitterrand is a president who failed to make himself the de Gaulle of the left, although he strived for this. He adapted French democracy to the Anglo-Saxon model, subordinating the national economy to the dictatorship of the world market, which made it possible to somewhat normalize the situation in the country.
On the nationalization of monopolies and unemployment
François Mitterrand, in the first year of his presidency, allowed the socialists to carry out the largest nationalization of corporations in France. Local government received more rights.
However, a year later it was necessary to engage in austerity. A decline in the growth rate of the French economy was noted; in 1981-1986 its value was approximately 1.5 percent. As a result of industrial modernization, the increase in mass unemployment reached 9.7 percent.
Hundreds of thousands of workers had to urgently retrain, many were sent to retirement ahead of schedule. The parliamentary elections of 1986 showed that the socialists had no voter support left.
The situation in 1986-88 turned out to be paradoxical: the President and Prime Minister J. Chirac had different political views.
Foreign policy pro-Atlantic course
During the 1981 elections, François Mitterrand feared a double threat to the country, meaning “American imperialism” and “Soviet expansionism.” Conducted by him foreign policy began to focus more on Western countries, it lost the independence won by de Gaulle.
France was part of the second tier of the G7. Military power alone could not take a leading position in a changing world, where power began to be determined by economics and finance.
United Europe
François Mitterrand chose as a priority in his foreign policy activities entry into a united Europe, into a monetary, economic and political union states that are members of the European Community.
He considered the European confederation of West and East to be the second circle of integration, and tried in every possible way to develop relations with the United States of America, Germany, the Soviet Union, as well as third world states.
Relations between East and West
François Mitterrand tried not only to strengthen European cooperation, but also to maintain special relations with the former French colonial countries, fearing “Anglo-Saxon influence” on them.
Although the French president was left-wing, rapprochement with the Soviet Union did not work out. A blow to rapprochement was dealt by the expulsion from France of a large group of Soviet diplomatic workers accused of industrial and military espionage in 1982.
François Mitterrand spoke extremely negatively about the entry of Soviet troops into Afghanistan and the build-up by the Soviet Union nuclear potential. After his visit to the USSR in 1988, allegations appeared in the Soviet media about the loss of the special relationship between our countries that had developed through the efforts of de Gaulle.
Mitterrand was concerned about the speed of liquidation of the Soviet bloc, the unification of Germany, and the rapid recognition of Slovenia and Croatia.
In 1990, French troops participated in the military conflict in the Persian Gulf region as part of the UN coalition.
About African politics
Mitterrand's African policies often had a neo-colonial approach, he could support a military coup, supply weapons to governments or paramilitary groups that violate human rights.
In 1990, François Mitterrand, whose photo could often be found on the pages of many newspapers, in his speech in La Baule called for assistance in developing democracy in the former colonies of France.
He suggested that the statesmen of these countries should properly treat the wishes and aspirations of the people to establish “democratic statehood” by providing the opportunity to hold free elections, as well as allowing a multi-party system, abolishing censorship, giving freedom of the press and independence of judges.
Socialist President F. Mitterrand confirmed the key principles of Gaullism in the national doctrine. The policy of refusing to return to NATO and France's independence in matters of national security remained unchanged. But at the same time, Mitterrand put forward the thesis of compatibility national independence and close rapprochement with NATO and the United States. In a number of official documents on French national security issues, along with such an element as independent defense, loyalty to the Atlantic Alliance appeared. The defense of Western Europe was now linked to NATO. France approved all decisions of the United States and the North Atlantic Alliance in the field military strategy, including the deployment of American missiles in Europe.
The main place in Mitterrand's foreign policy was given to European politics. Germany remained the main partner in the European Community. France attached great importance to the development of relations with Third World countries. The concept of solidarity with national liberation movements, equal cooperation with the “third world” and France playing the role of a mediator between North and South was developed. Since the early 1990s. French influence in Africa began to wane. France was curtailing both its military presence and economic assistance to its former colonies.
The central tenet of the military doctrine was the orientation towards global deterrence both by forces general purpose, and nuclear forces. At the beginning of his second term as president, Mitterrand changed national security priorities in favor of Eurocentrism, but did not abandon cooperation with NATO. Because of Afghanistan, traditional political consultations between France and the USSR ceased; only economic cooperation continued. But gradually from the mid-1980s. relations began to improve.
After the end of the Cold War and the reunification of Germany, Mitterrand temporarily returned to Gaullist positions and, in the context of the uncertain role of NATO for Europe and the signing of the Maastricht Treaty in 1991, tried to take on the role of a pan-European leader on the basis of Eurocentrism. Since the summer of 1991, the Yugoslav problem has moved to the center of attention of the world community. According to Mitterrand, France and Europe had to play a major role in resolving the crisis. The Bosnian crisis revealed both the weakness of France in implementing its own initiatives and the inadequacy of the efforts of the countries of the European Community to maintain security on the continent.
In the spring of 1992, Mitterrand announced the introduction of a moratorium on France's underground tests on the Mururoa Atoll, which began back in 1961. He expected that such a position of the country would help speed up the process of nuclear disarmament, but neither the USA, nor China, nor the USSR followed the example of France .
19. Foreign policy of France in the late 1960s - early 1980s.
The foreign policy of France during the presidency of Georges Pompidou was based on the principles laid down by de Gaulle. He defined the further political course of the Fifth Republic with the words “continuity and renewal.” By “continuity” was meant the continuation of the main directions in economics and politics that had developed under de Gaulle, and by “renewal” – their partial change in the spirit of the times and in accordance with the demands of the right opposition. In general, foreign policy was based on the national interests of France and the strengthening of its role, primarily in Europe, as well as the Mediterranean and the Middle East. Pompidou moved away from de Gaulle's ideological formula of France as a great power. His national doctrine shifted towards greater realism.
Pompidou's national security policy was based on the need to equalize the economic potentials of France and Germany through the creation of a European monetary union, expanding ties with the United States, maintaining smooth relations with the USSR and strengthening France's position in the Middle East.
Under Pompidou, attempts were made to revitalize the Western European Union. And the provision of nuclear guarantees to Germany was put forward as the basis for cooperation between the two countries. French military doctrine has undergone changes. The question of using nuclear forces on a global scale was removed, aiming them at the East. Three directions of defense were designated: national territory, Europe and the Mediterranean, as well as remote territories in Africa. It was assumed that strategic plans in Europe would be coordinated with NATO plans. The concept of French national security under Pompidou as a whole had a pronounced Eurocentrism with selective intervention in world affairs.
Pompidou paid significant attention to the development of Franco-Soviet relations. He met with the head of the USSR L.I. five times. Brezhnev. In 1973, agreements were reached that contributed to the early convening of the Pan-European Conference on Security in Europe. France was establishing ties with African countries. Diplomatic relations were established with the People's Republic of China.
Foreign policy of France under President V. Giscard d’Estaing (1974 -1981).
Republican President V. Giscard d'Estaing radically changed the Gaullist formula about the great power of France, assigning it a role at the head of the powers immediately next to the superpowers. Instead of “greatness,” the slogan “influence” was put forward. D'Estaing's national doctrine was based on the following provisions: the European Union, global involvement, expansion of bilateral ties with energy supplying countries and the role of France as an intermediary between developed countries and the third world. This involved seeking concessions from the USSR, the US renouncing claims to hegemony, and reorienting the Third World towards closer rapprochement with France.
D'Estaing pursued a policy of rapprochement with the United States in the political, economic and military spheres. France still did not return to NATO, but at the same time French troops began to take part in the bloc’s maneuvers. On the initiative of the French president, G7 meetings began to be held annually in 1975. France attached great importance to ties with its former African colonies.
Relations with the USSR remained one of the most important directions of foreign policy. Giscard d'Estaing repeatedly met with L.I. Brezhnev. The countries developed their relations in the fields of industry, energy, and culture. But in 1979, after the entry of Soviet troops into Afghanistan, France sharply condemned the USSR.
Giscard d'Estaing's French national security policy was based on economic priorities, primarily the further expansion of European integration. At the same time, a bias was made towards allowing the US to be involved in European affairs.
Giscard d'Estaing confirmed the concept of finding balance in East-West relations and supported the policy of détente of the 1970s. and the theory of convergence of two systems.
32. Features international conflicts at the turn of the XX-XXI centuries. and the possibilities of their settlement.
Modern inter-conflicts are characterized by a greatly increased importance of the national-ethnic component.
At the present stage, internal conflicts have become the main problem of the world community. Neither the UN, nor other international organizations or individual states can boast of any significant successes in preventing and resolving conflicts. Quite often, peacekeeping itself turns into a hidden confrontation between certain states seeking to use the crisis situation to gain or strengthen their geopolitical positions.
Most applicable B.C. The way to resolve the conflict is direct and indirect violent actions. Concern for the security of humanity and general security today allows us to violate the principle of state sovereignty and ensure order through military action. That is, ultimately, it does not contribute to the search for a compromise, but establishes its own politically and economically verified security.
The desire of a number of states to create reliable mechanisms for ensuring European and global security was expressed in the formation of international forums: the UN, OSCE, as well as in the creation of a number of regional military-political organizations. The formation of new sources of conflicts is not accompanied by strengthening of tools for their resolution. Instead, there is a crisis of security institutions. The UN and OSCE do not have effective mechanisms for resolving military crises due to the lack of their own means of operational force to influence the phenomena socio-political tensions accompanied by armed struggle.
A number of conclusions should be drawn that characterize the conflicts of the modern world order:
The increase in conflict in the modern world system has occurred due to the blurring of the boundaries of foreign and domestic policies, increased interdependence of states, the spread of regions, and local conflicts;
The bulk of conflicts today are justified and legitimized using the principle of national self-determination.
The phenomenon of national extremism has acquired particular significance;
In global conflictology, a new term has appeared such as national terrorism;
Due to the fact that the conflicts of the new generation are based on irreconcilable contradictions, usually of a religious nature, these are conflicts of the type where consensus is impossible;
World conflictology does not have a sufficient number of methods for predicting conflicts and effective ways to prevent them.
38. Globalization and anti-globalism in the late 1990s. – the beginning of the 21st century.
Globalization The creators of globalization are specific political figures who rely on a certain ideology (theory) - globalism.
The current stage of globalization is characterized by the desire for cultural (and political - in particular) dominance in the world on the part of the West. At its core is Americanization, since the United States currently plays a leading role in the world. That is why the current stage of globalization should be spoken of primarily as the Americanization of the entire Earth. It is carried out by creating a global economic system controlled from a single center. The USA acts as the center. But the complete seizure of world power presupposes its implementation of a long-term program of action aimed at the whole world.
Information globalization. The establishment of a new world order, in which the countries of the “golden billion” should remain in a privileged position.
Military globalization. US military presence in all regions of the planet.
Ecological globalization. Western countries solve their environmental problems at the expense of other countries.
Financial and economic globalization. the establishment of the power of the financial-oligarchic elite, the power of the “new nomads” over the world.
Anti-globalism
A political movement directed against certain aspects of the process of globalization in its modern form.
The current model of globalization was formed under the auspices of world capital and leads to:
The gap in income, consumption, health, education in the countries of the “golden billion” and the “third world”.
Unacceptable conditions for low-skilled TNC workers
"standardization of minds"
Consumerist and predatory attitude towards nature,
The dominance of the ideology of neoliberalism for the purpose of increasing the expansion of capital around the world, the formation of raw materials appendages from non-participating countries
In the 90s of the 20th century - the beginning of the 21st century - a surge in the activity of anti-globalist public associations. They put forward their demands to national governments and international organizations that influence the situation of citizens.
The anti-globalization movement in many ways represents a new type of political actor. The groups and associations that make up it have a unique organization. They use a relatively new tactic of social action. The movement puts forward alternatives to modern forms of social development.
21. Foreign policy of France under President J. Chirac.
The country took an active part in reforming the EU. At the EU summit in Laeken in December 2001, a decision was made to create a special body - the Convention. As a result of one and a half years of work, the Convention presented a draft constitution of the European Union at the EU summit in Greece.
In the second half of 2000, France presided over the European Council and prepared draft agreement, signed in December of the same year at the EU summit in Nice, which marked the beginning of the expansion of the Union by joining 10 candidate countries. France became one of the main initiators of the formation of a pan-European foreign and security policy and a common defense policy.
J. Chirac has repeatedly spoken out in favor of developing a “great European policy”. At the end of 1998, at a meeting in Saint-Malo, France and England announced a joint project for the creation of European mobile forces to independently participate in operations on the European continent, where NATO forces would not be involved. But under US pressure they were forced to abandon these plans.
Chirac's national doctrine was based on fairly rigid Gaullist guidelines - maintaining independence and leadership in Europe, relying on nuclear deterrence in new
There was a further decline in J. Chirac's position on French national security issues specific gravity initial Gaullist installations.
France was the harshest critic of Russia's actions in Chechnya at the summits of the OSCE, the European Union and the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe. France was the initiator of the adoption by the European Union of a number of discriminatory measures in the field of trade, which did not contribute to the development of bilateral relations. The positions of France and Russia on many issues of world development were close.
On the issue of NATO expansion to the East, which was painful for Russia, France took a favorable position towards it. The French leadership believed that it should take place taking into account Russia's security interests and simultaneously with the reform of NATO.
France was one of the initiators of the signing of the Russia-NATO Act. It also supported Russia in its desire to become a full member of the G7 leaders' meetings and transform it into the G8. During its presidency of the European Union in the second half of 2000, France introduced work program to implement the “Collective Strategy of the European Union towards Russia”. Improvement in relations between France and Russia began at the end of 2000.
During the presidency of J. Chirac, the Middle East for France became a new “traditional” direction of its foreign policy and an arena in the battle for the right to be one of the key states in the world. France sought to play an active role in resolving the Middle East conflict, because it developed in its area of special interests - the Mediterranean region. Gaullist foreign policy in this direction was traditionally pro-Arab. J. Chirac announced the paramount importance of Arab issues, support for the peace process in the Middle East and condemnation of terrorism, no matter where it comes from. Chirac called for increased financial assistance to the Palestinians. France called on Israel to withdraw its armed forces from Palestinian territories and criticized the United States for supporting the hard-line position of the Israeli prime minister.
Initially, France was inclined to seek a political solution to the Bosnian problem, but subsequently supported the United States in this matter.
France's position on Iraq was initially determined not so much by political as by economic considerations. The problem around Iraq has acquired special political significance for France. France, together with Germany and Russia, spoke at the UN against the adoption of a resolution approving unilateral US actions in Iraq.
France's relations with the United States improved after France voted in 2003 at the UN Security Council for a resolution that gave the US-British coalition control of Iraq and the exploitation of its oil.
A significant place in France's foreign policy activities was occupied by the settlement of regional problems and conflicts in the Middle East, India and Pakistan. Traditionally, a special place was given to relations with African countries. In November 1996, J. Chirac pledged to end France's unilateral military actions in Africa.
22. Foreign policy of Germany in the 1980–1990s. Unification of Germany.
Helmut Kohl ensured the continuity of the Bonn government's security policy and close cooperation with Paris and Washington. Despite the speeches of opponents of rearmament, the government coalition supported the action and in November 1983 the Bundestag voted in favor of rearmament. This confirmed the reliability of the Western alliance and prevented a crisis in NATO.
In the mid-80s, negotiations on disarmament began between the USSR and the USA. In 1987, under the Treaty on the Elimination of Intermediate-Range and Short-Range Missiles, Germany destroyed 72 Pershing-1A missiles located on its territory.
In foreign policy there was also a cooling of relations with the USSR. Contradictions between London and Bonn were resolved through relations with the USSR.
GDR."Perestroika" in the USSR was not accepted in the GDR. In 1989, Hungary opened its border with Austria and a mass exodus of East German residents along this route began. The leadership of the GDR did not interfere with this process, believing that in this way the country would get rid of the opposition, which would then not be allowed back. But in any case, the situation in the country destabilized, in order to save the regime, the Honecker government resigned. His successor Egon Krenz, who promised a policy of “turnaround,” did not have popular support. As a result, the Politburo resigned entirely.
The announcement of a new free movement law led to the opening of border crossings and the collapse of the Berlin Wall.
On March 18, 1990, free elections were held for the first time. On October 3, 1990, the GDR joined the Federal Republic of Germany.
In the "2+4" agreement (September 1990), the USSR, USA, France and Great Britain confirmed the unification of Germany.
Kohl tried to achieve unity with the help of a program that provided for a confederation of 2 states and a change in the system of the GDR. The population of the GDR did not trust the new government of Modrow, the outflow of population to the West was growing. Bonn assured the West that unification would not lead to changes in existing borders, NATO structures would not be extended to the GDR, and the Bundeswehr would be reduced.
US President Bush approved the unification on the condition that Germany remains a member of NATO. In August 1990, the People's Chamber (parliament of the GDR) spoke out in favor of the speedy accession of the GDR to the Federal Republic of Germany. State Secretary of the GDR Krause and Federal Minister of the Interior of the Federal Republic of Germany Schäuble signed the Treaty of German Unification. On October 3, 1990, the GDR joined the Federal Republic of Germany. Berlin was declared the capital. Unity became possible after Gorbachev agreed to it in July 1990. At the same time, Germany abandoned weapons of mass destruction, reduced the Bundeswehr to 370,000 people, and did not extend NATO structures into the territory of the GDR until the complete withdrawal of Soviet troops from Germany until 1994.
A united Germany seeks to play a more active political and military role in the world. The Bundeswehr left Germany for the first time for military operations in Bosnia, Kosovo, and Afghanistan.
A new foreign policy priority is relations with Eastern European countries. Germany accounts for over 50% of all financial assistance to the countries of Eastern Europe and the republics of the former USSR. The volume of financial assistance to countries in Asia and Africa increased. Under Kohl, Germany expressed its readiness to become a permanent member of the UN Security Council.
Kolya was much criticized for usurping power and for excessively developing economic relations with Russia. When German investors suffered after the 1998 default, Kohl could not remain in his post.
47. The problem of nuclear safety in modern international relations. The nuclear club is a political science cliche, a symbol for the so-called group. poison of the powers-states that developed, produced and tested poison weapons. According to available official data, nuclear weapons in modern times. The following countries have it: USA (1945), Russian Federation (USSR - 1949), Great Britain (1952), France (1960), China (1964), India (1974), Pakistan (1998) and DPRK (2006). Israel is also considered to have nuclear weapons. In addition, several states that are NATO members (Germany, Italy, Turkey, Belgium, the Netherlands, Canada) and other allies (presumably Japan, South Korea) have US nuclear weapons. Some experts believe that in certain circumstances these countries can use it. Currently Myanmar is also suspected of working on the creation of technology for the production of nuclear weapons, despite the agreement signed on December 15, 1995. and the Bangkok Treaty, which entered into force on March 28, 1997.
All poisonous powers, except Israel and South Africa, conducted a series of tests of the weapons they created and announced it. However, there is unconfirmed information that South Africa conducted several tests of its own or joint weapons with Israeli ones in the late 90s. 1980s in the area of Bouvet Island.
Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty 1996 “young” poison powers India, Pakistan, North Korea did not sign and other poison powers USA, China + suspected Iran and Egypt, Indonesia, Colombia signed but did not ratify. Syria and Myanmar signed and ratified this Treaty. The Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (1968) was aimed at prohibiting the proliferation of nuclear weapons. It allowed for the exchange of peaceful nuclear technologies between the countries participating in the treaty. A number of countries that already had, or were planning to create, their own nuclear programs refused to participate in the treaty.
Historically, Nazi Germany had the potential to become the second or even the first poisonous power. However, the Uranium project was not completed before the defeat of the 3rd Reich due to insufficient funding, organizational miscalculations, a number of mistakes by scientists at the beginning of work, the flight of a number of key scientists from the country and the choice of a path that was not optimal with (t) the speed of achieving nuclear chain reaction technology necessary to create a nuclear weapons. At the same time, there is some evidence that a prototype atomic bomb was manufactured and tested with German assistance by the Empire of Japan. June 3, 2013 The Stockholm Peace Research Institute published a report stating that 8 countries possessing atomic weapons - the USA, Russia, China, Great Britain, France, India, Pakistan and Israel - keep 4,400 units on alert. military equipment, capable of carrying nuclear charges. 2,000 of them are on constant high alert. In total, these countries have 17,270 poison weapons. The report also indicates that Israel has 80 such weapons in its hands: 50 warheads for Jericho 3 medium-range missiles and 30 bombs ready to be dropped from aircraft. The Swedish Institute publishes similar reports every year, monitoring the dynamics of developments in the field of weapons of mass destruction in general and nuclear weapons in particular.
46. Economic security of European countries.
Security economic security belongs to the most important national priorities of most countries of the world. The EU ensures a high level of economic security and competitiveness. The ultimate goal of ensuring economic security in the EU is the formation of a fully integrated Europe with the same standard of living in all member countries.
There is no separate law in Germany dedicated to the concept of economic security. The country's core national security interests are represented in the form of an official directive from the Ministry of Defense. In internal economic terms, the goal is to guarantee the economic development of the country, the material and social well-being of us. In foreign economic terms, the main emphasis is stability and improvement of sales markets. Main methods: creating equal conditions for competition, preventing monopolization in certain industries and maintaining the stability of the national currency.
Economic security in the Federal Republic means the prevention and prevention of economic threats by creating a network of cooperation between states. The document that addresses certain provisions for ensuring economic security is the Law “On National Security” of 1964.
Security policy in Great Britain is associated with defense policy; they are implemented through the protection of national interests. The country has an extensive network of institutions that ensure effective interaction between parliament, government and big business in implementing decisions to ensure national economic security. It includes: the Confederation of British Industry, the Council for Trade with Eastern Europe, etc.
An analysis of the security experience of countries such as Benelux, Denmark, and Switzerland shows that their main strategic goal is to ensure growth and modernization of the economy in the context of competition in the world market. “Small countries” of the EU do not have the ability to significantly influence the formation of the structure of the world economy and, as strategic goals, determine the formation of an effective structure and specialization of the economy.
the provision of national economic security by EU countries depends on the stability of the national economies of the countries, allowing them to protect national interests in the conditions of global competition and growing world economic imbalances
27. NATO's eastward expansion in the 1990s. – beginning of the 21st century. NATO's Partnership for Peace program.
NATO's expansion to the east consisted of two phases - the Partnership for Peace program, and the direct entry of new states into the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. In April 1999, Poland, the Czech Republic and Hungary were admitted to NATO. In 2004, the second happened block expansion, during which it was joined by Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Slovakia, Slovenia, Bulgaria and Romania. At the Bucharest NATO summit in 2008. Albania and Croatia were admitted to the alliance. In 2009, the French National Assembly supported President N. Sarkozy to return to the military structures of the alliance. NATO began to monopolize the right to ensure European security, Russia was being ousted from Central and Eastern Europe. True, a number of partnership agreements were concluded between NATO and Russia, including the “Founding Act on Relationships, Cooperation and Security,” which provided, in particular, for NATO to renounce the deployment of nuclear weapons and additional military bases on the territory of new members of the organization. European countries were increasingly inclined to form mechanisms to ensure their own security within the European Union, rather than the North Atlantic bloc. In 2003, France, Germany, Belgium and Luxembourg decided to create a common command of their armed forces, free from any American control. After the terrorist attack of September 11, 2001 and the successful operation of the United States and its allies in Afghanistan, American-Western European differences diminished. But the Iraqi crisis of 2002–2003. again revealed contradictions. The USA and Great Britain, which advocated the start of hostilities against the Saddam Hussein regime, encountered opposition from Germany and France.
The Partnership for Peace is a NATO military cooperation program created in 1994 with European states and the former Soviet republics of Transcaucasia and Central Asia that are not members of the organization. Initially it covered 24 states, their number periodically changes with the accession of new states to the program or the accession of states participating in the program to NATO. The Partnership for Peace program involves 22 non-NATO countries.
24. Collapse of the Yalta-Potsdam system of international relations. The end of the Cold War and the establishment of a new world order.
There are different opinions of various political scientists about the reasons for the breakdown of the Yalta-Potsdam system of international relations: the collapse of the USSR, the collapse of the military-strategic bloc of the Warsaw Treaty Organization, fundamental changes in the countries of Eastern Europe and the states of the former USSR, the formation in these territories of a number of independent states, the unification of Germany, as well as the end of the Cold War between the USSR and the USA.
The main reason for the breakdown of the Yalta-Potsdam system of international relations is the collapse of the USSR, since this system of international relations was called “bipolar”. The end of the existence of one of the superpowers, in in this case The USSR caused the breakdown of the system of international relations that was formed after the end of World War II.
The end of the Cold War and the establishment of a new world order.
In 1987, a radical turn took place in the foreign policy of the USSR towards the so-called “new political thinking”, which proclaimed “socialist pluralism” and “the priority of universal values over class values.” From that moment on, the ideological and military-political confrontation began to quickly lose its severity.
The new foreign policy doctrine was determined by the development of the political process in the USSR towards the rejection of communist ideology, as well as the dependence of the USSR economy on Western technologies and loans due to the sharp drop in oil prices, which led to the fact that the USSR made broad concessions in the foreign policy sphere.
In 1987, the Warsaw Pact countries developed a new, purely defensive military doctrine, providing for the unilateral reduction of weapons to the limits of “reasonable sufficiency.”
According to Gorbachev, all ideological and economic differences between the world systems of socialism and capitalism must give way to the need to protect universal human values. In this process, leading countries must sacrifice their interests in favor of smaller countries, the common goals of peace and détente, due to the fact that mutual goodwill is needed to survive in the nuclear age.
Since 1987, the intensity of the confrontation between the USA and the USSR began to decline sharply, and over the next 2-3 years the confrontation completely disappeared. However, the weakening of the confrontation was achieved largely due to the compliance of the Soviet leadership.
In 1988, the withdrawal of Soviet troops from Afghanistan begins. In December of the same year, Gorbachev, speaking at a session of the UN General Assembly with a “program for weakening the confrontation,” announced a reduction in Soviet armed forces. In the fall of 1989, one after another, communist regimes in Central and Eastern Europe began to collapse. In October 1989, an official rejection of the “Brezhnev Doctrine” was proclaimed.
On November 21, 1990, a Charter for new Europe, which proclaimed the actual end of half a century of confrontation between the two systems and the beginning of a new era of “democracy, peace and unity.”
In December 1991, the final collapse of the USSR occurred.
23. The policy of restructuring in international relations.
Gorbachev's rise to power initially did not foretell anything new in the field of Soviet foreign policy. He traditionally declared the need to combat the military threat, strengthen the socialist community, and support national liberation movements.
Foreign policy began to change after the change of the USSR Foreign Minister. The main directions of foreign policy were determined: normalization of relations with Western countries; the beginning of bilateral arms reductions; ending the armed confrontation with the United States and its allies in Asia, Africa, and Latin America.
In 1987, a completely new foreign policy concept of the Soviet leadership took shape, called “new thinking.” It implied a rejection of the idea of splitting the world into two systems; recognized the integrity and indivisibility of the world; rejected the use of force to solve world problems; declared the priority of universal human values over class, national, ideological, etc.
Soviet-American relations. The beginning of nuclear disarmament. In November 1985, the first meeting of M. S. Gorbachev with US President R. Reagan took place. It marked the beginning of a new warming in relations between East and West. Negotiations between the leaders of the two countries have since become annual and have brought significant results.
Already in 1987, the USSR and the USA signed the Treaty on the Elimination of Intermediate-Range and Shorter-Range Missiles. In 1988-1989 ideological principles began to have less and less influence on Gorbachev's foreign policy.
In the summer of 1991, the USSR and the USA concluded the Treaty on the Reduction and Limitation of Strategic Offensive Arms (START), which provided for a 40% reduction in the most powerful types of offensive weapons.
A turning point in relations with the West occurred during a meeting between Gorbachev and the new US President George W. Bush (senior) in Malta at the end of 1989, where the Soviet leader announced that “the Brezhnev doctrine is dead.” This meant that the USSR would not use military force to prevent changes in the countries of Eastern Europe and within the country in relation to the union republics.
In the summer of 1991, Bush put forward “six conditions” to Gorbachev, on which the West agreed to further cooperate with the USSR: democracy, market, federation, a change in the USSR’s policy in the Middle East, as well as in Africa, and refusal to modernize Soviet nuclear missile forces. Changes in the socialist countries of Eastern Europe began in 1987. Soon, during elections and “velvet revolutions,” there was a change of leadership in Poland, Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Bulgaria, and Albania. At the end of 1989, the regime of N. Ceausescu in Romania was overthrown by armed means.
Relations with third world countries. The main regional problem for the USSR remained the war in Afghanistan. In April 1988, an agreement was concluded to end American military assistance to the Mujahideen in Afghanistan and begin the withdrawal of Soviet troops from there.
The USSR's military presence in Ethiopia, Mozambique, and Nicaragua ceased. With the assistance of the Soviet Union, Vietnamese troops were withdrawn from Kampuchea, and Cuban troops were withdrawn from Angola. This removed the last obstacles to resolving the issue of normalizing relations with China. In 1989, Gorbachev visited the PRC, during which the normalization of bilateral relations was announced.
Under US pressure, the Soviet Union was forced not only to abandon support for the regimes in Libya and Iraq, but also to approve the military actions of Western countries during the crisis in the Persian Gulf in the summer of 1990, and also to join the blockade of Libya. The removal of ideological barriers in foreign policy contributed to the improvement of relations between the USSR and South Africa, South Korea, Taiwan, Israel.
26. The emergence of a unipolar world (1996 - beginning of the 21st century)
The new system of international relations was distinguished by ambiguity and a variety of potential opportunities for its implementation, both in the direction of unipolarity and multipolarity. One of the features of the modern system of international relations is leadership of the United States of America and their impact on the new world order.
Russia did not have the necessary resources to confront the United States and showed no intention of opposing the West in international relations. The Russian Federation sought to cooperate with him. In the 1990s. The United States viewed China as its main competitor in international politics, but it had not yet accumulated the necessary potential. In the current situation, the United States found itself out of competition. The bipolar world began to turn into a new international order - unipolar, which was formed under the influence of the United States.
Russia, China, and the European Union have sought to assert independence and autonomy in their actions vis-à-vis the United States and have periodically achieved success in doing so, but at the global level they have been unable to compete with America for influence in international affairs.
By the beginning of the 21st century. the system of international relations has become a more complex structure than in the 20th century. The changes taking place in the international arena are based on several factors that determine interstate relations at the present stage:
slowdown in countries' economic growth North America, Europe and Japan;
the gradual shift of the center of economic power to Asia;
growth in energy demand;
aggravation of regional conflicts;
the problem of international terrorism has worsened;
changes have been made to the basis of relations between sovereign states.
The fundamental principle of state sovereignty is replaced by the need to respect human rights in accordance with internationally recognized standards. The North Atlantic Alliance played an active role in resolving all conflicts in Europe in the last decade of the 20th century. At the same time, NATO was free to carry out its policies. As NATO expands, more and more states are joining, trying both within and outside the bloc to pursue their own interests, which do not always coincide with the interests of their allies.
Despite the presence of prerequisites for the formation of a unipolar world order, there is also another development option - the formation of a multipolar system of international relations. The likelihood of this is high due to the successful development of countries such as China and India.
A characteristic feature of the post-bipolar era was the fragmentation of the post-Soviet geopolitical space (the creation of new transnational organizations).
Post-bipolar regionalism is a qualitatively new type of international cooperation. Distinctive feature Post-bipolar regionalism is an emphasis on equal partnership of states as opposed to the dominance of large states over small ones in international cooperation.
NATO’s new strategic doctrine, adopted at the Rome summit in 1991, provided for the bloc’s active intervention in local conflicts on the European continent, legal grounds for which he received in 1992
In February 1994, NATO used armament forces- Yugoslavia.
Simultaneously with military operations, NATO expanded to the east, which consisted of two phases - the Partnership for Peace program, and, of course, the entry of new states into the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. Displacement of Russian influence from CE and EE.
Of course, a number of partnership agreements were concluded between the North Atlantic Alliance and Russia. At the same time, the intention to continue expanding the North Atlantic Treaty Organization was confirmed.
Despite the approval of the new doctrine, NATO could not avoid an internal crisis. European countries were increasingly inclined to form mechanisms to ensure their own security within the European Union, rather than the North Atlantic bloc.
After the terrorist attack of September 11, 2001 and the successful operation of the United States and its allies in Afghanistan, American-Western European differences diminished. But the Iraqi crisis of 2002–2003. again revealed contradictions.
The new regional structures, within which the number of states claiming the status of regional and subregional powers is increasing, include: APEC, BRIC, RIC, EurAsEC, CSTO, SCO. Within these structures, new strong political and economic players have emerged: India, China, Brazil. Through these organizations, states are attempting to improve their status in the international arena. In 2009, the international weight of China increased significantly, becoming the second superpower after the United States. The Arab states claim the status of a system-forming center through regional and sectoral structures: the League of Arab States (LAS), the African Union (AU), the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC), etc. Russia successfully cooperates and dominates in many international organizations, and therefore its foreign policy status, along with India, China, Brazil, can be defined as the status of transregional and regional powers.
28. European integration in the 1990s. Maastricht Treaty.
In 1993, the European Community became the European Union through the 1993 Maastricht Treaty. Part of the European Free Trade Association states bordering the old Eastern bloc even before the end of the Cold War, she applied to join the Community. In 1995, Sweden, Finland and Austria were admitted to the EU. This became the 4th EU enlargement. The Norwegian government failed at that time in the second national referendum on membership. The end of the Cold War and the "Westernization" of Eastern Europe left the EU with the need to agree on standards for future new members to assess their suitability. According to the Copenhagen criteria, it was decided that a country must be a democracy, have a free market and be willing to accept all EU law already agreed upon.
Treaty of Maastricht (« Treaty of European Union") is an agreement signed on February 7, 1992 in the city of Maastricht, which marked the beginning of the EU. The Treaty came into force on November 1, 1993. The Treaty completed the work of previous years to regulate the monetary and political systems of European countries.
The Union was created on the basis of the European Economic Community, which, under the terms of the agreement, was renamed the European Community, supplemented by policy areas and forms of cooperation in accordance with the newly concluded agreement. Responsibility for the monetary policy of the European Union rests with the European System of Central Banks (ESCB).
The consequence of the agreement was the introduction of the euro as the European currency and the establishment of three pillars of the union - economics and social policy, international relations and security, justice and internal affairs.
Ratification of the treaty caused difficulties in a number of countries. A referendum in France supported the treaty by 51.05%, and Denmark abandoned the original wording. In Great Britain, the treaty was ratified by parliament with a minimal advantage of the government group over the opponents of the treaty.
The countries that signed the Maastricht Agreement have approved five criteria that must be met by countries joining the European Monetary Union, the so-called Maastricht criteria:
The state budget deficit should not exceed 3% of GDP.
Public debt must be less than 60% of GDP.
The state must participate in the exchange rate mechanism for two years and maintain the exchange rate of the national currency in a given range.
The inflation rate should not exceed by more than 1.5% the average value of the three EU member states with the most stable prices.
Long-term interest rates on government bonds should not exceed by more than 2% the average of the corresponding rates in countries with the lowest inflation.
29. European Union: structure, goals, directions and principles of activity.
European Union- economic and political unification of 28 European states. Aimed at regional integration, the Union was legally enshrined in the Maastricht Treaty in 1992.
The structure of the European Union consists of the main institutions, or bodies.
European Council. The highest political body of the EU, consisting of the heads of state and government of member countries and their deputies - ministers of foreign affairs. The Council determines the main strategic directions for the development of the EU. Developing a general line of political integration is the main mission of the European Council. Along with the Council of Ministers, the European Council has the political function of amending the fundamental treaties of European integration. Council decisions are binding on the states that supported them.
The European Commission is the highest executive body of the European Union. Consists of 28 members, one from each member state. She puts forward legislative initiatives, and after approval controls their implementation.
EU Council. The Council of the EU is vested with a number of functions of both the executive and legislative branches. In fact, any legal act of the European Union must receive the approval of the Council.
European Parliament. The main role is the approval of the EU budget. Parliament controls the work of the Commission and has the right to dissolve it.
European Court. The Court regulates disagreements between member states; between member states and the EU itself; between EU institutions; between the EU and individuals or legal entities.
EU Chamber of Auditors. Reviews the income and expenditure reports of the European Union and all its institutions and bodies having access to European Union funds; monitors the quality of financial management.
Goals.
1 . pursuing a balanced and long-term social and economic policy; 2 . assertion of European identity in the international arena; 3 . strengthening the protection of the rights and interests of citizens of member states; 4 . development of close cooperation in the field of judicial practice and internal affairs; 5 . preserving the achievements of the Community and developing them.
Operating principles.
1. Legality (a person can do everything that is not prohibited by law; it is the duty of EU bodies to motivate their decisions);
2. Subsidiarity (all issues that can be resolved directly locally should be under the jurisdiction of the authorities lower level authorities);
3. Proportionality (proportionality) – compliance of the goals of specific measures with the means chosen to achieve them;
4. Glasnost (enables civil society institutions to influence political decisions, the right to access documents of political institutions of the Union, even those permanently residing on the territory of the Union);
5. Respect for the national individualization of member states. The desire for unification where necessary and at the same time preserving the historical traditions and culture of everyone;
6. Respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms;
7. Equality (social, legal, demographic, etc.);
8. Environmentally oriented - protecting the environment and restoring damaged natural resources;
40. The Asia-Pacific region in the foreign policy of foreign European countries.
The main Asian countries with which the EU establishes close relations are Japan, China and India.
A joint declaration was signed in Lisbon, which includes a “plan of action”. It identifies a number of areas in which cooperation is expected to be strengthened: information technology, the environment, telecommunications, energy and transport.
Lisbon also hosted a working meeting of members of the European Commission with representatives of the Confederation of Indian Industry and entrepreneurs from Portugal, France, Germany, and Great Britain. The main goal is to outline prospects for the development of trade and economic relations between a united Europe and India.
Although the first EU-India summit was largely symbolic, it reflected the desire of the 15 states that make up the European Community to recognize “India’s new international status and to establish political dialogue and cooperation with this country in a variety of fields. The summit revealed differences in approach to issues such as the proliferation of nuclear weapons in the world.
On October 20–21, 2000, the ASEM conference was held in Seoul with the participation of 10 Asian countries and 15 member countries of the European Union. The main goal of ASEM is to establish cooperation between two important regions of the world, which are quite far apart from each other, not so much even geographically as culturally and politically. The leaders of Europe and Asia promised each other, in particular, to cooperate in liberalizing world trade, combating international crime and reducing the gap in access to new “digital” technologies.
Special mention must be made of the development of relations between China and the European Union. During this eighth China-EU summit, cooperation agreements in the field of maritime transport, environmental protection and others were signed. In addition, agreements were signed at the summit regarding cooperation in the field of space research and interaction in the social sphere.
In the economic sphere, relations between China and the EU in 2005 were overshadowed by the crisis surrounding the supply of Chinese textiles due to EU quotas. China and the EU held several emergency rounds of consultations in the hope of unblocking the situation. The final solution to this problem was reached on December 5, 2005 at negotiations between the heads of trade and economic departments of the PRC and the EU. EU customs authorities have unfrozen all Chinese-made textile goods detained in European ports. Despite the problems, both the EU and China appreciate the current state of bilateral trade.
IN last years Cooperation between the PRC and the EU in environmental protection began to develop. First, a mechanism for dialogue at various levels on environmental cooperation was established between both sides. Secondly, the parties have established specific cooperation in the areas of enhancing China's green construction capabilities, protecting the environment during the development of China's western regions, protecting the diversity of fauna and flora, introducing a standard for harmful emissions from cars, and studying trade and environmental issues.
31. UN crisis in the 1990s. and mechanisms of informal regulation of international relations.
The collapse of bipolarity led to the UN crisis. For post-war period this organization formally proclaimed the meaning of its activities to be maintaining peace. However, the role of the UN in resolving regional conflicts was insignificant. True, the UN multinational forces played a positive role in the Arab-Israeli conflict zone, but even there the organization’s role was auxiliary. In fact, soon after its creation, the UN became an instrument for preventing war between great powers. But with the collapse of the USSR, the task disappeared.
The question arose about the appointment of the UN in the new conditions. In Europe, the hotbed of conflict was the territory former Yugoslavia. In the space of the former USSR, tension resulted in clashes in Transnistria, Georgia, Abkhazia and South Ossetia, Tajikistan, and Azerbaijan over Nagorno-Karabakh. In Africa, armed conflicts have arisen in Somalia, Liberia, Sierra Leone, Rwanda and Zaire. In the Middle East, the conflict in Afghanistan continued.
Effective international intervention under the auspices of the UN in most of these cases would only be possible if there was consensus in the Security Council. But the positions of its permanent members rarely coincided. Therefore, the approval of Council decisions involved lengthy procedures. Nevertheless, after 1989 the number of UN peacekeeping and humanitarian missions increased.
By the mid-1990s, the UN's weaknesses became more apparent. It did not have armed forces and in situations that required an immediate response, it could not act effectively as soon as it came to the need to forcefully support one or another decision of the Security Council. The UN was not ready to cope with the tasks that arose in connection with the need to regulate international conflicts and humanitarian disasters if they arose within individual states and required the use of force.
Criticism against the UN has increased from outside developing countries regarding the predominant positions occupied in the governing bodies of the UN by the permanent members of the Security Council. There were demands to change the UN Charter in order to democratize it. It was proposed to expand the circle of permanent members of the Security Council. There were demands to change the voting procedure in the Council, abolishing the veto power or narrowing the scope of its application. Pointing to the “UN crisis,” various groups of states proposed general reform of the UN system.
The UN remained the main and most authoritative official body of world-system regulation. But along with it, the Group of Seven, which sometimes actually acted as a competitor to the UN, began to perform the functions of an instrument of informal regulation of international relations since the 1970s of the last century. Since it began its work in 1975, the G7 has grown into an influential body governing international relations. It included the leading economic powers of the world. The G7 meetings were held annually. Their agenda until the late 1970s was predominantly economic, but later it became comprehensive. The countries of this group discussed the issues behind closed doors. The G7's decisions were made by consensus and were not binding. The narrow circle of participants in the meetings and the relatively high level of similarity of their interests allowed the “seven” countries! successfully coordinate positions and coordinate actions regarding problems on which it has been difficult to achieve mutual understanding within the UN. In fact, the G7 had its own military-political resource, the use of which was easier for it to resort to than for the Security Council to make decisions on the use of forceful sanctions. In the mid-1990s, the informal G7-NATO tandem became a more effective international regulatory body than the official UN structures. At a meeting in Birmingham in 1998, the possibility of transforming the G7 into a G8 and turning Russia into a full member of the group was first discussed. But she continued to be invited to discuss only political issues. As a full member of the group, Russia began to participate in the work of the “Group of Seven” only in June 2002, and therefore it became known as the “Group of Eight”.
30. Terrorism as a threat to European security.
The difference between today's terrorism is the presence of a global project, which turns a number of private conflicts into “civilizational” confrontation and expands the social base of support for an alternative project.
The Middle East plays an exceptional role in the spread of Islamic extremism and global terrorism. Speaking about the reasons for the rise of political Islam and the new wave of Islamization of Arab society, attention is paid to the collapse of traditional society, the rapid numerical growth of the poor and marginalized strata, the deepening of the gap between the poor and the rich, the opposition of the pre-capitalist way of life to the new modernized social structure of society, illiteracy (especially among women) , the inability to regulate population growth, the underdevelopment and absence of government mechanisms to regulate social and political conflicts, the inability of Arab regimes to resolve the Middle East conflict and the associated hopelessness and confusion.
The extremist movement became widespread after the Second World War with the growth of the economic potential of Saudi Arabia, the Emirates and Kuwait. To support religiously based extremism and its activities on a global scale, these countries spend billions of dollars. Osama Bin Laden was recognized as the largest organizer and sponsor of Islamic international terrorism in the current period. He manages a huge fortune, maintains international connections, and has financed the activities of Islamic extremists: the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood, Islamists in Yemen, armed Islamic groups in Algeria, Bosnian Muslims. Instability in Albania and the war in Kosovo provided an opportunity for Laden to create a terrorist network in Europe, relying on Albanian refugees. For example, in Dagestan, supporters of this trend regularly received enormous material and ideological support.
Events in the world show that at the present stage, the greatest threat is not just extremism, but religious extremism. It differs from other types of extremism in that it is aimed at violent change political system and the seizure of power, in violation of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the state, uses religious teachings and symbols as an important factor in attracting people, mobilizing them for an uncompromising struggle.
Extremism on a religious basis is a commitment in religion to extreme views and actions. The basis of such extremism is violence, extreme cruelty and aggressiveness, combined with religious demagoguery. The reasons for this kind of extremism in society are:
Socio-economic crises,
Deformation of political structures,
The decline in living standards of a significant part of the population,
Government suppression of dissent and opposition,
Leaders' ambitions political parties and religious groups seeking to speed up the implementation of the tasks they put forward, etc.
Modern religious extremism is inseparable from terrorism. Terrorism consists of committing the murder of representatives state power and ordinary citizens, explosions, attacks, aircraft hijackings, etc. In recent decades, religious extremism has increasingly turned to terror as a means of achieving its goals.
Society and the state must fight extremism on a religious basis. Fighting methods may be different. The state must eliminate the socio-economic and political conditions that contribute to the emergence of extremism and suppress the illegal activities of extremists, and society, with the help of public and religious associations, media, etc. must counteract religious extremism, opposing extremist ideas with humanistic ideas and principles of tolerance, civil peace and harmony. To overcome this kind of extremism, political, sociological, psychological, informational, force and other forms of struggle can be used. Law enforcement has an important role to play.
39. Development of European integration in the 2000s: expansion, problems, prospects.
Türkiye has long been seeking to join the EU, but a final decision has not been made. Since January 1996, the agreement on the customs union between Turkey and the EU came into force, and in 2001-2002. The Turks made a number of changes to the legislative norms of their country in order to bring them closer to the standards of Western Europe.
In April 2001, Spain sent a memorandum to the European Commission on the inadmissibility of EU enlargement to the detriment of assistance to poor regions of member countries. On January 1, 2000, EU countries, except Great Britain, switched to a single currency, the euro. At the Copenhagen EU summit in 2002, it was decided that Poland, Cyprus, Malta, the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Hungary, Slovenia, Latvia, Lithuania, and Estonia should join the Union in 2004. On January 1, 2007, Bulgaria and Romania received membership. Croatia became the 28th member of the European Union in 2012. Negotiations are underway with Macedonia, Montenegro, Albania, and Serbia. ->expansion in the Balkans
Only the first unification of six states in 1957 was equal. Further, each of them defended the national interests of their individual country, receiving “concessions” at the expense of the “six”.
41. North Africa and the Middle East region in the foreign policy of foreign European countries.
Currently, Foreign Europe, in particular the EU, is the largest trading partner of North African countries - EU countries account for 50 to 75% of their foreign trade turnover. In the 90s, contacts and ties between them intensified through the Mediterranean Community. However, it should be noted that the results of economic development of the countries of this region are noticeably inferior to the corresponding indicators achieved by developing countries that are members of other large regional organizations. An integrated approach, according to EU politicians and experts, should ensure greater stability in the region, a higher level of economic and social development, neutralize the growing threat from Islamic radicals and extremists, etc., all this should prepare the necessary ground for the future entry of the countries of the region into the club of highly developed states, which are the EU member states (the closest candidates for accession from among the countries of the Mediterranean Community are already named - Turkey and in a somewhat more distant future - Tunisia). In general, relations between the EU and North Africa can be characterized by the following features:. a Mediterranean Forum has been established, where partners discuss a wide range of problems of political, economic and humanitarian rapprochement, based on the results of which practical decisions are made;
The EU has increased attention to the problem of migrants from North African countries; within the framework of its specialized bodies, it is developing new law on the rights of migrants;
The process of liberalization of mutual trade and the formation of a single trade and economic space is gradually underway.
Relations between countries of foreign Europe and the Middle East region: Thanks to its oil reserves, the Middle East is a region where the interests of the United States and its traditional European allies intersect. Establishing stability in this strategically important region remains one of the main directions of both American and European diplomacy. Both sides are interested in resolving the conflict between Israel and the Arab states, freely importing oil from the region, promoting democracy and eliminating Islamic fundamentalism and terrorism in the Middle East. On this moment The European Union is the largest financial supporter of the Middle East peace process. At the same time, Europe is seeking to intensify not only its economic but also its political presence in the Arab-Israeli peace process. This is clearly evidenced by the appointment in October 1996 of an extraordinary and plenipotentiary representative of the EU (Special European Envoy) in the peace process, the creation in 1995 of the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership organization, one of the aspects of whose activities is the settlement of Arab conflicts. Israeli conflict. From the European point of view, only a fair and comprehensive settlement of the Arab-Israeli conflict with the creation of an independent Palestinian state can bring peace and prosperity to the region, as well as guarantee the stability of oil supplies to Europe.
42. USA in the foreign policy of foreign European countries.
Since 1945 main goal The foreign policy of the United States was to make Western Europe one of America's strategic resources. After World War II, this was not difficult to achieve. The United States implemented its program through economic assistance to Europe under the Marshall Plan, as well as through the creation of the North Atlantic Alliance, the Truman Doctrine, etc.
And it is against the backdrop of these events that steps are being taken towards the creation of pan-European organizations. From the US point of view, European organizations were welcome because they, firstly, strengthened the economies of European countries (and therefore made them consumers of American exports and a target for investment) and, secondly, helped to alleviate fears that Germany might regain military strength and join NATO.
By the 1960s, Europe had caught up with the United States in economic level. In addition, Charles de Gaulle came to power again in France, who sought to make European organizations politically independent, that is, the United States would have to lose some of its geopolitical strategic resources. Then the US enthusiasm for the unification of Europe subsided slightly.
During this period, the United States loses the war in Vietnam (1964-1965), which has a very negative impact on the geopolitical position of the United States.
Changes began with Nixon - the easing of tensions with the Soviet Union, the Beijing visit, and changes in relations between America and China. Nixon launched a policy I call "moderate multilateralism."
In relation to Europe, the main task was to slow down the desire for political autonomy. To achieve this, the United States offered Europe a geopolitical<партнерство>in two directions - in matters of the ongoing Cold War with the Soviet Union and in the political and economic struggle between the North and the South. The Cold War program ended with the Helsinki agreements. The North-South agenda led to the anti-proliferation movement, the Washington Consensus, and the creation of the World Trade Organization.
In the 1970s and 1980s, changes in US foreign policy helped achieve the desired results. Attempts to create a European army were successfully suppressed by the opposition-minded United States.
The struggle between North and South, on this front the United States was doing more successfully. Most countries<третьего мира>obeyed the guidelines of the IMF, and even the socialist states of Eastern and Central Europe began to move in this direction. General disillusionment with the communist regime in the countries of the socialist bloc finally deprived the left of its militant spirit. And final<триумфом>became the collapse of the USSR.
However, in this case the main reason for Europe to accept the geopolitical<лидерство>USA in the world. To Western Europe did not get out of control, the United States contributed to the inclusion of the former socialist states of Eastern and Central Europe in European organizations.
And here comes George W. Bush and his hawks. It was decided to demonstrate US military power unilaterally. Iraq was chosen as the target because... does not possess weapons of mass destruction.
to intimidate all potential nuclear powers and force them to abandon their desire to acquire weapons of mass destruction. The Hawks failed. At the moment, the US occupation forces are meeting resistance.
Now, for the first time since 1945, Europe is on the verge of establishing geopolitical autonomy. The proliferation of nuclear weapons has not yet slowed down. More likely, it’s even gaining. And the countries of the Middle East (with the exception of Libya) are not adjacent to the United States.
45. Arms control in Europe. Treaty on Conventional Armed Forces in Europe (CFE).
NATO and Warsaw Pact general purpose forces were pitted against each other in the European theater. The European theater of operations could potentially become a site of confrontation between two military blocs.
During the same period, an adequate system of interconnected bilateral and multilateral international agreements (ABM Treaty, Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty (INF Treaty), Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty (START), Treaty on Conventional Armed Forces in Europe (CFE Treaty) and its adapted version, Open Skies Treaty (OST), Vienna Document).
These agreements created channels of dialogue on security issues that made it possible to quickly resolve emerging concerns.
Treaty on Conventional Armed Forces in Europe (CFE Treaty) was signed on November 19, 1990 in Paris by plenipotentiaries of sixteen NATO member states (Belgium, Great Britain, Germany, Greece, Denmark, Iceland, Spain, Italy, Canada, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Norway, Portugal, USA, Turkey and France) and six member states of the Warsaw Pact Organization (WTO) (Bulgaria, Hungary, Poland, Romania, USSR and Czechoslovakia) and entered into force on November 9, 1992.
Agreement established the balance of the conventional armed forces (AF) of the member states of the two military-political alliances, limiting the possibility of deploying their conventional weapons along the line of contact between the blocs and preventing the creation of the potential for a surprise attack and large-scale offensive operations in Europe.
Restrictions.(from the Atlantic Ocean to the Ural Mountains, the Ural River and the Caspian Sea, including island territories) both groups of states were allowed to have up to:
40,000 battle tanks; = 60,000 armored fighting vehicles; = 40,000 artillery units of 100 mm caliber and above; = 13,600 combat aircraft; =4,000 attack helicopters.
The agreement limited the number of military equipment on the flanks (Bulgaria, Romania, Transcaucasian, Leningrad, North Caucasus, Odessa military districts of the USSR Armed Forces for the ATS; Greece, Iceland, Norway and Turkey for NATO) 4,700 tanks, 5,900 armored vehicles and 6,000 artillery systems .
Purposes of the Agreement:
eliminating inequalities that harm stability and security;
eliminating the potential for surprise attacks and launching large-scale offensive actions in Europe.
44. Diplomacy as a means of foreign policy. Diplomatic protocol and etiquette.
Diplomacy is a means of implementing the foreign policy of a state, which is a set of non-military practical activities, techniques and methods used taking into account the specific conditions and nature of the tasks being solved, the official activities of heads of state and government, foreign ministers, diplomatic missions abroad, delegations at international conferences on implementation of the goals and objectives of the state’s foreign policy, protection of rights and interests of the state, its institutions and citizens abroad.
Among the main forms of diplomatic activity of states are the following:
Day-to-day representation of the state abroad, carried out by its embassies and missions;
Participation of state representatives in the activities of various international organizations and institutions;
Diplomatic congresses, conferences, meetings;
Diplomatic correspondence through statements, letters, notes, memoranda.
Preparation and conclusion of bilateral and multilateral international treaties and agreements regulating various issues of interstate relations;
Coverage in the press of the government's positions on certain foreign policy issues, publication of official information about the most important international events, official publication of international acts and documents.
Diplomatic protocol and etiquette
The rules of diplomatic protocol are based on the so-called principle of “international courtesy” - a set of generally accepted principles in international practice rules of etiquette, deference and respect observed in interstate relations. Violations of international courtesy, especially intentional ones, are considered as damaging to the prestige and authority of the state. Its basis consistently and invariably remains the expression of deep respect for the distinguished foreign guest, for the country and people that he represents. The rules and norms of diplomatic protocol that have emerged to date regulate almost all forms of foreign policy and international economic cooperation.
One of the organic components of diplomatic protocol is diplomatic etiquette. If diplomatic protocol is “an expression of good manners in relations between states,” then diplomatic etiquette is the manifestation of good manners in relations between officials, political and public figures representing their state. Communication between diplomats and their colleagues in government, public and business circles is carried out in compliance with long-established rules, deviation from which may cause undesirable complications in relationships.
The rules of diplomatic etiquette contain certain forms of address, correspondence, as well as a strict procedure for making visits, holding meetings and conversations, diplomatic receptions, etc. They place quite strict requirements on the appearance of a diplomat, civil servant, businessman, their clothing, manners, behavior and so on. The norms of diplomatic etiquette and protocol are based on the principle that behind every diplomat stands the state he represents. All states are sovereign and use in the practice of international communication equal rights and privileges.
The principle of reciprocity is of great importance in diplomatic practice. Strict norms of diplomatic etiquette require compliance with the rules of mandatory response and the need to include an opening and closing compliment in official correspondence. Missed compliments can be perceived as disrespect or hostility and lead to international conflict.
Of great importance in diplomatic practice is the observance of the principle of seniority, which depends not on the importance of the country being represented, but on the rank of the representative and his date of accreditation.
The norms of diplomatic etiquette are based on strict and unconditional compliance with the customs and rules of the host country, its legislation and established procedures. In fact, diplomatic etiquette only complements the rules of general civil etiquette, which fully apply to all diplomats.
