Where does Yuri Luzhkov actually live? The business success story of Elena Baturina: how a girl from a working-class family created a billion-dollar business. Does Luzhkov live with Baturina?

Where does ex-Moscow mayor Yuri Luzhkov spend his days and nights now? Some say: lives in London. Yuri Mikhailovich himself. But we found a place where the now disgraced politician is “licking his wounds.”

Maloyaroslavsky district, Kaluga region. It's a 2-hour drive from Moscow, if there are no traffic jams. You can be stuck with traffic jams all day. Since it’s impossible to get by without traffic jams when leaving and entering Moscow these days, and Yuri Mikhailovich no longer has the “boss flashing light,” it takes a long time to get there. But he loves these places.

Luzhkov's dacha is located in the village of Obukhovo. Maybe the unpresentable name caused problems at work? There is a saying: “It’s like a blow to the head.” It was precisely in this way that the former mayor of the capital at one time lost his warm chair.

In retirement, lonely elderly people usually babysit cats and dogs, relieve stress, and make up for the lack of communication. Yuri Mikhailovich, they say in Obukhovo, communicates with his bees, here he has a huge apiary.

It was the bees that at one time became one of the reasons for the resignation of the boss in the cap. Exactly two years ago, when Moscow was experiencing terrible heat and smog from peat fires, a sum of money from the city budget was allocated to save bees, many times more than to help people. The information was leaked to the press. And Dmitry Medvedev, who was then president, was very angry with Luzhkov: how can you think about insects in such a difficult time?! After a while, the situation came back to haunt the mayor...

After losing his position, Yuri Mikhailovich’s income decreased noticeably. For example, previously there were funds to protect a country estate, but now there is no extra money. Currently, the former mayor’s “country residence” does not have any security guards on staff. There is nothing to pay salaries.

But the beekeepers remained on the estate - working, caring for the bees. They sell honey. Employees are paid from the sale of sweet products.

“But now there is no honey, come during the season - in September,” one of the farm workers, Sergei, told me.

He showed Luzhkov’s house in the village. This is such a modest little house, not a castle or a mansion. It's even awkward that big man lives in such conditions.

“Yuri Mikhailovich comes here often,” said Sergei. “When the newspapers wrote that he and his family fled to England, he was here. And the investigators came here to see him, he gave evidence (the couple was suspected of embezzlement of budget funds. - Author). Sometimes he visits with his wife, sometimes without her. They joked a lot that he even wears a cap to the bathhouse. I didn’t see him in the bathhouse, but in his garden he really doesn’t take off his hat.

Even Luzhkov’s former subordinates in Moscow noted that the head of the family communicates with his wife Elena Baturina mainly on business. But for some reason there is no such thing to have intimate conversations. Although pensioners - and 76-year-old Yuri Mikhailovich is no exception - love to talk.

In Obukhovo, according to neighbors, the ex-mayor’s day begins with a tour of a large farm - beehives. He wishes good morning to your winged pets. This is both funny and touching to watch.

The estate of Yuri Mikhailovich, measuring 2 hectares, is clean and tidy. As it once was in its capital. But the fields around are overgrown with thorns. Perhaps the former mayor would be happy to clean up the area, but again, money is needed. Where do the extra ones come from?

There is one more misfortune good man: businessmen with a strange sense of humor. A few kilometers from Luzhkov’s estate, someone built a hotel, calling it “New Luzhki”. As if in mockery of a man who still did something good for Russia.

And in the village there are stories, which have already become local folklore, that “Luzhkov bees” sting more painfully than any others. Moscow summer residents are especially disliked. Maybe they are taking revenge for the fact that their owner was not treated very nicely in the capital?

Family

Father, Mikhail Andreevich, born in the village of Molodoy Tud (now Oleninsky district of the Tver region); in 1928 he moved to Moscow and got a job at an oil depot. Mother: Anna Petrovna- a native of the village (currently the village) of Kalegino.

He divorced his first wife Alevtina while still a student; the marriage was childless.

Second wife Marina Luzhkova(nee Bashilova, daughter of a prominent party and economic figure Mikhail Bashilov) died in 1989 from cancer. They had two sons - Alexander and Mikhail.

Third wife Elena Nikolaevna Baturina– co-owner (together with his brother Victor) and general director JSC "Inteko". Baturina also owns a number of companies, in particular construction companies, which work under municipal contracts. Inteko controls a significant part of the Moscow economy.

She and Baturina got married in 1991. In his second marriage, Luzhkov has two daughters - Elena and Olga.

Biography

Yuri Mikhailovich spent his childhood and youth in the city Konotop(Ukrainian SSR) with his grandmother, having completed seven years of school, he returned to Moscow.

For the last three years (grades 8-10), Yuri Luzhkov studied at school No. 1259 (then No. 529).

In 1953, Luzhkov graduated from school.

In 1954, he worked in the first student team that explored virgin lands in Kazakhstan (together with A. P. Vladislavlev).

Graduated Institute of Petrochemical and Gas Industry named after. Gubkina. While studying at the institute, Luzhkov was actively involved in Komsomol work and organized public events.

A girl from a wealthy family, Marina Bashilova, studied in the same group as Luzhkov. Her father was a boss at oil industry. In their fifth year, they got married and moved in with her, in a separate apartment with high ceilings.

1958 – 1964 Luzhkov was a researcher, group leader, deputy head of the laboratory Research Institute of Plastics. At that time, this industry was newfangled, purely applied and universal in relation to many sectors of the Soviet economy. Its undoubted advantage is the opportunity to get the widest connections among the capital." second tier elite" - in essence, personnel technically servicing the developments of the scientific elite itself.

1964 – 1974 – was the head of the department.

1968 - Luzhkov joined CPSU, of which he was a member until 1991, until it became indecent.

In 1973, Luzhkov quit drinking after a serious heart attack.

1974 – 1980 – was the director of the automation experimental design bureau Ministries chemical industry USSR.

In 1975 he was elected people's deputy Babushkinsky District Council of Moscow.

From 1977 to 1991 - deputy Mossovet.

1980 - 1986 Luzhkov was general director NPO "Neftekhim-avtomatika". In "Khimavtomatika" Luzhkov was called "Duce" behind his back. Not only because of some external resemblance with Mussolini, but also for certain style manuals.

From 1986 to 1987, Luzhkov was the head of the Department of Science and Technology, a member of the board of the USSR Ministry of Chemical Industry.

1987 - 1990 - Luzhkov was the first deputy chairman of the executive committee of the Moscow City Council and at the same time the chairman of the Moscow city agro-industrial committee.

In 1987, on the initiative of the new first secretary of the Moscow City Committee of the CPSU Boris Yeltsin, who was selecting fresh personnel, was appointed first deputy chairman Moscow City Executive Committee. At the same time, Luzhkov became chairman of the Moscow City Agro-Industrial Committee and headed the city commission on cooperative and individual labor activities. The secretary of this commission was Elena Baturina.

As a boss Mosagroprom came into conflict with Literaturnaya Gazeta due to the publication of an article about the unsuitable quality of sausage produced at the Moscow meat processing plant. He filed a lawsuit against Litgazeta, banned the admission of journalists and trade inspectors to all enterprises producing food products, but after the newspaper published his statement of claim and letters from readers in support of the author of the article, he withdrew the lawsuit.

In April 1990, before the first session of the newly elected democratic Moscow Council, he became the acting chairman of the Moscow City Executive Committee as a result of the resignation of the last communist chairman of the executive committee Valeria Saikina. New Chairman of the Moscow City Council Gabriel Popov on Yeltsin’s recommendation, he nominated Luzhkov to the post of chairman of the Moscow City Executive Committee.

In 1991, Luzhkov married Baturina. Because of this, he had a conflict with his eldest son Mikhail (graduated from the Saratov Military School), the details of which are unknown.

Honorary Professor of the Russian Academy of Sciences, Moscow State University, the Academy of Labor and Social Relations, a number of domestic and foreign universities, academician of a number of Russian academies.

Yuri Luzhkov wrote more than 200 published works, including books on the problems of the paths of socio-economic development of Russia. Has patents for more than 50 different inventions. Awarded with orders Lenin, Honor, "For Military Merit", Red Banner of Labor, "For Merit to the Fatherland" I, II, III degrees. He is a laureate of State Prizes of the USSR and the Russian Federation.

Policy

In the summer-autumn of 1990, Luzhkov tried to actively implement the resolution of the Moscow Council, signed by Popov, on the introduction of trade in goods using passports with Moscow registration and “buyer’s business cards,” which caused retaliatory measures from the regions neighboring Moscow, which stopped supplying food to Moscow.

In June 1991, at the first mayoral elections in Moscow, Luzhkov was elected vice-mayor of Moscow, and Gavriil Popov was elected mayor of Moscow.

In July 1991, Luzhkov became prime minister of the Moscow government, created to replace the Moscow City Executive Committee.

1991 – 1992 – was vice-mayor and prime minister of the Moscow government.

During the events of August 1991, Luzhkov took an active part in defense activities White House, together with his pregnant wife. It was Luzhkov who became the center of practical actions for the defense of the White House, gathering into a single fist the resources of Moscow transport organizations, banking and “informal” structures. At the same time, according to some opposition publications, Luzhkov compared his affection for Yeltsin with his love for his own wife and Moscow.

Meanwhile, during the coup attempt State Emergency Committee on the morning of August 19, 1991, First Secretary of the Moscow City Committee of the CPSU Yuri Prokofiev over the phone, he offered Luzhkov cooperation, which he refused in harsh terms. The events of August 1991 were later described in the book "72 hours of agony".

On August 24, 1991, without leaving the post of Prime Minister of the Moscow Government, he was appointed one of the deputy chairmen of the Committee on operational management national economy of the USSR, created instead of the Union Council of Ministers (chairman - Ivan Silaev). Responsible for issues related to the agro-industrial complex, trade, foreign economic relations and social sphere. The committee was disbanded in December 1991 during the liquidation of the USSR.

In September 1991, a conflict arose between the mayor's office and the Moscow City Council in connection with the appointment of a new head of the City Department of Internal Affairs (GUVD) of Moscow. The Moscow Council appointed to this post Vyacheslav Komissarov, whose candidacy was opposed by Popov and Luzhkov. Popov ignored the decision of the Moscow City Council and appointed him head of the Moscow City Internal Affairs Directorate Arkadia Murasheva.

In December 1991, the Moscow government, at the insistence of Luzhkov, declared Arkady Murashev unsuitable for his position due to his reluctance to use the police to disperse street vendors and unauthorized rallies. The use of the police in solving urban problems will then become quite commonplace for Luzhkov. For example, he often issued decrees banning street hand-selling of herbs, vegetables and fruits, after which police raids were carried out on poor grandmothers with dill.

Murashev himself hinted that the real reason for the government's dissatisfaction was an investigation into the facts of taking bribes by two employees Mosprivatization and the possible involvement of higher officials in this. Thanks to Popov's support, Murashev remained as head of the Central Internal Affairs Directorate until the end of 1992.

In February 1992, Luzhkov, along with Popov and Murashev, was accused by deputies of the Moscow Council of “acting for personal reasons” in the performance of official duties, which resulted in the ban on the pro-communist demonstration on February 23, 1992 and the use of police to disperse it.

In 1991-1993, Luzhkov had a very close relationship with "Bridge", his master Gusinsky. It was then almost an analogue of the System. But as the media holding developed, Most became less and less manageable. They were connected with Luzhkov by common enemies ( Korzhakov, who carried out the raid on “Most”, aimed at Luzhkov at the same time and to an even greater extent), but the interests of yesterday’s friends diverged. “Most” not only sought to play an independent role, but even ideologically disagreed with the mayor’s office, although it remained in the same building with it.

And although the divorce from Gusinsky took place without a formal scandal (equally unnecessary for both sides), Luzhkov made a conclusion for himself from the story of “Most’s betrayal”: relations with the media must be built clearly, the media should not be “friendly”, but “their own”.

At the beginning of 1992, a conflict arose between Luzhkov and the Deputy Director of the Moscow Mayor's Department, Doctor of Economics Larisa Piyasheva, which proposed an alternative version of the privatization program and accused the Moscow Government of trying to maintain the power of officials.

Piyasheva’s program provided for the complete privatization of consumer services and trade enterprises with the transfer of premises to the ownership of workers, while Luzhkov insisted on the privatization of enterprises by collectives on the terms of renting premises that remained in municipal ownership - thereby maintaining the ability to control the activities of privatized objects. Thanks to Popov's intervention, part of Piyasheva's program was included in the official program of the Moscow government, but in practice privatization was carried out according to Luzhkov.

At the beginning of 1992, Luzhkov changed the structure of the Moscow government and formed its new composition, naming it after the model of the federal government Yeltsin-Burbulis-Gaidar"government of economic reforms".

On March 10, 1992, he addressed a statement to the Supreme Council of Russia, in which he called for a ban on the so-called “Congress of People’s Deputies of the USSR,” organized by deputies who did not recognize the collapse of the USSR, and the “National Assembly,” convened on the initiative of "Labor Russia".

In April 1992, together with Popov, he signed the resignation letter of the Moscow government, in solidarity with the Russian government headed by the Deputy Prime Minister Egor Gaidar, who resigned in protest against the resolution of the VI Congress of People's Deputies of Russia on the progress of economic reform, and characterizing the demarche of the deputies as an attack by conservative forces on reforms. As a result of the events that subsequently unfolded at the Congress, the resignation of both governments did not take place.

On June 6, 1992, Moscow Mayor Gavriil Popov resigned due to interruptions in the supply of food products to the population, some of which had to be distributed using coupons in limited quantities. By decree of Russian President Boris Yeltsin, Luzhkov was appointed mayor of Moscow (while retaining the post of prime minister of the Moscow government) and was subsequently re-elected to this post three times (in 1996 he scored 87.5%, in 1999 - 69.89%, in 2003 - 74.81% of the vote; he was elected vice mayor together with Luzhkov the first two times, then the post ceased to be elective). During the gradual constitutional reform of the legislative branch, Luzhkov managed to form an obedient City Duma instead of the Moscow Council, which was not under his control, and became the absolute master of his region.

The Moscow Council tried to challenge the legality of Yeltsin's decree on the appointment of Luzhkov as mayor of Moscow and twice called elections for a new head of the capital's administration, but nothing came of it. The first resolution of the Moscow City Council, which scheduled elections for December 5, 1992, was overturned by the Moscow City Court. The legality of the cancellation was later confirmed by the Supreme Court of Russia.

The second decision of the Moscow Council, which scheduled elections for February 28, also failed to be implemented. In none of these cases did Luzhkov try to stand as a candidate for the post of head of the administration, from the very beginning he relied on the elections being declared illegal. After his appointment as mayor, he announced continuity of policy, but soon Piyasheva was dismissed from the mayor’s General Department “due to staff reduction”, and was removed from the Moscow Government Yuri Andreev, responsible for privatization. Measures were also outlined to tighten control over the activities of privatized enterprises.

From that time on, the rules of small and medium-sized street trading in Moscow began to change constantly and unpredictably - usually towards greater regulation and restrictions. However, in practice, businessmen found ways to circumvent these restrictions: firstly, by bribing the police and minor officials, and secondly, since restrictions and prohibitions, as a rule, have the nature of another campaign, which after some time comes to naught.

In October 1992, Luzhkov issued a decree banning the sale of domestic alcoholic beverages in commercial stalls and private stores, while giving the police broad powers to combat illegal trade. After a short-term disappearance, vodka and other alcoholic drinks reappeared in commercial tents, although no one canceled the regulation.

Since 1992, Luzhkov has regularly issued orders banning street hand-selling of herbs, vegetables and fruits, after which police raids are usually carried out on old women selling herbs. After outraged articles in the press, the raids were stopped, only to be resumed a few months later with equally no results.

With some reservations, Luzhkov in 1992 generally positively assessed the results of Yegor Gaidar’s activities, believing that he managed to “make the ruble work.” During Yeltsin's confrontation with the Congress of People's Deputies of Russia over Gaidar in December 1992, he actively supported the president. He organized a rally of heavy truck drivers in support of Yeltsin (trucks demonstratively drove around the Kremlin shortly after the president’s speech at the Congress).

After being appointed Prime Minister in December 1992 Viktor Chernomyrdin expressed satisfaction that the government is headed by a “business executive.”

On May 1, 1993, Luzhkov authorized the dispersal of a communist demonstration that deviated from the permitted route, which resulted in mass clashes between demonstrators and the police, which resulted in serious casualties on both sides, and one policeman was killed.

In August - September 1993, together with Deputy Prime Minister Oleg Lobov spoke out against the chairman of the State Property Committee Anatoly Chubais(“what is happening in the field of privatization is a crime”). He believed that privatization should bring significant income to the budget (in particular, to the city budget), and not be an end in itself. He opposed the sale of shares of large Moscow enterprises for vouchers or at auctions, insisting that they be distributed primarily among members of labor collectives, as well as among entrepreneurs who had already proven their usefulness for the city.

In response, Chubais accused the mayor of Moscow that privatization in the capital was taking place in violation of Russian legislation, and the then head of the Analytical Center for Socio-Economic Policy under the President Petr Filippov said that " with the connivance of the Moscow administration, the number of points for accepting applications for auctions is artificially limited..., “undesirable buyers” are cut off".

Ultimately (in 1994), the conflict between Luzhkov and Chubais was resolved in favor of Luzhkov: by presidential decree, "special privatization procedure", which Luzhkov sought: 20% of the shares of privatized Moscow enterprises were reserved for the state (in fact, for the mayor’s office), the choice of privatization options is determined by the mayor’s office, the mayor’s office has the right to withdraw from the privatized property areas that it considers “unused.”

In August 1993, he spoke out against the Law of the Russian Federation “On the right of citizens to freedom of movement, choice of place of stay and residence within the Russian Federation” adopted by the Supreme Council, calling it “a law that torpedoes Moscow.” The Moscow government refused to implement this law and did not abolish the mandatory registration (“registration”) even after the freedom to choose a place of residence was confirmed new Constitution, adopted in a referendum on December 12, 1993. For nonresidents, Luzhkov considered it necessary to introduce a visa regime in Moscow. Only with the help of registration (mandatory registration) and a visa regime, according to the mayor, was it possible to protect the capital from alien criminal elements. He has always advocated that citizens of CIS countries should obtain a residence permit to live in Moscow.

In September-October 1993, during the constitutional crisis, he sided with Yeltsin. By his order, the Supreme Council building, along with nearby residential buildings, was cut off from all communications. He ordered the violent dispersal of rallies and demonstrations of opposition supporters. Demanded the arrest of the Deputy Chairman of the Moscow City Council Yuri Sedykh-Bondarenko, whom he considered “one of the main organizers of the riots in Moscow.”

September 24, 1993 and. O. president Alexander Rutskoy issued a decree that had no legal consequences dismissing Luzhkov from the post of mayor of Moscow. Subsequently, Luzhkov continued to perform his duties until the mayoral elections in 1996, in which he won.

After the seizure of the city hall building by parliament supporters and the attempted siege of the television station "Ostankino" spoke on television on the night of October 3-4, 1993 and - unlike Gaidar, who called supporters of democracy to the barricades of the Moscow City Council - called on everyone to refrain from going out into the streets.

In November 1993, Luzhkov introduced a “special procedure for the stay of citizens permanently residing outside Russia” in Moscow, which provided for their mandatory registration and charging them a fee. Although as a result of these measures neither the so-called “Caucasian crime” nor the “Caucasian dominance” in small trade were overcome (both criminals and traders successfully pay off the police with bribes), Luzhkov’s popularity in Moscow increased sharply. At the same time, in the republics of the North Caucasus and Azerbaijan, repressions in Moscow against "persons of Caucasian nationality" caused outrage, including threats to use similar measures against local Russians (in the capital of Chechnya, Grozny, these threats were carried out by the regime Dzhokhara Dudayeva).

In December 1993, he tried to evict a writer from Moscow Valentina Rasputina, who at one time received housing and temporary registration in Moscow as a member of the Presidential Council under Gorbachev(as Literaturnaya Gazeta reported, by order of Luzhkov, Rasputin had his telephone and electricity cut off in order to speed up his eviction). Alexander Solzhenitsyn Luzhkov, on the contrary, assisted in the return of the apartment taken from him during deportation and in the acquisition of a new house.

In November 1994, he awarded a large group of military personnel, police officers and employees of the Federal Counterintelligence Service (FSK) watches and laptop computers for their participation in the harvesting campaign in the Moscow region - on the same day he himself received the title from the Ministry of Defense lieutenant colonel(Before that he was a senior lieutenant in the reserve).

With the beginning of military operations of Russian troops in Chechnya and bombings in late November - December 1994 Grozny Ministers of the Moscow government, on their own behalf, as well as on behalf of the Moscow government, expressed on television their full support for the actions of President Yeltsin.

In 1995-1996, Luzhkov repeatedly expressed his support for the policies of the president and government in Chechnya. In December 1994, he sent to the State Duma for consideration a bill providing for imprisonment for up to two years for living in Moscow without registration.

In December 1994, Luzhkov established the first commercial television company in Russia - "Teleexpo".

In April 1995, at the request of Prime Minister Viktor Chernomyrdin, he took part in the creation of the movement "Our home is Russia"(NDR), delegating the Deputy Prime Minister of Moscow to the organizing committee of the NDR and supported it in the Duma elections at the end of the same year, but he himself avoided joining the NDR.

During the parliamentary elections of 1995, he supported the NDR list - while in the Moscow single-mandate constituencies, the NDR, at his request, did not nominate its official nominees, and the mayor's office supported certain candidates of its choice. After the defeat of the NDR in the elections (third place after and), he expressed confidence that Chubais’s policies were to blame for this (this thesis was later repeated by President Yeltsin).

From January 1996 to 2000 - member Federation Council by position. He became a member of the Federation Council Committee on Constitutional Legislation and Judicial and Legal Issues.

In 1996, Luzhkov took an active part in the campaign to re-elect Yeltsin as president for a second term, combining with it his (obviously win-win) campaign for the mayoral election.

On June 17, 1996, he was elected mayor of Moscow, receiving 88.49% of the vote (communist Valery Shantsev, who suspended his membership in the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, was a candidate for vice-mayor paired with Luzhkov).

In July 1996, Luzhkov formed a new city government, in which he retained the post of chairman. The powers of a member of the Federation Council were confirmed on July 17, 1996.

After terrorist bombings on Moscow trolleybuses on July 11 and 12, 1996, Luzhkov spoke on television about the need to “remove from Moscow... the entire Chechen diaspora.” In this regard, the public fund "Publicity" sent to the Prosecutor General of the Russian Federation Yuri Skuratov filing a request to initiate a criminal case against Luzhkov under Article 74-2 (violation of the equality of citizens on the basis of race, nationality or religion, committed by an official). A similar request was sent to the Moscow prosecutor’s office jointly by the human rights center "Memorial" And Moscow Helsinki Group(MHG). In connection with the beatings of Caucasians in Moscow during the police operation "Want", the Azerbaijani Organization of Turkic Nationalist Youth (OTNM) issued a threat in August 1996 to take retaliatory measures (" Russians live in Azerbaijan, whose fate directly depends on the events taking place in Russia").

Shortly after his imprisonment in August 1996 Alexander Lebed Khasavyurt agreements called their signing " a step inconsistent with Russia's interests" And " capitulation" in front of the militants. Assessing the situation in Belarus on the eve of the referendum, to which the President of Belarus Alexander Lukashenko and the Supreme Council of the Republic of Belarus put forward two different options for changes to the Constitution of the Republic of Belarus, Luzhkov stated that as a result of the referendum, Belarus found itself at a crossroads, and that the only correct choice for Belarus is a presidential republic (" If we talk about my sympathies, they are certainly on the side of the President of Belarus Alexander Lukashenko").

On December 5, 1996, the Federation Council, on Luzhkov’s initiative, recognized Sevastopol part of the territory of the Russian Federation and qualified the actions of the Ukrainian leadership to “reject” this part as contrary to international law. In December 1996, Luzhkov participated in a meeting of governors of donor regions (St. Petersburg, Samara region and others), at which it was proposed to change the taxation procedure for regions.

In January 1997, after the State Duma adopted changes to the law "About road funds", which provides for the refusal to allocate funds for the construction of roads in the city and the reduction of subventions from the federal budget, accused the State Duma of “economic discrimination against Moscow” and announced his intention to challenge the State Duma’s decision in the Constitutional Court.

In February 1997 at the congress "Russia-Belarus: past, present, future" said that best shape The union of two republics is a confederation. Speaking about the structure of Russia, Luzhkov said that now there are too many federal subjects in Russia - the optimal would be the creation of 10-12 large territorial entities.

In March 1997, he stated that there is a “fifth column” in Belarus that seeks to tear the republic away from Russia,” and that “ There are no restrictions on freedom of speech or the media in Belarus".

At a meeting of the Russian-Belarusian unification forum in May 1997, the Union named Gaidar, Chubais and Boris Berezovsky which, in his opinion, " subject to foreign influence".

In April 1997, he was delegated by the Federation Council to the joint commission to summarize the results of the national discussion and to finalize the draft Charter of the Union of Belarus and Russia.

On March 10, 1997, by presidential decree, he was introduced to the State Commission for the Year of Accord and Reconciliation (by agreement). On the May Day holidays of 1997, speaking in Moscow to veterans of the Great Patriotic War and at a meeting of trade unions, he said, regarding housing and communal reform in Russia, that housing prices and public utilities in Moscow there will be no increase. He also stated that the results of privatization in Russia should be reviewed.

After the signing of documents on Crimea and Sevastopol by the presidents of Russia and Ukraine in Kyiv in May 1997, he called this step “wrong” and stated that “ Sevastopol is a Russian city, and it will be Russian no matter what decisions are made".

On November 18, 1997, at the ceremony of presenting medals dedicated to 850th anniversary of Moscow, heads of the Internal Affairs Directorate of the cities of the “Golden Ring” of the Russian Federation, spoke out in favor of “ review bad privatization and restore state regulation of industry"and condemned" redistribution of property, which is reinforced by the criminal activities of some members of the government, namely Chubais".

In December 1997, he held the next elections to the Moscow City Duma, ensuring complete victory for the unofficial “mayor's office list” (28 out of 35). A supporter of Luzhkov again became the Chairman of the Moscow City Duma Vladimir Platonov.

In January 1998, he supported the statement of the Minister of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation Anatoly Kulikova about the possibility of carrying out preventive strikes on terrorist bases on the territory of Chechnya ("I have a positive attitude towards Kulikov's statement. Bandit attacks, like the recent attack on a military unit in Buynaksk, cannot remain unanswered. Do not enter our territory. Strike - get retribution" ).

On May 20, 1998, Luzhkov was confirmed as the representative of the Russian Federation in the House of Representatives of the Congress of Local and Regional Authorities of Europe.

In early September 1998, after the failure of Chernomyrdin’s candidacy in the State Duma during the vote to approve him as Prime Minister, State Duma deputies included him in the list of candidates for the post of Chairman of the Government of the Russian Federation. Luzhkov stated that he did not make it a condition of his appointment as prime minister to retain the position of mayor of Moscow, which was interpreted by the media as his consent, but almost simultaneously he also said that “there was no possibility of his appointment to the post of prime minister and is not expected.”

On September 30, 1998, speaking at a press conference in London, he stated that if he did not see a worthy candidate in the 2000 elections, he would himself fight for the post of President of Russia.

December 19, 1998 at the founding congress of the All-Russian Political Public Organization (OPOO) "Fatherland" Luzhkov was unanimously elected leader of the organization.

In February 1999, the published report of the US State Department on human rights violations in Russia included Luzhkov along with RNU and “anti-Semitic communists” for registration and connivance with police actions against Caucasians. On March 31, 1999, he moved from the Federation Council Committee on Constitutional Legislation and Judicial and Legal Issues to the Federation Council Committee on Budget, Tax Policy, Financial, Currency and Customs Regulation, and Banking Activities. In May 1999, Luzhkov announced his intention to hold early elections for the mayor of Moscow, combining them with the State Duma elections in December 1999.

In May 1999, he disapproved of the resignation of the government Evgenia Primakova.

On July 3, 1999, speaking in Munich, he announced that “under certain conditions” he would not participate in the presidential elections.

In August 1999, he repeatedly confirmed that he would not run for president if Primakov agreed to run for this post.

In 1999, Luzhkov was deprived of the protection of the Federal Security Service (FSO).

In August 1999, together with Primakov and the governor of St. Petersburg Vladimir Yakovlev headed the voting bloc "Fatherland - All Russia"(OVR).

On September 17, 1999, he officially announced his decision to run for the post of mayor of Moscow in the early elections on December 19, 1999, and again named Shantsev as his candidate for vice mayor. At the same time, he was included under N2 in the central part of the list of candidates for State Duma deputies from the OVR bloc.

On December 19, 1999, he won the elections for the mayor of Moscow, gaining 69.89% of the votes ( Sergey Kiriyenko, who took second place - 11.25%). He was also elected to the State Duma on the OVR list, receiving 13.33% (2nd place), but refused the mandate. The powers of a member of the Federation Council were confirmed on January 5, 2000.

His criticism of the current President and calls for an early resignation were unexpected. The mayor's career did not suffer at all. On the contrary, having become a member of the Federation Council, as the head of a subject of the federation, Luzhkov held significant positions - he was a member of the committee on the budget, currency regulation, tax policy, and banking. In 2000 he became a member of the State Council of the Russian Federation.

At the beginning of February 2000, Luzhkov refused to run for the post of President of Russia, as the initiative group of voters of the Samara region, headed by Nikolai Zubkov.

In the presidential elections on March 26, 2000, Luzhkov's Fatherland officially supported his candidacy Vladimir Putin. In June-July 2000, during the discussion in the Federation Council of the presidential package of bills on reforming the upper house of parliament, he took a cautious position, but the mayor’s protege, Chairman of the Moscow City Duma, Platonov actually headed (together with the President of Chuvashia Nikolai Fedorov) resistance to reform on the part of some senators.

In July 2000, Luzhkov was provided with the protection of the Federal Security Service (FSB) - instead of the FSO, whose services Yeltsin deprived him of in 1999.

On July 28, 2000, the Ostankino Intermunicipal Court recognized the facts presented in the TV report as untrue Dorenko in November 1999, that the hospital was in Budennovsk It was not the Moscow mayor who restored it, but the head of the Mobitex company, Beget Paccoli. According to the court decision, Dorenko must pay the plaintiff 25 thousand rubles, and ORT must pay 50 thousand rubles.

In August 2000, having received from the hands of President Putin Order of Honor, gave a speech of gratitude, in which he was offended by the insignificance of the award. (" This is a serious, strong indicator of your attitude towards Moscow, your attitude towards Muscovites. Vladimir Vladimirovich, we wish you success in this work. I would like to say, of course, we wish you good luck, but let this good luck be the result of work, the result of your efforts, and not the result of some random moments. Although random luck is also a pleasant thing").

On April 12, 2001, Luzhkov and at a joint press conference announced the intention of the Fatherland movement and the party "Unity" create "a unified political structure and a unified political party"However, on May 28, Shoigu said that there would be no unification of the Unity party and the Fatherland movement into a single party - there would be a coalition.

On June 5, 2001, at a conference of the Moscow regional organization "Fatherland", Luzhkov announced that the movement would be transformed into a party no later than October 2001.

In June 2001, by order of Luzhkov, a council of elders consisting of 37 people was created at the mayor's office. The members of the council were the most experienced and authoritative former leaders of the executive committee of the Moscow City Council and the city government, who worked in the bodies executive power for at least 20 years, as well as deputies of the Moscow Council who were elected to its composition at least four times. In May 2001, Yuri Luzhkov, after the adoption of a plan for reorganizing the electric power industry, said that he considered the privatization of Russian energy systems a “major mistake.” " The new owner will simply not care about the consumer’s problems: if you don’t pay, we’ll turn it off. This path is a dead end for us, especially since in many developed capitalist countries, for example, in France, the energy sector is under state control and works great". (IA "Rosbalt" 05/23/2001)

On July 12, 2001, at the founding congress, he became, together with Shoigu, co-chairman of the All-Russian Union of the Unity Party and the Fatherland Movement.

In August 2001, he banned bullfighting in Moscow, despite the fact that the organizers of the spectacle wanted to present a bloodless “Portuguese” version of a fight with a bull.

On September 29, 2001, he reported that the Moscow government filed a lawsuit regarding the illegality of the removal from office of the general director of Mosenergo. Alexandra Remezova. According to Luzhkov, "the expulsion of the general director of the energy company and the appointment of the acting head of Mosenergo" Arkadia Evstafieva, is dangerous because he is not a specialist in the field of energy, is not familiar with the structure of Mosenergo and is unlikely to know what Ohm’s law is.”

On October 13, 2001, at the congress of the Fatherland movement, Luzhkov called on delegates to create a united party with Unity. He emphasized that this party will " a massive, powerful, influential political force capable of being responsible for the fate of the country".

On December 1, 2001, at the founding congress of the All-Russian Party "Unity and Fatherland" he was elected co-chairman of the Supreme Council of the party (together with Sergei Shoigu and Mintimer Shaimiev).

On February 15, 2002, Luzhkov sharply criticized the work of the Kremlin administration. Speaking at an all-Russian seminar of party activists, he said that the presidential administration works “without a clear understanding of functions, goals and responsibilities.” He also proposed to clarify the functions of the presidential administration in a special law in order to eliminate the situation when this body " often acts as a kind of second government in relation to the main cabinet of ministers and other government structures".

On September 13, 2002, he spoke out in favor of restoration on Lubyanka Square in Moscow monument to Felix Dzerzhinsky, emphasizing that this does not mean “returning to the past.”

In December 2002, in a letter addressed to the President of the Russian Federation, Luzhkov proposed reviving the idea of ​​“turning the Siberian rivers,” rejected by the CPSU Central Committee in 1986, at the very beginning of “perestroika.” According to Luzhkov, the project is relevant because “our century will be characterized by the sale of fresh water on the world market in volumes comparable to the volumes of oil sales. At the same time, the price of sold water, as the existing small experience shows, will steadily increase, and all costs the infrastructure for water trade will be more effective than the infrastructure for trade, for example, oil, since water is a renewable resource, while oil is not.”

On January 16, 2003, the Moscow City Court upheld the claim of the Prosecutor General's Office and declared the norm of the capital's charter allowing the election of a vice-mayor to be contrary to federal legislation and not subject to application. Luzhkov filed cassation appeal to the Supreme Court of the Russian Federation. He asked the Supreme Court to make a new decision on the case and refuse the request of the Prosecutor General's Office.

On February 11, 2003, Luzhkov criticized the management of the complex of property and land relations in the capital for a sharp increase in rents in the city.

On March 28, 2003, the Supreme Court of Russia confirmed the correctness of the decision of the Moscow City Court, which prohibited Muscovites from electing the vice-mayor of Moscow. Thus, the court rejected Luzhkov's cassation appeal.

On May 1, 2003, at a trade union meeting, he sharply criticized the federal government, which, according to him, " serves not the real sector of the economy, but the oligarchs, serving only them... This is a shame". At the same meeting he spoke out against Russia's entry into WTO, since from this " resource-extracting industries will benefit, that is, the oligarchs again, and Russian production will turn out to be uncompetitive".

On June 15, 2003, Luzhkov announced that he had addressed the President of Russia and the Security Council in connection with unsatisfactory performance "Mosenergo". We were talking about frequent power outages and accidents in the system.

On June 17, 2003, right at a meeting of the city administration, Luzhkov fired the head of the capital's land inspection Igor Chekulaev behind " insufficiently tough" attitude towards cases of misuse and land squatting".

On September 3, 2003, at the XVI book fair-exhibition, a presentation of Luzhkov’s book “The Mayor and About the Mayor” took place.

On September 17, 2003, the Moscow city regional branch of the United Russia party invited Yuri Luzhkov to head the party's regional list in the State Duma elections.

On September 20, 2003, he was included in the federal list of the United Russia party at No. 3 in the central part of the list for participation in the elections to the State Duma of the fourth convocation.

In October 2003, at a meeting between Putin and the Prime Minister of Japan Junichiro Koizumi it was decided to create "Council of the Wise", which would develop strategic cooperation between Russia and Japan on economic, political, cultural, educational and scientific issues.

On October 20, 2003, at the end of the meeting, Putin said that he considered Luzhkov a suitable candidate for the post of co-chairman of the Council of Wise Men. Luzhkov agreed to head the Council on behalf of the Russian side.

On October 22, 2003, at a meeting of the Moscow government, after hearing reports from officials on the state of the water consumption accounting system in the capital, Luzhkov announced that he would change the team of officials of the Housing and Communal Services Department because of their dishonest work.

On December 7, 2003, he won the elections for the mayor of Moscow, gaining 74.82% of the votes. Luzhkov's closest rival, Alexander Lebedev, received 12%. Refused the mandate of a State Duma deputy.

On March 16, 2004, during a serious crisis in Georgian-Adjarian relations, which threatened to turn into war, Luzhkov unexpectedly arrived in Batumi. Moreover, to do this, he had to fly on his own plane to Turkish Trabzon (Adjara’s airspace was closed), and then drive across the border by car. After a meeting with the Adjarian leader Aslan Abashidze stated that the “escalation of the situation” does not come from Adjara, and from Tbilisi. He also said that he came to Batumi “not to interfere in the internal affairs of Georgia, but as a person close to Abashidze.”

On March 17, 2004, the Russian Foreign Minister stated that the Russian leadership supports Luzhkov's initiative to resolve the conflict between the Georgian and Ajarian authorities. According to Lavrov, the day before the former Minister of Foreign Affairs Igor Ivanov asked the President of Georgia to receive Luzhkov and received consent to this.

On May 6, 2004, the head of Adjara Abashidze, after negotiations with the Chairman of the Russian Security Council Igor Ivanov, resigned and flew to Moscow. On the night of May 6, 2004, Luzhkov met Abashidze and his son Georgiy, the mayor of Batumi, at Vnukovo-2 airport.

In May 2004, Forbes magazine assessed the condition of Luzhkov's wife Elena Baturina at $1.1 billion, placing her in 35th place on the list of the richest Russians.

On June 2, 2004, Georgian President Mikheil Saakashvili announced that “all economic interests of Yuri Luzhkov in Adjara will be confiscated.” Luzhkov's press secretary Sergei Tsoi, commenting on the statement, said: " The capital's mayor has no personal economic interests in Adjara, but only the interests of Moscow and Muscovites". He also noted that Saakashvili’s phrase about “buying up stolen goods in Abkhazia” is “at least unkind towards the mayor and government of Moscow.”

On July 23, 2004, Luzhkov filed a lawsuit for the protection of honor and dignity against the director of the State Institute of Art Studies Alexey Komech and the Rossiya TV channel. The reason was Komech’s statements in an interview with the TV channel that the reconstruction project of the Central Exhibition Hall "Manege", damaged in a fire in May 2004, did not undergo the necessary approvals from federal authorities.

On August 5, 2004, Luzhkov visited Abkhazia. According to the press service of the Moscow government, during this unofficial trip, issues of providing humanitarian assistance to its population, including Russian citizens living there, were to be discussed with the leadership of Abkhazia. Meanwhile, the Georgian State Minister for Conflict Resolution Georgy Khaindrava expressed dissatisfaction with the visit of the Moscow mayor to Sukhumi, which was not coordinated with Tbilisi. Calling this visit "completely incomprehensible to them," he said that " the discussion at the meeting was supposed to be about the restoration of the Sochi-Sukhumi railway".

In December 2004, in an interview with Izvestia, he said that the Moscow government is doing " more than even in such a socially oriented country as Sweden".

In the same interview, Luzhkov had to answer questions about his wife’s business for the umpteenth time: “ I am reporting to you absolutely officially - for the 15 years that my wife has headed the Inteko company (by the way, Elena started doing business even before I became mayor), she has not won a single municipal construction tender, except for the last one - development of Molzhaninovo. And then the newspapers wrote that she did it absolutely unsuccessfully from a business point of view - the development of the site, engineering, and social infrastructure would be expensive. I don’t care whether it’s successful or not, it’s her business, her decision. I don’t consider my wife’s business to be something that would discredit our family and our surname".

In 2004, in the very center of Moscow it was demolished Hotel "Moscow". It was planned to build a new one in its place. However, Luzhkov soon said that he liked the view that opened up over the city after the demolition and that it would be nice to create a new square here - the largest in Europe. There was a heated debate on the issue, with many supporting the mayor.

In February 2005, Luzhkov, however, stated that the hotel “will be completely restored to the dimensions and architecture that it had before the demolition.”

On February 16, 2005, he stated that he intended to appeal to the Constitutional Court of Russia a number of provisions of the law on the monetization of benefits and that he considered this law “wrong.”

In April 2005, he said that officials were trying to deceive him when he traveled around Moscow. That's why he only says in the morning where he will go.

In June 2005, he sharply opposed the spread of gambling establishments in Moscow: " I will support any radical solution to this issue. What is happening in the city now is complete depravity and moral ugliness... The decision that local authorities cannot interfere in the activities of gambling establishments was made without our consent. This is political sadism!". On June 23, 2005, he signed a decree “On measures for personnel renewal and formation of a reserve,” according to which, by the end of 2005, many key positions were to be filled by young people no older than 35 years old, and activists of youth associations were to become consultants to officials.

On July 6, 2005, deputies of the Moscow City Duma adopted in the first reading the law “On public positions in the city of Moscow,” developed in Luzhkov’s office. This document guaranteed the mayor, after his resignation, a state dacha, special communications, a state car, bodyguards and a monthly payment of about 115 thousand rubles until he gets a new job. On July 30, 2005, he announced his intention to sue. He accused him of stealing 49% of the company's shares "Sibneft-Yugra", created by the Moscow government, Sibneft and SibirEnergy. It was about the theft of funds from the city, " which would be enough to provide Moscow with oil for 40 years"- said Luzhkov.

At the end of July 2005, he signed a decree on the creation of a youth movement in Moscow "Civil Shift" and allocated 3 million rubles from the city budget to finance it.

In September 2005, the Moscow organization of the United Russia party entrusted Luzhkov with leading the party list in the elections to the Moscow City Duma. The first three of the list also included the Chairman of the Moscow City Duma Vladimir Platonov and his deputy Andrey Metelsky.

Since October 2005 - member of the Council under the President of the Russian Federation for the implementation of priority national projects.

In October 2005, he decided to abolish the post of vice-mayor, which remained vacant after Shantsev left. He distributed the divisions of the complex, which was previously headed by Shantsev, among his first deputies.

November 15, 2005 at live TVC called the television company a party of the “Black Hundred plan” and stated that the capital’s authorities “have the strength to prevent their speeches in the bud.”

November 30, 2005 Moscow branch United Russia stated that if it wins the elections to the Moscow City Duma on December 4, 2005, it will propose Luzhkov's candidacy for the post of mayor in 2007 (provided that the corresponding federal law is adopted allowing parties to nominate candidates for the post of head of the region).

On December 1, 2005, he filed a complaint against Chubais directly to the President of the Russian Federation. The reason for the complaint was the proposal expressed the day before by Chubais to turn off the power supply to Moscow. large enterprises, if there are frosts below 25 degrees in the city for more than three days.

On December 4, 2005, he was elected to the Moscow City Duma on the United Russia list, but refused his deputy mandate.

On December 20, 2005, he signed a decree according to which letters notifying about any rallies, demonstrations, processions and pickets on the territory of the Central Administrative District of the capital should henceforth be sent personally to the mayor of Moscow. Previously, the Moscow government made decisions on notifications of mass actions with the number of participants over 5 thousand people, and decisions on notifications of processions with the number of participants less than 5 thousand people were made by prefects.

On December 29, 2005, Izvestia published a long interview with Luzhkov. In it, he described Yeltsin (about whom he once said: “One love is Moscow, one love is a wife, one love is a president”) as a person, " which brought a lot of troubles and harm to our state".

On January 21, 2006, he spoke out about the case Slobodan Milosevic: "This is a shame for the European Court, which unjustifiably brought Milosevic to justice and kept him in prison for several years, and now does not know what to do with him, since all their accusations have fallen apart".

On February 15, 2006, he spoke out against Russia’s entry into Worldwide trade organization (WTO).

In March 2006, Georgian Minister of Affairs and Refugee Resettlement Giorgi Kheviashvili announced that the country's government intends to confiscate the real estate of the mayor of Moscow in Abkhazia.

On July 11, 2006, Luzhkov won a lawsuit against Alexander Lebedev. The lawsuit was related to the material in the Voikovsky district newspaper “Nash Rayon”, where Lebedev made a number of accusations against Luzhkov, which were recognized by the court as defaming honor, dignity and business reputation capital mayor.

On July 20, 2006, Luzhkov said at a meeting in Sukhumi with the President of Abkhazia Sergei Bagapsh that Moscow will build its relationship with the republic as an independent state, regardless of Tbilisi’s position.

On August 16, 2006, Luzhkov became a knight Order named after Akhmad Kadyrov- the highest award of Chechnya.

On December 20, 2006, Deputy Chairman of the Moscow City Duma, head of the United Russia faction, Andrei Metelsky, announced that the faction would nominate Luzhkov for the post of Mayor of Moscow for a new term in December 2007.

In February 2007, speaking at the Christmas readings, Luzhkov spoke about the “unprecedented pressure” that was put on him from various international circles in connection with the ban gay pride parade. He called such events a “satanic act” and said that he would not allow them to take place in the future.

On February 21, 2007, speaking at the opening ceremony of the “House of Moscow” in Sevastopol, he mentioned “the problems that tore Sevastopol away from Russia, tore Crimea away from Russia.”

On February 26, 2007, the organizers of the gay pride parade that did not take place in May 2006 filed a lawsuit against Luzhkov. The reason for the investigation was a statement by Luzhkov, who called the gay pride parade a “satanic act.”

On June 22, 2007, Putin submitted Luzhkov’s candidacy to the Moscow City Duma for approval for the post of mayor of Moscow.

On June 27, 2007, the Duma approved Luzhkov. Only 3 out of 4 members of the Communist Party faction voted against.

On October 2, 2007, it became known that Luzhkov would lead the Moscow list of United Russia in the State Duma elections on December 2, 2007.

On November 8, 2007, speaking at the conference “Russia and Abkhazia: towards a common economic space,” he said: “We are convinced of Abkhazia’s right to build a sovereign state, since Abkhazia is a sovereign state. And we (Russia) must take a bold step and make a decision on recognition of the sovereignty of Abkhazia."

On December 2, 2007, Luzhkov was elected to the State Duma of the 5th convocation on the list of United Russia and refused his mandate.

On October 30, 2008, a presentation of Luzhkov’s new book took place "Water and Peace", in which he argues for the need to return to the project of transferring part of the flow northern rivers to Central Asia.

In the mid-1980s, according to Luzhkov, the river diversion project was ruined by the liberal intelligentsia, who hated this initiative “as one of the megaprojects of the Soviet state, and such projects for a seasoned liberal with a Western accent in his poor head are like a sharp knife ... The blow to the water transfer project had a hidden (another question is that it is clearly recognized by some, but not understood by others) purpose of destroying the unity of destinies, the common history of Russia and Central Asia, and the dismantling of the USSR.” (Kommersant, October 31, 2008).

At the end of 2008, Foreign Policy magazine published a ranking of the most dangerous cities in the world with a record high number of murders per capita. The capital of Russia, Moscow, is also in the top five, along with Caracas, Cape Town, New Orleans and Port Moresby (Papua New Guinea). These megacities surpassed other 130 cities in the world. Moscow, with a population of more than 10 million people and a murder rate of 9.6 per 100,000 inhabitants per year, has earned the fifth place in the ranking of the most dangerous cities in the world.

In 2008, the Public Opinion Foundation conducted a survey of 34 thousand people in 34 constituent entities of the Federation and found that 42% of Muscovites admitted that they had paid a bribe to an official. Moscow was recognized as the most corrupt city in the country. In December 2008, an anti-corruption council was established in Moscow, headed by Luzhkov.

Under Luzhkov, Moscow was consistently among the most expensive cities in the world. Thus, according to the annual rating of the consulting company Mercer in 2006, 2007, 2008, the Russian capital topped the rating of the most expensive megacities in the world (taking into account the cost of 200 goods and services in 143 cities of the world). In 2009, it gave way to the Japanese cities of Tokyo and Osaka: the situation was changed by the crisis and the fall of the ruble against the dollar.

Being one of the most expensive cities in the world, in terms of the average salary of residents, Moscow lags far behind London or Paris - the gap is 3.5–4 times. According to mid-2009 data, the average salary of a Muscovite is 31,156 rubles. At the same time, prices for key food products in the Russian capital are catching up with European ones, and in terms of the rate of growth in food prices, Russia is significantly ahead of Europe.

The gap between the richest 10% and the poorest 10% reached a critical level - in 42 times, which is not found in any other region of Russia.

From 1991 to the 2000s, Moscow saw a sharp increase in the number of private road transport. During this period, the number of cars on the city's roads increased almost sixfold, increasing by an average of 150-200 thousand cars per year. Moscow faces serious road congestion with private vehicles. At the same time, many large roads and transport interchanges were built. In the 1990s it was reconstructed MKAD, appeared Third transport ring, the goal of which is to relieve congestion on the capital's roads and reduce traffic jams.

Under Luzhkov, public transport also developed. Thus, at this time, monorail transport was put into operation for the first time in Russia, and the Moscow metro was expanded. Construction of the first section has begun Fourth transport ring, which according to current plans will become part of Northeast chord. At the same time, under Luzhkov, the Moscow tram suffered losses. The length of tram lines in 1989-2004 was reduced from 460 to 420 km, in particular, due to the expansion of highways, the lines on Prospekt Mira, Nizhnyaya Maslovka and Begovaya Street were closed. Tram passenger traffic in 1995-2010 fell from 1.4 million people per year to 214 thousand.

At the same time, the cost of road construction in Moscow turned out to be the highest in the world - 1 km of the Moscow Ring Road - $100 million; 1 km of the Third Transport Ring - $117 million. However, the record belongs to the four-kilometer section of the Fourth Transport Ring. A kilometer there will cost the Moscow budget $537 million. This is more expensive than the construction of a kilometer of the Channel Tunnel and a kilometer of the Large Hadron Collider. As experts note, given the high cost of road construction under Luzhkov, the problem of traffic jams will never be solved.

In Moscow in the 2000s, prices for services Housing and communal services grew faster than the Russian average. Since 2001, they have grown more than 6 times (in Russia - five times). Moscow inflation is also higher than the Russian average. In the first six months, prices in Moscow, according to official data only, increased by 12.5%, while in Russia by 7.4%. In Moscow, the industrial decline is significantly higher - more than 25–28% in 2009 of 2008 volumes, while in Russia it was 14.8%.

In 2009, Luzhkov was criticized for implementing a program to air-drop silver iodide and dry ice over the Moscow region to redistribute rainfall in the region in order to reduce the cost of cleaning Moscow streets. Environmentalists and the leadership of the Moscow region expressed concern that such an experiment could only harm the environment of the capital and the region.

September 2010, Russian central television channels launched a number of documentaries, where they harshly criticized the activities of the mayor. Business, money, connections of Luzhkov himself and all members of his family were publicly discussed. "Lawlessness. Moscow, which we lost", "It's about the cap"- they crushed trust and undermined the authority of Yuri Mikhailovich with a ruthless steamroller.

In response to a letter to the President of the Russian Federation dated September 27, 2010, in which the mayor expressed indignation at the criticism leveled at him on television.

On September 28, 2010, in response to Luzhkov’s letter, President Dmitry Medvedev signed a decree on the early termination of the powers of the mayor of Moscow Yuri Luzhkov ("To remove Yuri Mikhailovich Luzhkov from the post of mayor of Moscow due to the loss of confidence of the President of the Russian Federation." ... "To appoint Vladimir Iosifovich Resin as acting mayor of Moscow for the period until the person taking office vested with the powers of the mayor of Moscow").

Experts have dubbed Luzhkov a victim of behind-the-scenes intrigue Vladimir Putin. Declaring threats against his family, he moved to live in London; Luzhkov’s daughters were expelled from Moscow State University at will. After his resignation, Luzhkov repeatedly stated that some political forces want to take away his family’s business.

Most of Luzhkov's associates were removed from their positions by the new mayor; criticism of his decisions and actions as mayor for a long time did not leave the pages of the press, the Internet, and the news feeds of all television channels. In 2010 he was appointed dean of the Faculty of Management major cities International University in Moscow.

Since 2012, member of the board of directors JSC United Oil company (executive body of Ufaorgsintez), controlled by the group AFK System and structures Yakov Goldovsky.

Currently he runs his own farm in Kaliningrad region. In October 2015, he boasted on the radio “Komsomolskaya Pravda”: “ Here in the Kaliningrad region I have 5.5 thousand hectares of land. I have now received a grain harvest from each hectare, including wheat, of 53.6 centners per hectare. Moreover, the wheat is of food grade. And we don't consider this a record. We will continue to add".

Income

According to the Central Election Commission, Luzhkov's income in 2002 was 9 million 148 thousand 150 rubles. He owned a plot of land with an area of ​​25 acres in Kaluga region and a residential building with an area of ​​62 sq. meters in the same place, a GAZ-69 car and a car trailer.

The annual income for 2004, declared by Luzhkov as a candidate for the Moscow City Duma in the 2005 elections, amounted to 2 million 438 rubles.

At the end of October 2007, data on Luzhkov’s property and income were made public. He owned four land plots in the Kaluga region, one of which had an area of ​​798 thousand 528 square meters. He also had a residential building with an area of ​​62 square meters in the Kaluga region. meters and an apartment in Moscow with an area of ​​150.3 square meters. meters. Luzhkov's total income in 2006 was 31 million 906 thousand 922 rubles. A 1964 GAZ-69E passenger car and a 2000 trailer were registered to him. He also owned 1.11 million bonds in OJSC KB MIA.

In February 2009, Finance magazine published a new ranking of Russian billionaires, according to which the Luzhkov-Baturin family has become greatly impoverished. The wife of Yuri Mikhailovich took 45th place in it: the magazine estimated her fortune at $1 billion, that is, according to Finance calculations, she lost about 6 billion.

According to Forbes, in 2009, the wife of Moscow Mayor Yuri Luzhkov “froze” some of the development projects in Moscow and on Ukraine. However, many residential complexes continue to be built: it is cheaper to complete than to abandon.

In July 2009, Elena Baturina published a declaration of income and property for 2008. According to the official newspaper of the Moscow government, Tverskaya, 13, the total income of the wife of the mayor of Moscow amounted to more than 7 billion rubles, which is approximately 1,183 times more than the income of the mayor himself, the Kommersant newspaper calculated.

According to data published on July 4, 2009, Baturina received more than 15 million rubles as wages at her official place of work - Inteko CJSC. This year, Baturina also managed to earn money on development projects (about 440 million rubles) and receive interest on deposits (just under 1.5 million rubles). The main source of income for it was the results of operations on the sale of securities (more than 6.5 billion rubles).

In addition to cash, the wife of the mayor of Moscow owned shares in two Moscow apartments with an area of ​​150 and 159 square meters. m (1/4 and 1/3 share, respectively), and also has a land plot for agricultural use with an area of ​​2.85 hectares in Kursk region. Baturina owns six cars: a 2005 PorscheTurbo S, a 2007 Mercedes-Benz S600 and a 2007 Mercedes-Benz ML63AMG, a 1995 Audi 80, a 1957 Mercedes-Benz S220 and a rare 1934 Talbot-95.

Information about Elena Baturina’s income was made public in accordance with the anti-corruption decree of the President of the Russian Federation of May 18, 2009, according to which officials and members of their families are required to annually provide data on their income for publication in the media. Yuri Luzhkov himself published data on his income and property in the newspaper Tverskaya, 13 - the day after the presidential decree appeared. At the same time, the newspaper noted that the mayor’s wife, Elena Baturina, filed a declaration of income at her place of residence. The publication also reported that the mayor's daughters Elena (student) and Olga (student) each own only 1/4 of a Moscow apartment with a total area of ​​150 square meters. m.

The mayor himself, according to published data, is the owner of 6 million rubles, 1/4 share in a Moscow apartment of 150 square meters. m and four land plots in the Kaluga region for beekeeping with a total area of ​​just over 1.1 million square meters. m, a GAZ-69-E car and a trailer for transporting beehives.

The last time Luzhkov published data on his income was in 2007, on the eve of the last Duma elections, in which he headed the United Russia list for Moscow. Then the mayor of the capital had a much larger amount in his accounts - 31 million rubles. In addition, in 2006, Luzhkov owned shares in Norilsk Nickel, LUKOIL, MTS, RAO UES of Russia, Gazprom, Tatneft, Sberbank and others. Are the shares of the leading companies still owned by the mayor? Russian companies, unknown, but he owned a dacha in the Moscow region with a total area of ​​2531.2 square meters. m. Even if we proceed from a modest estimate of elite housing in Moscow at $6,000/sq. m, approximately, the market value of Luzhkov's dacha is approx. $15 million.

Rumors (scandals)

Since 1993, the Moscow Government has been repeatedly accused of corruption. Thus, there were rumors about unjustified support by the Moscow authorities for certain commercial structures (JSC "Most Group", "Organizing Committee", "Mosinvest", "Mosprivatization", "Moscow Guild").

The press compared the estimated cost of Luzhkov's cottage in a dacha cooperative "Pines" with the size of the mayor’s salary and came to disappointing conclusions - it doesn’t match, it doesn’t correspond, etc. He was offered to publish his income declaration free of charge. Yuri Luzhkov happily ignored all this. However, the most unpleasant story was inflated because of a Moscow journalist Anatoly Baranova, "who dared to approach the coverage of the mayor’s person without due respect"According to some Moscow publications, he was fired from his job, sued for 100 million, telephone threats and constant surveillance "forced a famous reporter and law-abiding citizen to turn into a homeless person, to start the life of an illegal immigrant in his hometown."

In 1994, Luzhkov became the object of intrigue by the head of the Presidential Security Service Alexandra Korzhakova and Deputy Prime Minister Oleg Soskovets, which culminated in an article in " Rossiyskaya newspaper““Snow is Falling” (November 19) and the force operation “Face into the Snow” on December 2, 1994, apparently directed against the Most Group of Vladimir Gusinsky, but with the main goal of Luzhkov as the then patron of Most.

Reportedly British press, the Luzhkov-Baturin family owns a house in London through offshore companies, it is the second largest after Buckingham Palace(residence of the British Queen). Information about the purchase of a mansion "Whitankhurst"(Witanhurst) appeared in July 2008. At the same time, the DailyMail newspaper named the price - $100 million. The newspaper reports that Witanhurst is a 90-room mansion in the Highgate area. One of the largest rooms is a ballroom with an area of ​​70 square meters. ft.

On September 22, 1999, Luzhkov announced that he would sue the German newspaper Bild, which claimed that he had bought horses in Germany for the amount of DM 150,000 (as TV presenter Sergei Dorenko reported in his information and analytical program on ORT ).

In October 1999, he filed a lawsuit for the protection of honor, dignity and business reputation against the magazine "Cult of Personalities", ORT and Dorenko, who announced on television, in particular, that Luzhkov's personal fortune, according to the magazine "Cult of Personalities", is $200-400 million dollars.

On December 3, 1999, the Ostankino Intermunicipal Court decided to recognize as untrue the statements disseminated in Dorenko’s author’s program on September 5, September 26 and October 3; Information about Luzhkov’s personal condition, his acquisition of a plot of land in Spain, and others were recognized as “false, defaming honor and dignity.” The court ordered ORT to compensate Luzhkov for moral damage in the amount of 50 thousand rubles, and Dorenko - 100 thousand rubles; ORT and Dorenko are also obliged to refute the information they disseminated “within a period of no more than a week.”

On February 4, 2002, at a meeting of the Moscow government dedicated to the progress of construction in the city, a major scandal occurred. After the speech of Vladimir Resin, who read out a report on the activities of Moscow builders in 2002, Luzhkov took the floor to make a special statement. He presented several collective letters from residents of new buildings complaining about the poor quality of housing. Luzhkov said that for now "glorious SU-155" reports on successes, residents of the capital suffer from the poor quality of work of builders. He also showed photographs of houses and apartments, from which, in his opinion, this conclusion directly follows. The mayor complained that bad job builders, Muscovites blame him, the mayor, for all their sins. In response, Resin accused Deputy Mayor Valery Shantsev of falsifying photographs. As a result, Yuri Luzhkov decided to create a commission that would deal with the accusations against the builders within five days. Based on the results of her work, Luzhkov said, an appeal to the prosecutor's office is possible. " Your philosophy is making money, you and I are not on the same path", Luzhkov told Resin.

On August 6, 2002, the management of the largest Latvian newspaper Diena published an appeal to the authorities to refuse an entry visa to Luzhkov, whose visit to Riga was scheduled for September 27-28, 2002. Diena accused him of " Great Russian chauvinism" and claimed that he always "contributed to the aggravation of relations between Latvia and Russia", comparing Latvia with "Cambodia during the time of Pol Pot." Diena believed that due to the behavior of the Moscow mayor, a situation had arisen where "in Russian public opinion polls, Latvia turned out to be enemy number two after the United States."

On April 9, 2003, the international human rights organization Privacy International awarded Luzhkov the “Dumb Security” award of the second degree in the nomination "Sheer stupidity" for his persistent desire to preserve the institution of registration. According to the organization, registration, which is intended to reduce the degree of terrorist threat and crime, does not fulfill its intended function at all, since the police officers checking it can be bought off, according to PrivacyInternational Moscow correspondents, for $5-$10. (Luzhkov lost first place to the Australian government for its active campaign to restrict freedoms in order to counter terrorism in a country where there has never been a single terrorist attack).

In the spring of 2004, reports increasingly began to appear in the press citing “informed sources” that the Kremlin was advising Luzhkov to voluntarily leave his post and that Putin did not like that “ companies controlled by Luzhkov's wife Elena Baturina are making too much profit from the Moscow construction business".

On April 15, 2004, a round table meeting was held at the Moscow Museum of Architecture on the problems of preserving the architectural heritage of the 20th century. Those who gathered there issued an open letter to the president of the country and the mayor of the capital, in which they protested against the policy of extermination of Moscow architectural monuments. It said, in particular: “The construction policy practiced today in Moscow is inherently criminal, anti-social and anti-state, depriving future generations of Russian citizens of historical memory. The destruction of the architectural past in Moscow has a detrimental effect on Russian cities, which also began to rapidly lose "historically established appearance. The total destruction of material evidence of the greatness of Russia has begun. A cultural catastrophe is approaching, which neither the state nor society should put up with."

On November 14, 2007, the Babushkinsky Court of Moscow fully satisfied Luzhkov’s claim against. According to the court ruling, Limonov and Radio Liberty had to pay Luzhkov 500 thousand rubles each as compensation for moral damage. The reason for the lawsuit was a broadcast on Radio Liberty on April 4, 2007, during which Limonov stated that “Moscow courts are controlled by Luzhkov.” The court ignored the opinion of an expert from the Russian Language Institute, Irina Levontina, who said that Limonov’s phrase, which offended Luzhkov, does not mean that the mayor committed “illegal and immoral actions,” but only characterizes the state of the judicial system in the capital.

Limonov appealed the decision of the Babushkinsky court in the Moscow City Court, but posted a statement on the NBP website: " Since the Moscow courts are in no way controlled by the mayor of Moscow, I expect that the Moscow City Court in the next month will uphold the decision of the Babushkinsky court, obliging me to pay the mayor 500 thousand rubles for his honor and dignity. Being a poor person, I am already starting to collect small change and ask citizens to support me, to help me pay Luzhkov the amount he was awarded. Bring your unwanted coins, preferably copper ones".

On May 11, 2008, speaking in Sevastopol at the celebration of the 225th anniversary of the Black Sea Fleet, he once again stated that Sevastopol was never transferred to Ukraine and that the issue about it remains unresolved (“ We will resolve it in favor of those state positions and the state law that Russia has in relation to its naval base - Sevastopol). He also announced his intention to propose to the Russian authorities not to renew in 2008 the friendship treaty signed in 1997 between the Russian Federation and Ukraine.

In response to these statements, on May 12, 2008, the Security Service of Ukraine declared Luzhkov persona non grata and imposed an indefinite ban on his entry into the country.

On June 3, 2008, Luzhkov signed a decree of the Moscow government to rename the Bitsevsky Park metro station to "Novoyasenevskaya", and "Business Center" - in "Exhibition". The decision caused bewilderment among many Muscovites, because the leadership of the city and the metro stubbornly refused to rename the station named after the Bolshevik murderer "Voikovskaya", citing the high cost of the event, and then suddenly they found money for two stations with neutral names, leaving Voikov’s memory alone. Also in Moscow there remained the streets of Menzhinsky, Kibalchich, Andropov, Leninsky Prospekt and so on.

On July 1, 2008, speaking at a meeting of the Moscow government, where the target program for implementing state policy towards compatriots abroad for 2009-2011 was discussed, he called for not extending the treaty of friendship and cooperation between Russia and Ukraine (signed in 1998 for 10 years ). " I experience an intellectual blow when I see what is happening in Ukraine in relation to Russia and the Russian language", he explained. According to Luzhkov, in Crimea, Russian language teachers receive lower salaries than other teachers, and in Ukraine it is prohibited to show television programs in Russian without subtitles: " This is the policy of the Ukrainian authorities to squeeze out the Russian language, when the entire left bank and Crimea thinks and speaks Russian".

In July 2008, Luzhkov held a Public Urban Planning Council, which discussed the fate of Provision warehouses on the corner of Ostozhenka and Garden Ring. They had to be “restored” in such a way that, in the opinion of many, the architectural monument would actually perish. Luzhkov referred to the examples of Gostiny Dvor and Tsaritsyn, asking whether their reconstruction had been poorly carried out. “It’s bad,” came single voices from the hall. Luzhkov replied that the people liked it and that “the voice of the people is the voice of God.” “We will not adjust the city’s architecture for you alone,” he said, addressing the objector.

On October 9, 2008, Vedomosti wrote that during the post-Soviet years, about 400 historical buildings, of which 80 are architectural monuments.

On October 22, 2008, the Basmanny Court partially satisfied Luzhkov’s claim against Alexander Lebedev and GQ magazine on the protection of honor and dignity and business reputation. Lebedev and the magazine had to pay Luzhkov 50 thousand rubles each. The reason for the investigation was an interview with Lebedev published in the magazine, taken and Ksenia Sokolova. When asked who could have spread rumors about Putin’s personal life in the Moscow Correspondent newspaper (allegedly Putin leaves his wife and goes to a gymnast and deputy of the State Duma of the Russian Federation Alina Kabaeva), Lebedev suggested that it could be "Yu. M. Luzhkov". During the trial, Lebedev argued that he did not mean the specific mayor of the capital, Yuri Mikhailovich Luzhkov, but simply “a certain Yu. M. Luzhkov, of whom there are quite a lot in the country,” but the court sided with the mayor. This was the fourth defamation lawsuit Lebedev lost to Luzhkov since 2003.

In November 2009, Luzhkov won a defamation case against the politician and the Kommersant publishing house. It was reported that by court decision a million rubles would be recovered from the defendants. In addition, the publication and Nemtsov will be required to refute the information published in the politician’s interview with the newspaper and his report "Luzhkov. Results".

We can say with 100% certainty where Luzhkov lives now. After his resignation, the disgraced mayor lived for some time in Austria, then in England, but it is obvious that he was irresistibly drawn to his homeland. At first he lived in the Kaluga region and kept an apiary, but obviously his soul demanded more. The former mayor could not simply breed bees and pump out honey, and he soon moved to the Kaliningrad region, where there was more room for his nature.

Where does Yuri Mikhailovich Luzhkov live now?

After his resignation, after traveling abroad for three years, Yuri Mikhailovich returned to Russia and found a dilapidated stud farm in the Kaliningrad region. This old German enterprise was destroyed in the early 90s, but apparently Elena Baturina (the wife of the former mayor), who at one time headed the Russian Equestrian Federation, saw potential in this plant. The Luzhkov family bought 87% of the shares of the Weedern stud farm and began to restore it.

Five thousand hectares of land are occupied by a stud farm, sheepfold, cowsheds and fields, where Yuri Mikhailovich breeds pedigree sport horses and the famous “Romanov” sheep.

It must be said that Weedern is not just a stud farm. This is the entire estate of an old Prussian family, and the last owner, Anna von Zitzewitz, left it only in 1946. About ten years ago she came to her family nest, and despite the sadness, she was sincerely glad that the estate was alive and working. The former mayor did not rebuild everything, but began to reconstruct and restore the former appearance of the estate. He has already managed to obtain the status of breeding reproducer of Hanoverian horses, and this is quite a prestigious title.

The Weedern agricultural complex is growing, and every year Yuri Mikhailovich is mastering new directions. Currently, rapeseed, buckwheat and wheat are grown in the fields of the Agrocomplex. Often the owner himself gets behind the wheel of the combine and works along with other combine operators.

Prohibition reigns within the Agricultural Complex, but this is not what irritates the workers. Luzhkov, as his employees say, “had a problem in one place.” He doesn’t sit still for a second and is constantly doing something, constantly controlling everything and driving everyone around. Although, he drives on business, and pays a good salary, which reconciles the workers with their boss.

A couple of years ago, the ex-mayor decided to start producing cheese. Breeding dairy cows were purchased in Germany, equipment in Slovenia, and registered trademark"Honey Meadows" A batch of “Adyghe” cheese was produced for testing, with plans for brie, camembert, and so on, right down to parmesan.

Residents of the region approved of this initiative of Yuri Mikhailovich, since his products are sold in stores at social prices, and have high quality. The volumes do not yet allow us to go further than the area, but for now this is enough.

The success of Luzhkov's farm is explained not only by his hard work, but also by his scientific approach to business. Yuri Mikhailovich carefully studies the experience of his foreign colleagues and understands that if the Germans receive 10 tons of hay per hectare, and in Russia the average norm is 3 tons, then something is wrong here.

With his own hands, the former official repairs and even makes changes to the equipment, making it more productive, which greatly surprises the workers.

The disgraced mayor ceased to be disgraced when, on September 21, 2016, Russian President V. Putin awarded him the Order of Merit for the Fatherland, IV degree, “for active social activities" This award gave a new impetus to the former politician and opened up new prospects for development. Yuri Mikhailovich believes that he has learned a lot and can give practical advice to agricultural industrialists based on personal experience.

Left without a position and becoming a farmer, Luzhkov began to better understand the problems of ordinary citizens, small entrepreneurs and farmers. Having built the road to his stud farm at his own expense, for a long time he butted heads with local officials who did not give permission to start operation, finding fault with little things. This both makes Luzhkov happy and sad. After all, he built hundreds of kilometers of roads, but now he cannot legalize 300 meters.

Luzhkov’s wife Elena Baturina does not share her husband’s passion for farming and considers it a “hobby”. She lives permanently in London, visits her husband from time to time and gives money for his new projects. Yuri Mikhailovich, on principle, does not take out bank loans, considering them predatory.

Now Yuri Luzhkov is happy with his life, although sometimes he feels annoyed with his past. The resentment of injustice towards him is forgotten only when he gets behind the wheel of a tractor or walks around his property.

Here he sees the results of his work and is glad that all this appeared thanks to his work. This year Yuri Mikhailovich will turn 82 years old, but he is not going to retire and climb onto the stove. He has too much to do, too much to accomplish.

History of success

A classic example of a modern businesswoman, not a housewife wife, but a worthy match for her high-ranking husband Yuri Luzhkov. However, who is a mate for whom is still a question; in a recent interview, Elena Nikolaevna said directly: “It’s all about genes - a person is either a leader by nature or not. I have always been a leader.”
Elena Nikolaevna's career as a businesswoman began in October 1991. It was then that A. Smolensky, widely famous entrepreneur, president of the Capital Savings Bank (now his brainchild is called O.V.K.1), provided her with a loan in the amount of 6 million rubles to create a cooperative. True, the first experience was unsuccessful - Yuri Mikhailovich advised Baturina to close the cooperative. The loan, however, had to be repaid - and a loving husband came to the rescue, giving Smolensky the opportunity to service a profitable part of the budget of the Moscow Government.
Surely Yuri Mikhailovich and Elena Nikolaevna now remember with a smile that distant time - now, according to the magazine "Cult of Personalities", the mayor and his wife are among the richest people in Russia - their "modest wealth" is estimated by experts at $300-400 million.
Luzhkov has no time to earn money: Moscow, Fatherland, constant worries, so Baturina works for two. Soon it will be ten years since she heads the Inteko company (assets - about 10 million dollars), a leader in the plastics market, several dozen more companies, some of which are part of the famous AFK (associated financial company) "Sistema", owns shares in plastics factories. It’s hard, of course, for a fragile woman, but the city helps a little - the Luzhkovs live in the mayor’s residence, and Moscow pays for utilities instead.
The wife helps her husband not only with money, but also with the city economy: JSC Inteko, where Elena Baturina, in addition to being the head of the company, has a 50% stake, recently won a tender for the refurbishment of the football stadium in Luzhniki and the installation of plastic seats there. By the way, the media claim that Inteko is almost Baturina’s personal shop. Of course, these publications have nothing to do with reality: in fact, the second co-founder and co-chairman of the company is Elena’s brother Viktor Nikolaevich Baturin.
The high-ranking couple also thinks about ordinary Muscovites - not without the participation of Inteko JSC, funds allocated, including by the Moscow government, were spent on the construction of the Prince Rurik brewery. The media talked about this a lot, on " Novaya Gazeta“The Luzhkov family even filed a lawsuit. True, not because of the facts stated (they didn’t object to them; there was probably nothing to object to), but because of the dissonant headline: “Tens of millions of dollars are laundered at a secret brewery.” The court decided , that “the presentation in the article itself of specific information about the investigation of the activities of JSC Prince Rurik and its head for its illegality is the dissemination of information discrediting the honor, dignity and business reputation of Elena Nikolaevna Baturina and the business reputation of JSC Inteko.” Probably, according to Elena Nikolaevna’s plan, any investigations into the activities of companies associated with Inteko should immediately be classified as “Secret”.
No, the successes of the mayor’s family haunt opponents! Recently, the Federal Security Service of Russia Vladimir region uncovered facts of illegal transfer abroad through Alexkombank of the town of Alexandrova of 230 million dollars to the little-known state of Nauru, famous only for being offshore zone. About 100 banks and about 600 firms took part in the transfer of money, this multi-step combination, among which by chance were Inteko CJSC and the Bistro-Plast company, owned by Elena Nikolaevna’s brother, Viktor Nikolaevich. Among about a hundred banks, the not-so-famous Russian Land Bank, through which Baturina’s brother and sister had the misfortune of making their payments, also came under scrutiny. The management did their best to obstruct the inspection, hinting to the investigator that his actions were illegal and that a command would soon come to stop seizing documents - this continued for two days. On the third day, the investigator came to make a seizure, holding in his hands a copy of Komsomolskaya Pravda, where it was written in black and white that it turned out that he had already made the seizure, and thereby he had violated the law. It is clear that the investigator can say whatever he wants, but since it is written in the newspaper, it means it is definitely true. And the day before, when negotiations were still underway with the bank’s management, State Duma deputy A. Alexandrov from the Russian Regions faction sent a parliamentary request about the investigator’s violation of the law.
Undoubtedly, the case was fabricated with gross violations of the criminal procedure code - and how can a modest family enterprise that produces plastic chairs, basins and buckets become involved in an international scandal?
Of course, the head of the family, Yuri Mikhailovich Luzhkov, could not offend his spouse and, with all the might of his considerable capabilities and official position, attacked the prosecutor’s office and the state with merciless criticism: there was even a revolutionary call “The government needs to be changed.” (Remember that Luzhkov himself is far from the last person in power). In an interview with Evgeny Kiselev on NTV, the mayor categorically stated that his wife did not and does not have any business in the Vladimir region, including banking. Apparently, Yuri Mikhailovich did not have time to consult with Elena Nikolaevna before the broadcast - she herself said several times that Inteko made small routine payments for plastic products through Alekskombank, which the predators from the Prosecutor General's Office latched on to.
And Elena Mikhailovna herself did not hide behind her husband’s back and lamented in numerous interviews: if the mayor’s wife cannot calmly run a medium-sized business, then what can we say about mere mortals? How should they be? Who will protect them from the arbitrariness of the authorities?

"Whose fields are these?"

According to the media, Elena Baturina claims that she has never taken advantage of her husband’s official position and many of her companies participate on equal terms in contracts organized by the Moscow government. They say that everything is fair, and budget orders go to those who offer better services. For example, an order for equipment for the interior of the Luzhniki stadium. And the fact that the football field had to be laid on it twice does not bother anyone (the first time the clearing turned out to be so bald that some teams even refused to play on it). The money is budget. Who counted them and when in Moscow?

Girlfriend

To date, a whole group of companies has formed around Inteko (more than two dozen!), the owner and co-owner of which is Mrs. Baturina. According to expert estimates, the turnover of these companies is about 30 million dollars a year. Yuri Mikhailovich says about Mrs. Baturina’s business: “ If a wife is not allowed to do business, then neither are the sons. Who will prepare our shift? Another thing is that I can’t lobby for my wife’s interests. But to prohibit relatives of politicians from doing what they know, can and want to do is absurd.”
Everything would seem logical. Luzhkov does not personally lobby. Other people were found for this. For example, the co-owners of ZAO Miussy-2, one of the companies of the Inteko group, are Elena Baturina and Natalya Nikolskaya, the daughter of the First Deputy Prime Minister of Moscow. And it would be strange if Sistema did not provide assistance to Ms. Baturina’s business. There is such help. Let's say JSC "Reka-Solntse" was organized through the joint efforts of "Inteko" and "Sistema". OJSC Almeko is owned by Inteko on shares with four companies included in Sistema.
"Evening Volgograd", 04/16/99

henpecked

"Arguments and Facts" put forward an interesting hypothesis.
The political role of “image adviser” Tatyana Dyachenko is widely known. But few people know that behind Elena Baturina’s emphasized homeliness and apoliticality, no less ambitions are hidden. In one interview, she bluntly stated: “It’s all about genes - a person is either a leader by nature or not. I have always been a leader.”
And today Baturina’s leadership is undeniable. People close to the mayor’s family and the capital’s corridors of power know: she manages Mayor Luzhkov and his entourage much better than Raisa Maksimovna did with Mikhail Gorbachev in her time (the fact that Yuri Luzhkov is a “henpecked man” is widely known). Therefore, if new presidential elections do take place in Russia, then the Kremlin princess and the Moscow princess may meet in absentia in the second round.

Election gifts

Elena Baturina, who announced her intention to run for the State Duma in a single-mandate constituency in Kalmykia, decided to lay out a straw for herself ahead of time: as the Arkhangelsk newspaper Pravda Severa reported on April 4, 1999, the Kargopol Chapel of Kalmykia was donated by the wife of the Moscow mayor.
Local experts claim that it was given to Kalmykia last year for the World Chess Olympiad by the wife of the mayor of Moscow, Elena Baturina. The religious building was allegedly presented to his wife by Yuri Luzhkov. It is interesting that the unusual order for the capital's mayor was carried out by master carpenters from Kargopol. By the way, two years earlier the northerners had installed a similar chapel in Moscow, and they built it in their homeland.
The question arises: with what funds did the mayor of Moscow “present” Baturina’s chapel?

In 1989, former factory worker and junior researcher Elena Baturina began a long and difficult path to the top of business. In 1991, the Inteko company appeared, engaged in the production of household items made of plastic. In 2002, the main activity was supplemented by the construction of buildings on the basis of house-building plant No. 3, which was gradually supplemented by cement factories and its own bank. Since 2011, the entrepreneur has been moving her business abroad, where she continues her development activities. In 2016, Forbes listed her as the richest woman in Russia with a net worth of $1.1 billion.

 

It is believed that big business- an area of ​​fierce competition and harsh natural selection, the lot of men. Sometimes ladies show themselves in it no worse than the stronger half of humanity.

The story of Elena Baturina's business creation is a vivid example of how a woman, a mother of two daughters, a caring wife, managed to take on the difficult burden of a business, make it profitable and achieve unconditional success.

Elena Nikolaevna Baturina- entrepreneur, founder of the Inteko corporation, the only female billionaire in Russia, whose fortune, according to Forbes, was estimated at $1.1 billion in 2016, wife of the former mayor of Moscow Yuri Luzhkov. Her story is striking in that she managed to achieve success in completely “non-female” industries - industrial production and construction.

“It’s very good that I’m a woman. A woman will always find something to do.”

The results of Baturina’s work on stock market: she has always effectively formed and rebuilt her investment portfolio, supplementing it with assets of “blue chips” - Sberbank of Russia, Gazprom, etc.

A separate page in the biography of Elena Baturina is the numerous lawsuits she won (the total amount of compensation is estimated at 1-3 million rubles), mainly related to challenging false information disseminated by the media.

“It seems to me that the poor people steal and take, those who cannot earn money. I don’t consider myself one of those people.”

Being the daughter of ordinary workers, forced to go to work at a factory immediately after graduating from school, Elena Baturina managed to overcome the chasm and top the list of the richest women in Russia.

In 1989, she began her journey in business as part of a cooperative created together with her brother Victor. Two years later, her main brainchild appeared - the Inteko company, which became not only a key milestone in Baturina’s business, but also a part of Russian history. After all, it was she who created a number of large construction projects in Moscow: the Shuvalovsky and Grand Park residential areas, the Volzhsky microdistrict, the Fusion complex and the academic building of Moscow State University.

The personality of Elena Baturina is surrounded by numerous scandalous rumors. But one thing is certain: this woman managed to achieve success in business, and she continues to implement successful projects.

“I know that if I had allowed myself any illegal actions during more than 20 years of doing business, I would have killed myself. And I’m glad that my conscience is clear, because this allows me today to look everyone in the eye completely openly.”

In 2010, the entrepreneur was first included in the Forbes magazine rating with a fortune of $2.9 billion, and in 2011 she took 77th place in the list of successful Russian businessmen.

In 2012, Elena completely ceased her entrepreneurial activities in Russia and launched a development business in Europe. In 2013, she was ranked 12th among the wealthiest people in the UK, where she moved to be close to her daughters.

In 2017, her fortune, according to Forbes, amounted to $1 billion, a decrease of $100 million compared to the previous year. This allowed her to take 90th place in the authoritative ranking.

To this day, she continues to be the richest woman in Russia. Throughout the entire period entrepreneurial activity Baturina is a well-known philanthropist and philanthropist who has donated about $300 million to charitable purposes. In 2012, she created charitable foundation"BE OPEN"

How did it happen that the girl from working family became the creator of the Inteko business empire? How did she manage to move from producing plastic basins and glasses to creating large-scale construction projects, maintaining her fortune and reputation even after leaving Russia? The secrets of the Russian businesswoman's success lie in the history of the creation of her life's work.

A girl from a working family

On the eve of the International women's day- On March 8, 1963, a daughter, Elena, was born into a family of workers at the Moscow Frezer plant. She became the second child and the long-awaited girl. During her childhood, the baby was in poor health. None of those close to me could have imagined that the fragile Lenochka would turn into a strict, assertive, purposeful and sometimes extremely tough entrepreneur.

The family did not live well, which is why Elena had to enter the factory at the age of 17. After finishing her day shift, the girl hurried to her evening classes at the institute. This challenging schedule laid the foundations for a strong character.

After graduation, she was invited to work at a research institute. In an effort to build a career, Baturina agreed.

Reference: Elena's work at the Moscow Institute of Economic Problems was successful: she quickly became a research fellow, and later the head of the secretariat. Subsequently, she was called to the commission of the Moscow City Executive Committee to the position of chief specialist, where she first met her future husband, Yuri Luzhkov.
Source: Forbes

However, the monotonous work in government agencies seemed boring and divorced from reality to Elena Baturina. There was only one solution - to go into business.

First steps and birth of Inteko

In 1989, a sales and installation cooperative was registered software in the name of Elena Baturina. The co-founder was her older brother Victor. However, the lack of sufficient start-up capital and knowledge of how to start a business prevented the business from gaining momentum.

But Elena was not going to give up. In 1991, she created Inteko LLP, which became known as a manufacturer of plastic products - dishes, household items, chairs, etc. The decision turned out to be successful, since this was a relatively new field of activity for Russia.

“Russia is not Europe, where all niches have long been occupied. 18 years ago, our nascent market had an almost empty field; we just had to choose the right direction in which to move. We decided to go into production.”

In 1994, the company, using mainly borrowed capital (approximately 6 million rubles), acquired a plastics processing plant. Thanks to the victory in 1998 in the tender for the supply of 80 thousand plastic seats for the construction of the Luzhniki stadium, the company managed to repay the loan.

Elena Baturina's company managed not only to survive the default of 1998, but even to reorganize into a closed joint stock company and significantly gain a foothold in the Russian market. In the early 2000s, it accounted for:

• 1/4 of the production of all plastic products in the country;
• 15-20% of the plastics market.

Moreover, since 1999, the Inteko company begins to follow a diversification strategy: along with plastic products, it moves to the production of modern finishing materials (for panel and monolithic construction), and practices architectural design and real estate business.

Development of the construction industry

Elena Baturina did not stop there. Until the early 2000s, she had her sights set on the construction industry. However, the lack of impressive free capital and concerns about high risks hampered.

Chance helped her break into the industry. In 2001, the lawyer of the widow of the director of the Moscow house-building plant No. 3 came to the entrepreneur. Frightened by the threats of competitors, the woman offered Inteko to buy a stake from her (52%). Elena realized that this was an opportunity and agreed to the deal.

In the period from 2002 to 2005. the new enterprise built an average of 500 thousand square meters of housing per year.

Interesting fact: During the heyday of the construction business, Baturina’s daughters, Elena (2002) and Olga (2004), were born.

Baturina realized that further expansion and diversification of Inteko could bring her serious results. And, without neglecting the possibility of using borrowed capital, she continued her journey in the ocean of business.

“To succeed, a woman needs to be head and shoulders above her partners and competitors”

In subsequent years, the Inteko group of companies is continually replenished with new members:

• 2002 - separation into Inteko construction company LLC "Strategi", specializing in the construction of monolithic buildings;
• 2003 - acquisition of two cement plants;
• 2004 - purchase of shares in four enterprises producing construction materials;
• 2005 - purchase of assets of the Russian Land Bank (RZB) mainly for the purpose of ensuring financial transactions for the main business.

The active growth of Baturina’s business allowed her to engage in the construction of elite buildings and standard houses. The design bureau, which operated as part of Inteko from the first years of its activity, created sketches of apartments with improved layouts and worked out the design of facades in detail.

Economies of scale and a balanced approach to business are the main criteria for Baturina’s victories in public and private tenders.

There is an opinion that many orders went to her thanks to the high position of her husband. However, it is worth paying attention to the fact that all the tasks assigned to Inteko were completed efficiently and on time. Here we were talking about the personal qualities of the entrepreneur, and not about her influential husband.

“It’s all about genes - a person is either a leader by nature or not. I have always been a leader"

In 2005, Elena Baturina decides to concentrate her efforts on the construction of monolithic housing and commercial real estate: this area brought the greatest profit to Inteko. As a result, it sells DMK No. 3 and all cement plants and invests most of the proceeds in its core activities.

At the same time, the original direction of Inteko’s functioning was not forgotten: the corporation provided plastic utensils most bistros in Moscow and the Moscow region.

She used the remaining amount to purchase securities of Russia's largest corporations (mainly shares of Sberbank and Gazprom). This step was regarded by many analysts as very far-sighted: it was it that helped Inteko stay afloat in 2008-2009, when the entrepreneur sold part of the highly profitable shares and covered the burning bank loans.

“I don’t think I made a great career because all my life I dreamed of being an analyst. Someone should sit as an eminence grise and write analytical materials.”