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Problems and prospects of the European Union. Four main problems of the European Union

Theoretically, the creation of a monetary union should have opened up new opportunities for economic growth for the EU and strengthened its position Western Europe on the international stage. However, a number of significant obstacles stood in the way of the implementation of these plans, including those that reflect the contradictions common to the EU.

The first of these contradictions is the relationship between supranational and national instruments of economic policy.

The crux of the problem is that the pursuit of a common economic and monetary policy may reduce the ability of national governments to take emergency and flexible measures if economic difficulties in their country threaten social stability. In addition, forced cuts in government spending and anti-inflationary measures almost always undermine investment activity. This, in turn, poses a real threat to economic growth and employment.

To meet the Maastricht criteria, many countries are forced to partially curtail social programs, which, naturally, will encounter protests from the population. It turns out that the creation of a monetary union even then required intense efforts and sacrifices.

It was expected that after the formation of a monetary union, the scope for regulating the economy would be significantly narrowed for national governments. Before the monetary union, in the event of a recession, they lowered the refinancing rate, increased government spending and assistance to crisis regions. In conditions of strict budget discipline and a unified economic policy, this opportunity disappears or is narrowed. At the same time, language and cultural barriers will not allow Europe to create a single labor market similar to the national one. For these, as well as for some other reasons, labor is much less mobile than capital. In other words, many people who have lost their jobs in their own country will choose to stay put and receive unemployment benefits rather than look for work in other EU member states.

According to economists, the economic difficulties that arise in individual countries in connection with the creation of a monetary union are beginning to spread to neighboring countries. In conditions of exceptionally close industrial, financial and trade ties within the EU, this process can take on the character of a chain reaction.

The opposite view is that a monetary union would have a powerful cumulative effect, and the benefits would more than pay for the costs. In addition, it is assumed that strong economic conditions in some countries will dampen economic difficulties in others. In connection with this, the following problem arises.

The problem of unity and multiple speeds. Within the union, groups continue to exist that differ from each other in their level of economic development, economic policy opportunities, and motives for integration. Admission of new members from the countries of Central and of Eastern Europe leads to an increase in such heterogeneity.

The difficulty is how to combine the growth of integration in depth and breadth. Discussion of this topic began in the 70s after the first enlargement of the EU, when Great Britain, Ireland and Denmark joined the Community. Back in 1995, the idea of so-called concentric circles was put forward. According to this idea, it was proposed to create a model of uneven development of integration, based on individual programs for each of several groups of EU participants.

The Maastricht Treaty became the first legislative act in the history of the EU to provide for the possibility of developing integration in accordance with the principle of different speeds. This was done specifically in relation to the monetary union, since from the very beginning it was clear that not all EU members would be able to fulfill the convergence criteria by the deadline and introduce a single currency.

Integration at different speeds poses serious dangers. Until now, all EU members moved forward at the same pace; adaptation periods were provided for new members, after which all communitarian rules and norms fully applied to them. This forced weaker countries to catch up to the level of the main group, and the Community itself developed and put into practice a complex mechanism for redistributing funds in favor of less prosperous regions. Now different speeds may lead to a widening gap in levels economic development between countries, and thus come into conflict with the policy of economic convergence.

The problem of fragmentation of the EU in connection with the transition to a single currency is not limited to relations between the participants of the “euro area” and the rest of the Union states. More or less permanent coalitions emerge within the monetary union itself. One of them is the traditional tandem of Germany and France, which is actively asserting itself in the currency field. Therefore, the future fate of monetary integration will largely depend on the coordination of their actions.

In addition, different speeds can seriously change the existing balance of power within the EU. Countries participating in a monetary union receive additional chances to strengthen their positions, while rearguard states lose some of their current economic and political weight.

The balance of costs and benefits associated with the establishment of a monetary union differs for each individual country. The implementation of convergence programs requires particularly large efforts from countries with significant government budget deficits and public debt. But they basically make up a relatively weak part of the EU in economic terms. There are concerns that while wealthier countries can handle the budget diet relatively easily, it could only make problems worse for some. In other words, the rich will become richer and the poor will become poorer.

The third contradiction is federalism and national sovereignty. Further progress along the path of integration turns out to be impossible without expanding the range of issues resolved at the supranational level, that is, without strengthening the role of supranational bodies. The leadership of the EU and the Union member states sees a solution to the problem in the gradual expansion of the practice of making decisions not unanimously, but by a majority or a qualified majority. Essentially, this means that the transfer of part of national sovereignty to EU bodies will be carried out not voluntarily, but compulsorily.

In relation to the monetary union, the problem of sovereignty became acute at the stage of preparation of the Maastricht Treaty. In a specially signed Protocol, the UK stipulated its right to retain powers in the field of monetary policy in accordance with national legislation, and the Bank of England reserved the option not to participate in the ESCB.

On a number of other aspects of building the Monetary Union, EU members also take opposing positions. One group, usually led by Germany, advocates strict communal discipline, while the other advocates a soft version of integration. These approaches were clearly evident, in particular, during the preparation of the stabilization pact and when deciding whether the country's participation in the mechanism for regulating exchange rates would be mandatory for the introduction of a single currency.

The problem of national sovereignty also comes to the fore in connection with the harmonization of the tax systems of EU countries, which is an indispensable condition for the introduction of a single currency. If the existing large differences in taxation levels are not eliminated, then in the conditions of a monetary union they can disorganize the single capital market.

The convergence of the legislation of member countries in this area is proceeding extremely slowly, in particular due to the fact that all decisions on this issue can only be made unanimously. The only significant step in this direction was the agreement reached by the ECOFIN Council that the basic VAT rate should remain in the range of 15-25% in all countries.

The strategic plans of the EU leadership do not always find understanding among ordinary citizens of the Union. This problem, which is not new to European integration, also arose in the context of the transition to a single currency. It announced itself almost immediately - as soon as the ratification of the Maastricht Treaty began. Then, unexpectedly for EU leaders and national governments, in a number of countries the population opposed the creation of the European Union. In Denmark, a second referendum was required, and in France, the preponderance of Maastricht supporters turned out to be negligible.

Relations between euro area participants and non-EU countries. In particular, the formalization of relations between the EU monetary union and international organizations operating in the field of finance. In addition, there is a need to develop a clear mechanism for mutual settlements between the euro area and third countries, as well as to prepare potential users outside the EU to conduct transactions with the single currency. Otherwise, the euro may simply not take root in foreign markets.

Thus, on this moment the most striking sources of contradictions and clashes within the European Monetary Union are visible. The problem with the EU is that it unites countries too intensively. The reason for this was the hasty expansion of the European Union; in 2004, the EU consisted of 15 countries; in 2007, the community expanded to 27 states. Such a rapid increase in the number of EU members disrupted the initial stability of the structure of the countries of the so-called “old Europe”, which by that time had managed to establish close economic and political relationships.

Foreign policy contradictions between members of the European Union. Despite the unity, acute conflicts often arise within the EU, the parties to which are “ Old Europe", seeking to create a new international center authorities, and “New Europe”, which sometimes takes a pro-American, anti-Russian position. Great Britain is often associated with the “New Europe”.

Crisis phenomena in the economy are the third negative factor that violates the model of stable functioning of the European Union. The crisis caused the development of contradictions among the members of the European Union. EU members have not yet developed a specific strategic model of action that would allow them to support each other in times of crisis.

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1. European Union

European Union (European Union, EU) is an economic and political union of 28 European states. Aimed at regional integration, the Union was legally established by the Maastricht Treaty in 1993 on the principles of the European Communities. With five hundred million inhabitants, the EU's share of global gross domestic product was about 23% ($16.6 trillion) in 2012.

With the help of a standardized system of laws in force in all countries of the union, it was created Common Market, guaranteeing the free movement of people, goods, capital and services, including the abolition of passport controls within the Schengen area, which includes both member countries and other European states. The Union adopts laws (directives, statutes and regulations) in the fields of justice and internal affairs, and also develops common policies in the fields of trade, agriculture, fisheries and regional development. Seventeen countries of the union introduced a single currency, the euro, forming the eurozone.

The European Union includes 28 states: Austria, Belgium, Bulgaria, Great Britain, Hungary, Germany, Greece, Denmark, Ireland, Spain, Italy, Cyprus, Latvia, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Malta, the Netherlands, Poland, Portugal, Romania, Slovakia, Slovenia , Finland, France, Croatia, Czech Republic, Sweden and Estonia.

The number of countries participating in the union has grown from the initial six - Belgium, Germany, Italy, Luxembourg, the Netherlands and France - to today's 28 through successive expansions: by joining treaties, countries limited their sovereignty in exchange for representation in the institutions of the union operating in the general interest.

Since the establishment of the EU, a single market has been created across all member states. At the moment, 17 countries of the Union use the single currency, forming the eurozone. The Union's economy ranks first in the world in terms of nominal GDP and second in terms of GDP volume. In addition, the Union is the largest exporter and largest importer of goods and services, as well as the most important trading partner of several large countries, such as, for example, China and India.

The unemployment rate in May 2013 was 11%, while Government debt as a percentage of GDP: 85.3% (92% latest publication Eurostat) GDP (2012)

In the WTO, the EU economy is represented as a single organization.

The Maastricht Treaty (officially the "Treaty of European Union") is a treaty signed on February 7, 1992 in Maastricht (Netherlands), which laid the foundation for the European Union. The agreement entered into force on November 1, 1993. The agreement completed the work of previous years regarding the settlement of monetary and political systems European countries.

According to Article A of the treaty, the parties established the European Union. The Union was created on the basis of the European Economic Community, which, under the terms of the agreement, was renamed the European Community, supplemented by policy areas and forms of cooperation in accordance with the newly concluded agreement.

Responsibility for the monetary policy of the European Union rests with the European System of Central Banks (ESCB), consisting of the European Central Bank (ECB) and the national central banks (NCBs) of EU states.

The consequence of the treaty was the introduction of the euro as the European currency and the establishment three basics union - economy and social policy, international relations and security, justice and home affairs.

2. Criteria for the Maastricht Agreement

The countries that signed the Maastricht Agreement have approved five criteria that must be met by countries joining the European Monetary Union, the so-called Maastricht criteria:

* The state budget deficit should not exceed 3% of GDP.

* Public debt must be less than 60% of GDP.

* The state must participate in the exchange rate mechanism for two years and maintain the exchange rate of the national currency in a given range.

* The inflation rate should not exceed by more than 1.5% the average value of the three EU member states with the most stable prices.

* Long-term interest rates on government bonds should not exceed by more than 2% the average of the corresponding rates in countries with the lowest inflation.

3. Main problems of the European Union

Economic

low economic growth,

Technological lag behind the USA,

Low competitiveness of the national economies of Greece, Spain, Portugal and Ireland

Competition from the growing economies of the world,

Significant level of unemployment,

Aging population (due to a significant increase in life expectancy. Europe, where the level social protection quite tall, in search of a reasonable compromise. But the current system of social security and health care requires serious reforms, as public debt grows)

As a result, there is an increase in the deficit of the balance of payments, the state budget, corporate and government debts of economically lagging countries. Ultimately, there is a threat of default with all the negative consequences of both economic and social nature

Participation in the euro area particularly favors those countries that have undeniable competitive advantages over other participating countries. For them, the abolition of barriers that limit competition helps them quickly conquer markets in less developed countries, displacement of uncompetitive industries of the latter and growth of their own economic power. This worsens the financial situation of peripheral states, increases unemployment, which partly places an additional burden on state budgets, partly leads to an increase in labor emigration, ensuring labor resources the growing needs of expanding sectors of the economy in the leading countries of the Zone. Thus, the gain of some participants in the currency association turns into a loss for others. The preconditions for its disintegration are increasing.

Problems of mass immigration

Due to the expansion of the Union to the East, there is an increase in migration processes. Countries such as Austria, Germany, Sweden and others fear that their labor markets may suffer due to mass immigration from new EU members. In this regard, the border states propose to introduce a transition period of 7 years, during which restrictions on freedom of movement will apply for citizens of the new members of the European Union.

Competition for a seat in the European Parliament

The number of seats in the European Parliament grew simultaneously with each stage of EU enlargement, which cannot be said about the representation of new countries. At the same time, Germany retained its 99 seats for some time, while France, Britain and Italy had to give up their seats in the parliamentary hall.

The problem of the national language

Regional languages do not have official status in the EU, which sometimes causes dissatisfaction among various nationalist groups. Among these languages: Basque, Scottish, Irish, etc. This problem causes additional tensions in national conflicts in EU countries.

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2.2 Integration support

A turning point in the process of European integration was the signing of the Single European Act (SEA) in 1985, which marked the beginning of its new stage, the creation of the European Community on the basis of existing communities and the deepening of the competence of the EU in the field of coordination not only economic, but also many other areas of internal and foreign policy. The Maastricht Treaty on the European Union (1992) legislated the goals expressed in the EEA and introduced common European citizenship.

These changes in the mood of the population were especially painful for the process of European integration, since they began precisely when the EU entered the most active phase of its development, in which the approval of its European citizens became increasingly important. If before Maastricht the integration process concerned only issues of interstate cooperation, then after it integration necessitated changes in the internal political life of each country and began to directly affect the lives of ordinary citizens. European citizens began to ask questions about politics completely different levels, ranging from EU regulation of the sale of individual food and drink products to the general nature of the distribution system. But the main question became the direction in which European integration is moving and who is at its helm. Polls showed that in 1992, only 14% of EU citizens were satisfied with the level of “democratic influence” available to them in EU institutions. That same year, for the first time, there was a numerical superiority of EU citizens who were dissatisfied with the way democracy was working in their own country (52% versus 45%).

Over time, when the European population began to get used to the new conditions, the new level of integration was taken for granted, and the powers of the European Parliament gradually expanded, the indicator of support for European integration among EU citizens stabilized within the corridor from 48% to 56%. not falling below the bottom level achieved in 1996, but also not reaching the previous heights. Thus, almost universal support for integration, in which the bulk of the population was not privy to the content of European politics, gave way to a more pragmatic attitude towards it, and the number of citizens satisfied with the state of democracy in the EU increased from 35% in 1997 to 49% in 2005

However, regardless of the fluctuations in support for integration among the European population as a whole, there have always been those who supported it more and those who supported it less. Which social strata are more likely to support and which are most likely not to support the European integration process?

Table 1 (Appendix) shows survey data on support for integration by different categories of the population, both in the period of highest (before Maastricht) and in the period of lowest support.

We see that disappointment in the work of democracy and in European politics in general did not greatly affect the ratio of supporters and opponents of integration in each of the identified social groups. Both in 1991 (before the fall in support) and in 1996, integration was largely supported by the more educated, wealthier and younger segments of the population. At the same time, support for integration primarily depends on the level of education and the associated level of income.

The general decline in support for integration after Maastricht occurs primarily due to its decline in the less educated and less wealthy strata (the dependence of this decline on age is not traced), that is, among those who previously supported it less than others. The same categories of the population that previously had a better attitude towards the integration process (more educated and wealthy) supported its new stage, the Maastricht Treaty, to a greater extent than others. This is confirmed by a survey conducted in 1992 in which Europeans were asked how they would vote in the event of a referendum on the Maastricht Treaty: 43% would vote “for” the treaty, 27% would vote “against” and 30% would be undecided. with answer. The distribution of answers depending on socio-demographic characteristics (excluding those who were undecided) is shown in Table 2 (Appendix).

We see that big influence the attitude towards Maastricht is influenced by the type of activity: managers vote for a new level of integration to a greater extent and workers to the least, as well as the level of education directly related to it. Age, as before, matters the least.

Each subsequent stage of integration, both in terms of its deepening (from the European Coal and Steel Community to the development of the European Constitution), and in terms of expanding the number of participants (from Europe-6 to Europe-25 and beyond), causes new resistance from the population, which is increasingly asks what the limits of integration are. Following a rational assessment of the contribution it brings to national economies, citizens begin to fear that the further process of integration will threaten national identity. AND those who agree with the current list of members and the current level of integration may be against expanding it to culturally alien Turkey and further deepening it, which could lead to the final loss of national sovereignties.

These sentiments found expression in the refusal of the population of France and the Netherlands to accept a constitution providing for a deeper level of integration. At the same time, in 2005 referendums one could trace the previous trend in the distribution of votes between different categories of the population. Among the least educated, support for the European Constitution was extremely low, while among those with a university degree there was a majority in favor of it. The European Constitution was supported by the social elite, and rejected by the majority of workers and pensioners.

The 2005 Constitution was an unsuccessful attempt to make a leap forward towards a deeper level of integration. At one time, a similar attempt, but a success, was the Maastricht Treaty of 1992. And if we compare the vote in France on the Maastricht Treaty (it was approved by 51% of the French) and the vote on the European Constitution, it becomes obvious that many features of social support for these two levels and stages of integration have not changed. In France, businessmen and business executives who supported the European Constitution 2005, in 1992 the majority voted against Maastricht (51%), but even in 1992, support for integration among people with a university degree (71%) and representatives of liberal professions and intellectuals (70%) was much higher than average, and among those without diploma (43%) and workers (42%) - lower.

In 1992, the Maastricht Treaty, which was ratified with difficulty, was the same bold step forward, towards an unknown future, as the failed European Constitution in 2005. But now the 1992 agreement has become the norm, part of the familiar world. And the existing level of integration created by it is supported by much wider social strata than Maastricht itself was supported at one time.

Support for integration by the more educated is not limited to older members of the European Union. A similar picture emerges from data from a population survey of 13 candidate countries in 2003. Both the old EU members and the new ones show some constant trends at different stages of integration. Support for integration is closely related to education: it is maximum among the most and minimum among the least educated. Support for integration is higher among liberal professions and intellectuals (“by definition” the most educated) and lower among workers, higher among the most affluent and lower among the least affluent. It is maximum in big cities - the concentration of intellectual life - and minimum in rural areas.

What will the coming year look like for Europe? 2017 will be another chapter in the slow destruction of the European Union, a process that has been going on for more than a decade.

The European Union is united only in name. The transfer of sovereignty to Brussels is always incomplete and member states are independent countries with your own interests.

Let's list the main problems this year.

1.Crisis in Italy

The banking crisis in Italy plays a key role in destabilizing it domestic policy. The main problem of the Italian banking sector is the large number of low-quality debts. Approximately 17% of all debts are low-quality, according to the European Banking Authority. Bank Monte dei Paschi di Siena has a portfolio of overdue debts of about 45 billion euros. This problem only came to light in 2016.

It's not just about money. Italian banks' balance sheets do not exist in a vacuum. If the European Central Bank wants to save Italy, then essentially all of Europe will pay for these loans.

Greece, which is being forced into austerity measures, will also be outraged. The German public will strongly object and Chancellor Angela Merkel's position will be greatly shaken.

2.Decreasing German exports

The main economic issue on the table in 2017 will be declining German exports. According to the World Bank, Germany's export to GDP ratio is 46.8%.

Neither China nor Russia will increase demand for German goods due to their economic problems. So far, Germany has managed to survive by increasing exports to the UK and the US, but these destinations are also unsustainable. This affects not only Germany, but the whole of Europe.

The European Union is built around a large exporter – Germany. This makes it vulnerable to fluctuations in demand for German products. This also creates certain political relationships between Germany and the rest of the European Union. This is especially true for those countries that are traditional German markets or are links in the supply chain.

This dependency and economic architecture has worked in the past. But now she faces two key problems. The first is the need to increase demand for European goods. The second is that many countries have still not overcome the 2008 crisis.

The EU's socioeconomic problems are leading to increased nationalism. We saw this with Brexit in 2016. In 2017, these dynamics will already influence elections in France and Germany. The agenda has moved from internationalist to nationalist even among those who have historically been for the European Union (like Merkel).

3.Security issues

Security will be a major concern for the EU. Here the interests of countries also diverge. Some countries are more concerned about refugees than others and Brussels has so far failed to present a universally accepted plan to deal with the refugee crisis.

There is also the issue of Eastern Europe. She wants her security to be a priority, fearing Russia. Western Europe is less concerned about Russia and is focused on Islamic terrorism.

In addition, Trump is ready to shed light on the future of NATO. This could lead to very difficult decisions for many countries.

Security issues are not as serious as economic and political issues for Europe now. But they loom in the background and do not help unite the countries at all.

Weakening of the European Union

Looking at the European Union now, we see not steps towards its dissolution, but ignoring the directives of Brussels. If you come to the dusty office of some bureaucratic organization, you will see clerks writing directives that are of no interest to anyone. The European Union cannot move further in this direction, but it is not moving anywhere at all.

Italian banks, German exports, nationalism and diverging views on security issues are the main issues in 2017. True, all these are just small parts of a large forecast that is moving towards its fulfillment.

Despite the fact that the European Union is the most powerful economic bloc in Europe and an influential player in international relations, it faces a number of problems.

Large costs for preparing candidate countries for accession to the EU.

Lord Patten, Chancellor of Oxford and Newcastle Universities, and former Council of Europe Commissioner for External Relations, said that it is wrong to consider Europe a “backward” region compared to the United States. He noted that European labor productivity per person is even slightly higher than in the United States, and GDP per hour is approximately equal.

The main problem in Europe is the changing demographic situation. The population is shrinking and aging, resulting in fewer and fewer workers having to provide larger number pensioners. Europe also lags behind the US in development and implementation information technologies; Moreover, due to globalization, competition is increasing, especially from India and China.

The enlargement of the European Union is another factor requiring accelerated economic development to meet the legitimate expectations of the new EU member states. And although the economies of the acceding countries are growing faster than average, it is necessary to ensure higher rates of economic growth in the European Union as a whole. This will allow the countries of Central and Eastern Europe to overcome the feeling of social injustice, and the current EU members will ease tensions in relations with each other, as lower taxes and wages in the newly joined countries attract more investment and create more jobs.

In the face of these challenges, European heads of state agreed in 2000 to adopt a ten-year Lisbon program to stimulate innovation, support entrepreneurship and expand research and development. The program has faced challenges because it covers politically sensitive issues such as labor market flexibility, pension and health care reform, and e-government. However, a number of “direct and practical” actions can be taken to increase investment in Scientific research and development (R&D), which will help increase Europe's competitiveness while avoiding major political problems.

The problem of education in Europe, higher education in Europe as a whole is in a terrible state. As a percentage of GDP, the United States spends twice as much on research and higher education as Europe, and therefore European countries have fewer opportunities to retain the cadres of researchers and scientists who are being formed in European science. In fact, only a quarter of Europeans attending graduate school in American universities return to Europe.

In this regard, Lord Patten called on European countries to spend a larger portion of their budgets on research and development. Noting that 44% of the EU budget is spent on Agriculture- a sector that employs only 7% of the workforce - he asked: "When do we start investing in the jobs of tomorrow, not yesterday?" There is no need to create boundaries for knowledge. The European Union should undertake research work in Europe more attractive to Europeans, and Europe itself more attractive to people from other countries.

The next problem of the European Union is the language problem. For the EU to become a well-functioning democratic union in which EU citizens support its solidarity and impartiality, an inter-European discussion is required, and perhaps also, at the federal level, discussions among European parties. In order for them to take place, along with various national languages required mutual language EU. If we get a common, easy-to-learn EU language, a language in which all EU citizens can communicate, we will soon have European newspapers and inter-European debate. Today there are 23 official working languages in the EU.

The problem of immigration in the European Union. Member states of the European Union are facing an immigration problem, with an influx of citizens from former republics Soviet Union. The member states of the European Union have tried to solve this problem by agreeing on a joint strategy that they are trying to implement.

There is also trafficking in immigrants, which is carried out by organized gangs who profit from it. Young women and girls are often forced to work as prostitutes for these gangs. Criminals transport migrants and slaves across Europe in the back of trucks, ships and they can remain undetected until they reach their destination. Criminals use the funds obtained as a result of these criminal activities to finance terrorism.

Illegal immigration also has an impact Negative influence on the economies of EU countries, state treasury gets less money because there are so many people who work and don't pay taxes. Illegal immigrants who come to EU countries in search of better conditions life, are also more willing to work for less. This tends to cause tension and dissatisfaction among the indigenous people.

Problems of European and international security are essential for the EU. The European Union's Next Problem ecological problem. The EU includes 27 European countries, and many of these countries have endless forests and magnificent mountain landscapes. From the point of view of environmentalists, EU enlargement poses a huge danger. The environment is threatened, for example, by the construction of new roads and other infrastructure projects, as well as by the growth of automobile production. In addition, the abolition of internal borders will facilitate the smuggling of rare animals and plants. Not to mention the fact that they will now find themselves on EU territory nuclear reactors, similar to the one that exploded on Chernobyl nuclear power plant. April 26, 2009 It's been 23 years since this tragedy. Its consequences in Ukraine alone cost the lives of 4,400 people. Since the disaster, 2.32 million people in this country have been hospitalized as a result of illnesses caused by the effects of radioactive contamination.

Thus, the following EU problems can be identified:

The problem of low elasticity of the EU labor market, resulting not only from low labor mobility, but also from the strong influence of trade unions on wage policy;

Problems of reforming the system social security EU countries;

Problems of public debt of EU countries;

Problems associated with the introduction of the “euro” into cash circulation;

high costs of preparing candidate countries for accession to the EU;

the demographic problem associated with a declining and aging population, and the environmental problem of the EU countries;

the problem of enlargement of the European Union;

the problem of education in the European Union associated with the introduction of uniform educational standards;

the problem of language in the EU and the problem of illegal immigration;

problems of European and international security in the EU.

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