What is the demand of the participants in European revolutions? Question: What ideas and demands were defended by participants in European revolutions?
In the post-reform period, three directions in social movement- conservatives, liberals and radicals. They had different political goals, organizational forms and methods of struggle, spiritual and moral and ethical positions.
Conservatives. The social basis of this trend was the reactionary nobility, clergy, petty bourgeoisie, merchant class and a significant part of the peasantry.
Conservatism of the second half of the 19th century. remained within the ideological framework of the theory of “official nationality”. Autocracy was still declared the most important pillar of the state, ensuring the greatness and glory of Russia. Orthodoxy was proclaimed as the basis of the spiritual life of the people and was actively inculcated. Nationality meant the unity of the king with the people, which implied the absence of grounds for social conflicts. Conservatives saw this as unique historical path Russia.
In the domestic political sphere, conservatives fought for the inviolability of autocracy, against the liberal reforms of the 60s and 70s, and in subsequent decades they sought to limit their results. In the economic sphere, they advocated the inviolability of private property, the preservation of landownership and the community.
In the social sphere, they insisted on strengthening the position of the nobility - the basis of the state and maintaining the class division of society. In foreign policy, they developed the ideas of pan-Slavism - the unity of Slavic peoples around Russia. In the spiritual sphere, representatives of the conservative intelligentsia defended the principles of a patriarchal lifestyle, religiosity, and unconditional submission to authority. The main target for their criticism was the theory and practice of nihilists who rejected traditional moral principles. (F. M. Dostoevsky in the novel “Demons” exposed the immorality of their activities.)
The ideologists of the conservatives were K. P. Pobedonostsev, D. A. Tolstoy, M. N. Katkov. The spread of their ideas was facilitated by the bureaucratic apparatus, the church and the reactionary press. M. N. Katkov in the newspaper Moskovskie Vedomosti pushed the government’s activities in a reactionary direction, formulated the basic ideas of conservatism and formed public opinion in this spirit
Conservatives were statist guardians. They had a negative attitude towards any mass social action, advocating order, calm and tradition.
Liberals. The social basis of the liberal trend was made up of bourgeois landowners, part of the bourgeoisie and the intelligentsia (scientists, writers, journalists, doctors, etc.).
They defended the idea of common Western Europe ways historical development Russia.
In the domestic political sphere, liberals insisted on the introduction of constitutional principles, democratic freedoms and the continuation of reforms. They advocated the creation of an all-Russian elected body (Zemsky Sobor) and the expansion of the rights and functions of local self-government bodies (Zemstvos). Their political ideal was a constitutional monarchy. Liberals advocated maintaining a strong executive power, believing it to be a necessary factor of stability, called for measures to be taken that would contribute to the establishment of a rule-of-law state in Russia and civil society.
In the socio-economic sphere, they welcomed the development of capitalism and freedom of enterprise, advocated the preservation of private property and lower redemption payments. The demand to eliminate class privileges, recognition of the inviolability of the individual, and her right to free spiritual development were the basis of their moral and ethical views.
Liberals stood for an evolutionary path of development, considering reforms the main method of socio-political modernization of Russia. They were ready to cooperate with the autocracy. Therefore, their activity mainly consisted of submitting “addresses” to the tsar - petitions proposing a program of reforms. The most “left-wing” liberals sometimes used conspiratorial meetings of their supporters.
The ideologists of the liberals were scientists, publicists, and zemstvo leaders (K. D. Kavelin, B. N. Chicherin, V. A. Goltsev, D. I. Shakhovskoy, F. I. Rodichev, P. A. Dolgorukov). Their organizational support was zemstvos, magazines (Russian Thought, Vestnik Evropy) and scientific societies. The liberals did not create a stable and organized opposition to the government.
Features of Russian liberalism: its noble character due to the political weakness of the bourgeoisie and its readiness for rapprochement with conservatives. They were united by the fear of popular “revolt” and the actions of radicals.
The social basis of conservatism in Russia was the reactionary nobility, clergy, petty bourgeoisie, merchant class and a significant part of the peasantry. In the post-reform period, conservative ideology continued to develop within the framework of the theory of “official nationality”. Conservatives advocated the inviolability of autocracy, the curtailment of reforms and the implementation of counter-reforms, strengthening the positions of the nobility, and landownership. They defended the principles of a patriarchal way of life, religiosity, and unconditional submission to authority. The ideologists of conservatism were: Chief Prosecutor of the Synod Pobedonostsev, Minister of Internal Affairs Tolstoy, editor of the newspaper Moskovskie Vedomosti Katkov. The spread of their ideas was facilitated by the bureaucratic apparatus, the church, and the reactionary press.
The social basis of liberal ideology was made up of bourgeois landowners, part of the bourgeoisie and the intelligentsia. Liberals defended the idea of a common path of development for Russia with Western Europe. They advocated the introduction of constitutional principles, democratic freedoms, and the continuation of reforms. Their political ideal was a constitutional monarchy. Liberals were supporters of the evolutionary path of development of Russia, through reforms. They were ready to cooperate with the autocracy. The main form of their protest were addresses and petitions addressed to the king proposing a program of reforms.
The ideologists of the liberals were scientists, publicists, and zemstvo leaders (Chicherin, Kavelin, Rodichev, etc.). Their organizational support was zemstvos, scientific societies, and the journals “Bulletin of Europe” and “Russian Wealth”. The liberals did not create a stable and organized opposition to the autocracy. They, like the conservatives, were afraid of popular rebellion and the actions of radicals.
Liberal populism
Liberal Populists. This direction, sharing the idea of the revolutionary populists about a special, non-capitalist path of development of Russia, differed from them in its rejection of violent methods of struggle. Liberal populists did not play a significant role in the social movement of the 70s. In the 80-90s their influence increased. This was due to the loss of authority of the revolutionary populists in radical circles due to disappointment in the terrorist methods of struggle. Liberal populists expressed the interests of the peasants, demanded the destruction of the remnants of serfdom, the elimination of landownership and the prevention of the “ulcers” of capitalism in Russia.
They called for reforms to gradually improve the lives of the people. They chose cultural and educational work among the population as the main direction of their activities (the theory of “small deeds”). For this purpose, they used printed organs (the magazine “Russian Wealth”), zemstvos and various public organizations. The ideologists of the liberal populists were N.K. Mikhailovsky, N.F. Danielson, V.P. Vorontsov.
Radicals in the 80-90s of the 19th century. During this period, radical changes occurred in the radical movement. Revolutionary Populists lost their role as the main anti-government force. Powerful repression fell upon them, from which they could not recover. Many active participants in the movement of the 70s became disillusioned with the revolutionary potential of the peasantry. In this regard, the radical movement split into two opposing and even hostile camps. The first remained committed to the idea of peasant socialism, the second saw in the proletariat the main force of social progress.
"Liberation of Labor" group. Former active participants in the “Black Redistribution” G.V. Plekhanov, V.I. Zasulich, L.G. Deich and V.N. Ignatov turned to Marxism. In this Western European theory, created by K. Marx and F. Engels in the middle of the 19th century, they were attracted by the idea of achieving socialism through a proletarian revolution.
In 1883, the Liberation of Labor group was formed in Geneva. Its program: a complete break with populism and populist ideology; propaganda of Marxism; fight against autocracy; creation of a workers' party. The most important condition They believed that social progress in Russia would be a bourgeois-democratic revolution, driving force which will be the urban bourgeoisie and the proletariat. They viewed the peasantry as a reactionary force in society, as a political antipode to the proletariat.
Promoting Marxism in the Russian revolutionary environment, they launched a sharp critique of the populist theory about a special non-capitalist path of development of Russia. The Liberation of Labor group operated abroad and was not connected with the labor movement emerging in Russia.
In Russia itself in 1883-1892. Several Marxist circles were formed (D.I. Blagoeva, N.E. Fedoseeva, M.I. Brusneva, etc.). They saw their task in the study of Marxism and its propaganda among workers, students and minor employees. However, they too were cut off from the labor movement.
The ideological and theoretical activities of the “Emancipation of Labor” group abroad and Marxist circles in Russia prepared the ground for the emergence of the Russian political party working class.
Labor movement in the 70-90s. XIX century The birth of social democracy (80-90s of the 19th century)
Labor movement in the 60-70s. As industry developed, the proletariat grew, replenished by bankrupt peasants and artisans, and, over time, by the children of workers. Gradually a detachment of professional proletarians was formed. The working and living conditions of workers in Russia were incredibly difficult. Agrarian overpopulation and the presence of a reserve army of labor determined the cheapness of labor.
Length of the working day in 1860-1870 was 13-14 hours, in some industries up to 15-17 hours. Female and child labor was widely used (12-14 hours), paid much lower. A government law of 1882 limited but did not prohibit child labor. Wages were arbitrarily set by the owners of the enterprises. Fines took 25-40% of the fee. There was no insurance or pensions. Workers paid for housing (corners and beds) in overcrowded factory barracks and food, which they were forced to buy from the factory store.
Unbearable conditions and complete lack of rights pushed them to fight. In the 60s unorganized and passive resistance prevailed (petitions to the administration, escapes). But the strike movement also began: from 1861 to 1869. There were 63 strikes in Russia. They took the form of a riot: strikers broke equipment and beat up administrators.
In the 70s the struggle intensified: from 1870 to 1879. - 326 strikes. The strike at the Nevskaya paper spinning mill in St. Petersburg (1870) is especially famous. The refusal to raise wages led to a complete shutdown of the enterprise. The authorities took the strikers to court, but such a terrible picture of exploitation was revealed there that the sentences turned out to be minimal: a few days of arrest. The strike at the Krenholm manufactory in Narva in 1872 (6 thousand strikers), suppressed by troops, was also large.
The first workers' organizations. The first of them in Russia was the “South Russian Union of Workers” (organized in 1875 in Odessa by the revolutionary intellectual Zaslavsky). The Charter of the "Union" adopted some provisions of the documents of the 1st International, but was not free from populist views. The tasks of the "Union" included "propaganda of the ideas of liberation of workers from the yoke of capital" and "the fight against the established economic and political order." The core of the organization consisted of 60 workers and about 200 sympathizers. In December 1875, the “Union” was crushed by the police, 15 of its members, including Zaslavsky, were put on trial.
In 1878, the “Northern Union of Russian Workers” arose in St. Petersburg - about 200 members and the same number of sympathizers. The leaders are Obnorsky and Khalturin. The illegal program “Towards Russian Workers” put forward demands for a political struggle against the “existing political and economic system”, the abolition of class, the introduction of compulsory and free education, limitation of working hours, prohibitions child labor, ensuring freedom of speech, press, and assembly. The Northern Union tried to publish an illegal newspaper (the first and only issue of Rabochaya Zarya). In 1879 it ceased to exist. Obnorsky was arrested, Khalturin joined the “People's Will”, which took up terrorism.
Labor movement in the 80s. intensified even more. From 1880 to 1884 there were 101 strikes (99 thousand workers), in 1885 - 1889. - 221 strikes (223 thousand workers). Traffic centers - St. Petersburg and Central industrial areas, but workers from other regions and national outskirts also became involved.
The events at Morozov's factory in Orekhovo-Zuevo (January 1885) are widely known. There was a sophisticated system of fines, and the wages of workers in 1882-1884. decreased 5 times. When it was reduced again (by 25%), a strike began. After the destruction of the factory store and administration apartments, the strike became organized through the efforts of the leaders (Moiseenko, Volkov). Among the demands, especially important was state control over wages and conditions of employment. Armed massacre followed. The court acquitted 33 workers after revelations of horrendous oppression.
The wide scope of the strike movement in Russia forced the government in the 80-90s. issue a number of laws regulating the working conditions of women and children, the collection of fines (to be used for the needs of workers), the payment of wages and dismissals; factory inspection introduced.
The Marxist movement took shape from the moment of the creation of G.V. Plekhanov of the “Emancipation of Labor” group (1883), which began to promote and disseminate Marxism and develop program provisions for Russian Social Democracy. In the 80s - 90s. Social-Democratic circles and groups are emerging in different cities of Russia, and Marxist positions are captivating the socialist-oriented intelligentsia. The spread of Marxism in Russia was a consequence of the process of modernization of the country, the establishment in the consciousness intellectual elite society needs to follow the Western European model of historical development.
The spread of Marxism reflected the process of Europeanization of Russian social thought. Among the supporters of Marxism during this period were representatives of the establishing social democracy, and future liberals - “legal Marxists”, who later broke with social democracy. However, they perceived Marxism differently. If the former absolutized the revolutionary-political side of Marxism, adopted the idea of an inevitable socialist revolution and the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat, then the latter were carried away by the philosophy of economic materialism, the reformist side of Marxism.
The establishment of militant Marxism in Russia, which was started by G.V. Plekhanov, continued V.I. Lenin. Having become a Marxist, recognizing the thesis about the working class as the main transformative force of society, V.I. Lenin played a huge role in the spread of Marxism, in its connection with the labor movement, in the creation of Russian social democracy. As a result of his purposeful work to unite disparate social-democratic circles and groups, the Russian Social-Democratic workers' party- RSDLP. This party saw its immediate goal in the overthrow of tsarism and the establishment democratic republic; the final goal is to establish the dictatorship of the proletariat and build a socialist society.
Story. General history. Grade 10. Basic and advanced levels Volobuev Oleg Vladimirovich
§ 20 – 21. Revolutions and reforms in the 19th century
July Revolution of 1830 in France. The strongest blow to the Holy Alliance was dealt by the new revolution in France. It seemed that the restoration of the royal Bourbon dynasty in 1815 was supposed to eliminate the revolutionary threat forever. But this did not happen. Supporters of liberalism gained increasing influence in France. The policy pursued by the Bourbons also brought the revolution closer. Reactionary circles intensified significantly in 1824, after the death of King Louis XVIII and the accession to the throne of his brother Charles X (reigned 1824 - 1830). The policy of the new monarch, aimed at satisfying the interests of the “old” aristocracy, caused discontent among wide sections of French society. This led to the fact that the ideas of freedom found supporters among not only Republicans, but also the bourgeoisie and workers.
King of France Louis Philippe. Engraving.1 841
In July 1830, Charles X dissolved the legislative chamber and effectively abolished the French Constitution. These actions provoked the beginning of the revolution, called the July Revolution. As a result of a popular uprising, the Bourbons were overthrown, and a representative of a side branch of the royal house, Louis Philippe I of Orléans (ruled 1830 - 1848), was elevated to the throne. The new ruler was called the “king of the bankers”, as he sought to act in the interests of finance capital.
Immediately after the revolution in France, a revolution broke out in Belgium and an uprising in Poland. The July Revolution pitted France against the Holy Alliance, exacerbating the crisis that had been developing within it for many years. In 1833, the Holy Alliance ceased to exist. Europe has entered a period of new revolutions.
Revolution of the mid-19th century. in France. The industrial revolution unfolding in Europe led to the formation of a society in which there was no longer room for the old feudal aristocracy. The economic crisis that struck Europe in the middle of the century led to an increase in unemployment and a deterioration in the lives of the broad masses. The situation was aggravated by the failure of the potato harvest (the disease destroyed the crops of this crop), which was called “the bread of the poor.” Absolutist regimes were unable to control the state of affairs not only in Europe as a whole, but also in their own countries.
The revolution of 1830 became an intermediate act of the revolutionary drama. Almost the entire society was dissatisfied with the “kingdom of bankers” in France. Influential forces were in opposition to the July Monarchy: Bonapartists (supporters of Napoleon I’s nephew Louis Bonaparte), legitimists (who sought to restore the Bourbon dynasty) and republicans openly opposed Louis Philippe.
France was shocked by two uprisings of weavers in Lyon (1831, 1834), which were brutally suppressed by the authorities. In February 1848, an uprising broke out in Paris. Barricades were erected on the streets, and there were fierce firefights between the defenders of the monarchy and the rebels. King Louis Philippe lost power, and France was again proclaimed a republic.
The lower classes of French society were carried away by the idea of a “democratic and social republic,” which was associated with prosperity and justice. One of the main demands of the workers who received representation in the Provisional Government was the right to work. The Republican government had to make concessions to the workers who were holding weapons. It declared obligations to “guarantee the worker his existence through labor”, “to ensure work for all citizens”, and recognized the right to create workers’ associations.
A real step towards making the lives of workers easier was the organization of national workshops where the unemployed could get work. By the summer of 1848, more than 100 thousand people were already working in such workshops. To pay for their labor, the government had to increase taxes, the burden of which fell on the shoulders of the peasantry. The demands of the workers, which were socialist in nature, aroused opposition from the bourgeoisie, which also considered this revolution “theirs.”
In the elections to the Constituent Assembly, which were held on the basis of universal male suffrage, moderate republicans and monarchists received the majority of votes. Deputies refused to pursue a policy of concessions to workers, whose demands increasingly remained unanswered. The national workshops, which had become too burdensome for the state, were abolished. This led to a new armed uprising of the workers of Paris. In June 1848, real battles broke out in the city with the use of artillery. The workers suffered a complete defeat. Not only the bourgeoisie, but also other owners (including the peasantry) opposed them.
Fear of unrest and possible redistribution of property again raised the question of the need to establish a strong government in the country. Louis Napoleon Bonaparte, who received the support of the peasantry and bourgeoisie, claimed the role of pacifier of revolutionary passions. Having won the first presidential election, Louis Bonaparte in 1851 committed coup d'etat, and in 1852 declared himself Emperor Napoleon III (reigned 1852 - 1870). The Second Empire was established in France.
This time is a period of rapid industrial development in France, when the bourgeoisie received significant privileges in the economic field. Parliament under the emperor did not play a significant role in the life of the country.
Napoleon III carried out an aggressive foreign policy, declaring himself a supporter of national movements, he at the same time supported the Pope, who prevented national association Italy. In 1870, he started a war with Prussia, which ended in the complete defeat of France, the capture of the emperor and a new revolution that finally established the republican system in the country.
French Emperor Napoleon III. Engraving. XIX century
Revolutionary and national liberation movement in European countries. The revolution of 1848 in France echoed in many European countries. The revolutionary movement for the first time acquired a pan-European character. In Italy, Germany, and the countries of Central Europe, the movement for national liberation and unification grew. A feature of the European revolutions of the mid-19th century. There was an interweaving of political and national demands, often closely related to each other: political freedom could not be imagined without freedom for all peoples.
Each of the states swept by the revolution had its own historical characteristics, and therefore, different ways of solving the problems they faced were necessary.
In Germany, the issue of overcoming political fragmentation, which was preventing the unity of the German nation, was acute. Created by decision of the Congress of Vienna, the German Confederation included 34 monarchies and 4 free cities. The largest states of the union were Prussia and Austria. The policies of the dynasties that ruled in these countries expressed the interests of the landowning aristocracy. IN agriculture Seigneurial relations dominated the eastern lands of Germany. Industry was poorly developed, since customs barriers between states hampered the development of a national market.
The revolution in Germany was led by liberals closely associated with industrial circles. They demanded the introduction of a constitution, limiting the power of monarchs and unifying the country. Revolutionary events began in the states of southwestern Germany bordering France, and then spread to Prussia. The Prussian king was forced to agree to the convening of a Constituent Assembly, which was tasked with developing a constitution. The assembly did not last long and was dissolved without fulfilling its functions. However, the constitution was still “granted” by the king. According to its provisions, significant power remained in the hands of the monarch. In parliamentary elections, the propertied classes received priority. Democratic freedoms were limited.
Barricades in Berlin. Drawing.XIX century
However, the revolution did not solve the problem of unifying the country. The all-German parliament, convened in 1848 in Frankfurt am Main, adopted the constitution of a united Germany, but acute contradictions between Prussia and Austria did not allow it to be put into effect. Germany continued to remain fragmented, and national idea Germans – unrealized.
H. Angeli. Austrian Emperor Franz Joseph I
The revolution in the Austrian Empire also ended in failure. The residents of Vienna, who rebelled in 1848, obtained from Emperor Ferdinand I (reigned 1835 - 1848) a promise to grant a constitution, as well as the resignation of the hated minister Clemens von Metternich (1773 - 1859). However, the army brutally suppressed the revolutionary uprising. The young Emperor Franz Joseph (reigned 1848–1916) who took the throne abandoned the promises made by his predecessor.
The Austrian Empire united a variety of peoples under the rule of the Habsburg dynasty. A significant part of the population, along with the Austrians, were Hungarians and Slavic peoples (Czechs, Poles, Croats, Slovenes). The Habsburgs also owned lands inhabited by Italians (Lombardy and Venice). The peoples living on the territory of the “patchwork empire” were subject to national oppression and had no self-government. Therefore, if in Germany the task of the national movement was to unite the Germans in single state, then the goal of the peoples who made up the majority of the population of the Austrian Empire was to create their own states.
In Hungary, the entire people rose up to fight for independence. The national army defeated the imperial troops, and in 1849 Hungary declared its independence. Russian Emperor Nicholas I came to the aid of Franz Joseph, who, according to the traditions of the Holy Alliance policy, sent troops to save the Austrian monarchy. Austrian and Russian troops defeated the Hungarian rebel army. The revolution in Hungary was suppressed. One of the reasons for the failure of the Hungarians was their desire to recreate a great Hungary, which would include the lands of the Croats, Slovaks and Romanians. But these peoples found themselves on the side of the opponents of the revolution.
During the Hungarian Revolution of 1848, Lajos Koshut calls for volunteers to join the army. Drawing. XIX century
In Italy, during the Napoleonic Wars and in subsequent years, the population of all regions began to perceive themselves as belonging to a single nation. But the country remained divided into several large and a number of small states. In 1848, the desire for national unity, political freedom, as well as hatred of foreign rulers caused massive revolutionary uprisings in Lombardy, Venice, the Papal States and Sicily. The Pope was deprived of power, and a republic was proclaimed in Rome. In northern Italy, the liberation movement led to a war with Austria, waged by Italian states, the most significant of which was the Kingdom of Sardinia. The discord among the Italians was the reason for their defeat. As a result, the Austrians retained their possessions in Italy. In 1849, Austrian and French troops suppressed the Roman Republic, the defense of which was led by the Italian national hero Giuseppe Garibaldi (1807 - 1882). That same year, the Venetian Republic fell. The revolutionary movement in Italy was defeated.
The revolutionary forces failed to fully achieve their goals in any country. Monarchies either survived or, as in France, were restored. But the defeat of the revolutions did not mean the return of the old order. After 1848, Europe changed radically. In most states, constitutions were introduced that recognized the political rights of citizens, and seigneurial vestiges were eliminated. The bourgeoisie began to play an increasingly important role in politics and economics. Defending economic and political freedoms, she sought to establish stable regimes. The main opponent of the emerging bourgeois order was the working class, which experienced the negative social consequences of the industrial revolution.
Reforms in Great Britain. The only major European state that escaped revolutionary upheavals was Great Britain. "Workshop of the World", the most industrial developed country, it had special traditions of political culture. The ruling circles of Britain preferred to decide social problems through compromise, without resorting to violence.
The Industrial Revolution brought to the fore new layers of society - the industrial bourgeoisie and proletariat, thanks to which the country has achieved impressive economic success. However, political power still belonged to the big bourgeoisie and landowners, represented in parliament by the Tory party. There was widespread sentiment in society in support of a reform that would expand voting rights for residents of industrial areas.
Giuseppe Garibaldi. Engraving. XIX century
The first reform, according to which the right to vote was given to a small circle of people belonging mainly to the industrial bourgeoisie, was carried out in 1832. The transformations did not affect the majority of the country's population, and the struggle for more radical changes continued. It was carried out peacefully - through holding rallies and filing petitions.
In 1838, English workers outlined their demands in the National Charter. The document provided for the introduction of universal suffrage and the opportunity for workers' representatives to engage in parliamentary activities. Grand rallies and demonstrations were held in support of the charter, and signatures were collected. Chartist movement ( English.“charter”, from gr. "paper"), which lasted until the 50s. XIX century, throughout its history did not go beyond the limits of legality. The few radicals who advocated the use of violence to achieve their goals did not find support among the workers.
The British authorities rejected the Chartists' demands. The main provisions of the National Charter were implemented in the second half of the 19th century. Liberal and Conservative governments. As a result of parliamentary reforms of 1867 and 1884. the circle of people who had the right to vote was significantly expanded. Real power in the country belonged to the House of Commons, elected by the population - the lower house of parliament - and the government formed by it. The House of Lords remained the stronghold of the aristocracy. In Great Britain, the rights of citizens to freedom of speech, press, assembly, etc. were established. However, the big bourgeoisie and landowning nobility continued to exert significant influence on government policy.
Big Ben and the Houses of Parliament in London. Photo. XX century.
In the second half of the 19th century. In Great Britain, strong trade unions (trade unions) emerged, which played important role not only economically, but also political life countries. Thanks to their activities, a number of laws regulating labor Relations: the length of the working day was legally limited, and the right of workers to strike was recognized. The government took measures to develop education and health care. The reason for the successful implementation of reforms is the deeply rooted traditions of civil society and law in the British Isles.
But the behavior of the British in Ireland, the first British colony, was little consistent with the principles of the rule of law that they defended in their country. The desire of the Irish people for self-determination and the creation nation state met with stubborn resistance from the authorities. The Irish struggle for independence was accompanied by armed clashes, leading to numerous casualties.
The fight against slavery in the USA. In the 19th century, the United States of America became one of the most dynamic developing countries peace. Fast industrial development The capitalist North required a significant number of workers, so people came here from Europe who dreamed of finding an application for their strengths and talents. Successful economic development In the United States, the formation of an industrial society was hampered by the persistence of slavery in the southern states. There were cotton plantations here, where black slaves worked, making up a significant part of the population of the South.
Despite the fact that the plantation economy was based on forced slave labor, from the end of the 18th century. it was on the rise. This was a consequence of the industrial revolution in Europe. The rapid development of the English textile industry required more and more cotton, which India alone could no longer supply.
Growing and ginning cotton proved to be very profitable business, therefore, slave farms began to be created in places where they had not existed before - on the free lands of the Western United States. Rich planters with numerous slaves (in the early 1860s there were about 4 million people in the United States) posed a real threat to farmers who were developing the fertile plains of the West at the same time. Conflict between the economic systems of the slave-owning South and the capitalist North was inevitable.
In the middle of the 19th century. slavery became the most important problem in the political struggle in the USA. Slavery contradicted the basic principles of civil society and the rule of law, the equality of all people, enshrined in the American Constitution. Owning people was morally frowned upon by society.
For a long time, power in the United States was dominated primarily by representatives of the planters and circles close to them of the big bourgeoisie, whose interests were expressed by the Democratic Party. Opponents of slavery united in the Republican Party, created in 1854. Her program did not contain a demand for a direct ban on slavery, but the Republicans advocated limiting its spread to new territories. The implementation of this requirement would have caused the inevitable collapse of slave-holding farms, which needed a constant expansion of acreage.
Farmers and townspeople of the North sympathized with the Republican Party. Thanks to their support, the candidate from the Republican Party, Abraham Lincoln (1809 - 1865), was elected President of the United States in 1860. Slave owners in the South perceived this event as a threat to their interests. In early 1861, the southern states seceded from the federal American state and created the Confederate States of America (Confederacy). These events led to Civil War North and South (1861 – 1865).
Abraham Lincoln. Photo
The industrial North had a significant advantage in human resources, since only a third of the US population lived in the South (and about half of the southerners were black slaves), and overwhelming economic superiority. However, the Confederate troops turned out to be better prepared for combat (many American army officers were from the South), so the struggle proceeded with varying degrees of success and became protracted.
Surrender of the commander of the armies of the South, General Robert E. Lee (April 1865). Drawing. XIX century
In 1862, the Homestead Act was adopted, according to which any American had the right to receive a free plot of land (160 acres) in a sparsely populated area for a farm. The implementation of this law led to the victory of the farmer way of life in US agriculture and contributed to the settlement and development of the West. The following year, the president signed a proclamation abolishing slavery and conscripting former slaves into the Northern army.
These actions provided the Lincoln government with the support of broad sections of the population and led to a turning point in the Civil War: in 1863, the northerners managed to inflict a serious defeat on the Confederate troops at Gettysburg, and in 1865, the troops of General Ulysses Grant (1822 - 1885) ) entered the capital of the southerners, Rich?mond.
The bloodiest war in US history ended in defeat for the slave owners. The socio-economic and political transformations in the South that followed the war led to the strengthening of the democratic foundations of American society. Former black slaves received civil rights. Nevertheless, the black population of America continued to remain poor and oppressed. The former slave-owning planters retained ownership of all the land and continued to influence the political life of the southern states, so racial segregation and discrimination persisted here for a long time. Despite this, capitalist elements became predominant in the economy of the South, and America received a powerful incentive for the development of an industrial society.
In most Western countries in the second half of the 19th century. the principles of constitutionalism and democracy began to be established. This process was difficult, painful, often through violence and revolution. Only Great Britain managed to carry out reforms without shocks.
Questions and tasks
1. What principles were used as the basis for the reorganization of Europe at the Congress of Vienna? Why did European monarchs fail to achieve their goals?
2. What ideas did the participants in European revolutions defend and what demands did they put forward? To what extent have they been implemented?
3. Describe the political changes that occurred in Europe in the second half of the 19th century.
4. Make a table and compare the results of the revolutions in France, Germany, the Austrian Empire and Italy.
5. Why did Great Britain manage to avoid revolutionary upheavals? Evaluate your classmates' answers.
6. Why, in your opinion, did the victory of the North in the American Civil War stimulate the industrial development of the country?
7. Representatives of the bourgeoisie during the revolution of 1848 in France made the following accusations against workers:
“The provisional government tried to give you the right to work. But with all the fullness of his power, he only succeeded in sending 120 or 130 thousand slackers to earthworks, which they did not even think about doing, but for which they were well paid. If they did not work, it was not because they considered this work almost useless, but because they claimed that the state was obliged to feed them for nothing. ...And the unfortunate peasant paid a tax of 45 centimes to pay for such excellent workers.
...The extreme poverty that is striking in cities, especially large ones, is caused mainly by the incorrect, immoral way of life of the workers. If the latter were guided by a spirit of prudence and sincere feelings for their family, they would rarely fall into need.”
Do you think these accusations are fair? Justify your opinion.
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There will be no Third Millennium from the book. Russian history of playing with humanity author Pavlovsky Gleb Olegovich21. The era of Golgotha and the Great French Revolution. Thermidor as a human attempt to stop himself by means of revolution - Historical man, in general, is always ready to restart himself. The chain of events in which it is embedded and the inheritances to which it is subordinate stimulates
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author Commission of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks From the book A Short Course in the History of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) author Commission of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks From the book Essays on the history of political institutions in Russia author Kovalevsky Maxim MaksimovichChapter IX Reforms of Alexander II. - Reforms - judicial, military, university and press. - Political liberties of a Russian subject The transformation of the entire judicial system of Russia is usually celebrated as the third of the great reforms carried out during the reign of Alexander
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From the book India. History, culture, philosophy by Wolpert StanleyOne of the most significant historical events In the mid-19th century, the so-called Chartist movement emerged in Great Britain. This was a kind of first consolidation of the efforts of workers in the country to defend their rights. The scope of this political action of the proletarians had no precedent in British history. Let's find out the reasons for the emergence of Chartism, follow its progress, and also establish why the Chartist movement failed.
Background
Until the second quarter of the 19th century, the bourgeoisie remained the main revolutionary force in Great Britain. Ultimately, having achieved parliamentary reform in 1832, which led to a significant expansion of its representation in the House of Commons, the bourgeoisie effectively became one of the ruling classes. The workers also welcomed the reform, since it was partly in their interests, but, as it turned out, it did not fully justify the hopes of the proletarians.
Gradually the proletariat became the main revolutionary and reform force in Great Britain.
Reasons for movement
As can be understood from the above, the reasons for the Chartist movement lay in the dissatisfaction of the workers with their political situation in the country, in the restriction of their right to choose representatives to parliament. The economic crises of 1825 and 1836 added fuel to the fire, especially the latter, which was a kind of trigger for the start of the movement. The consequence of these crises was a decline in living standards and mass unemployment among the proletariat. The situation was particularly dire in west Lancashire. All this could not but cause displeasure among the workers, who wanted to have more instruments of influence through parliament on the country’s economy.
In addition, in 1834, Parliament adopted the so-called Poor Law, which tightened the situation of workers. Formally, the beginning of the Chartist movement was associated with protests against this law. However, later more fundamental goals came to the fore.
Thus, the causes of the Chartist movement were complex, combining political and economic factors.
Beginning of the Chartist movement
The beginning of the Chartist movement, as mentioned above, is attributed by most historians to 1836, although exact date cannot be determined. In connection with the onset of another economic crisis, mass rallies and protests by workers began, sometimes numbering hundreds of thousands of people. The emergence of the Chartist movement was initially more likely to be spontaneous and based on the protest sentiments of the representatives, rather than being an organized single force clearly setting a single goal. As mentioned above, initially the activists of the movement put forward demands for the abolition of the poor law, therefore, after each meeting, a huge number of petitions were submitted to parliament to repeal this legislative act.
Meanwhile, disparate groups of protesters began to unite among themselves and become larger. For example, in 1836, the London Working Men's Association arose in London, which united a number of smaller organizations of the proletariat. It was this association that in the future became the main political force of the Chartist movement in Great Britain. It was the first to develop its own program of demands on parliament, consisting of six points.
Chartist movements
It must be said that almost from the very beginning of the protests, two main wings emerged in the movement: right and left. The right wing advocated an alliance with the bourgeoisie and adhered mainly to political methods of struggle. Left wing was more radical. It had a sharply negative attitude towards a possible alliance with the bourgeoisie, and was also of the opinion that the goals set could only be achieved by force.
As you can see, the methods of struggle of the Chartist movement were quite different, depending on its specific movement. This in the future was one of the reasons for the defeat.
Right wing leaders
The Chartist movement was marked by a number of prominent leaders. The right wing was led by William Lovett and Thomas Attwood.
William Lovett was born in 1800 near London. When he was young, he moved to the capital. At first he was a simple carpenter, then became president of the Carpenters' Society. He was strongly influenced by the ideas of Robert Owen, a utopian socialist of the first half of the 19th century. Since 1831, Lovett began to participate in various labor protest movements. In 1836 he was one of the founders of the London Workers' Association, which became the main backbone of the Chartist movement. As a representative of the so-called labor aristocracy, William Lovett advocated an alliance with the bourgeoisie and for political decision the issue of guaranteeing workers' rights.
Thomas Attwood was born in 1783. Famous banker and economist. From a young age he was actively involved in the political life of the city of Birmingham. In 1830 he stood at the origins of the Birmingham party political union, which was supposed to represent the interests of the population of this city. Attwood was one of the most active supporters of the political reform 1932. After her, he was elected to parliament, where he was considered one of the most radical deputies. He sympathized with the moderate wing of the Chartists and even took an active part in the movement, but then moved away from it.
Left wing leaders
Among the leaders of the left wing of the Chartists, Fergus O'Connor, James O'Brien, as well as the priest Stephens enjoyed special authority.
Fergus O'Connor was born in 1796 in Ireland. He was educated as a lawyer and actively practiced. O’Connor was one of the active participants in the national liberation movement in Ireland, which unfolded in the 20s of the 19th century. But then he was forced to move to England, where he began publishing the newspaper Severnaya Zvezda. As soon as the Chartist movement began, he became the leader of its left wing. Fergus O'Connor was an adherent of revolutionary methods of struggle.
James O'Brien was also a native of Ireland, born in 1805. He became a famous journalist using the pseudonym Bronter. He acted as an editor in a number of publications that supported the Chartists. James O'Brien, in his articles, tried to give the movement an ideological justification. Initially he defended revolutionary methods of struggle, but later became a supporter of peaceful reforms.
Thus, the leaders of the Chartist movement did not have a common position on methods of fighting for workers' rights.
Submitting a petition
In 1838, a common petition of protesters was developed, which was called the People's Charter. This is where the name of the movement that supported this charter came from - Chartism. The main provisions of the petition were enshrined in six points:
- provision to all men over 21 years of age;
- abolition of the property qualification for the right to be elected to parliament;
- secrecy of voting;
- identical electoral districts;
- material remuneration for parliamentarians for performing legislative functions;
- one-year election period.
As we can see, the petition did not identify all the main tasks of the Chartist movement, but only those that related to elections to the House of Commons.
In July 1839, the petition was presented to Parliament with over 1.2 million signatures.
Further progress of the movement
In parliament, the charter was rejected by an overwhelming number of votes.
Three days later, a rally in support of the petition was organized in Birmingham, which ended in a clash with the police. The clashes resulted in many casualties on both sides, as well as a large-scale fire in the city. The Chartist movement began to take on a violent character.
Armed clashes began in other cities in England, for example in Newport. The movement was dispersed at the end of 1839, many of its leaders received prison sentences, and Chartism itself died down for a while.
But this was only a temporary phenomenon, since the root causes of Chartism themselves were not eliminated, and the results of the Chartist movement at this stage did not suit the proletariat.
Already in the summer of 1840, the Central Chartist Organization was founded in Manchester. The moderate wing of the movement won. It was decided to achieve their goals using exclusively peaceful methods. But soon, the radical wing again began to regain its previous positions, since constitutional methods did not give the desired result.
The following charters
In 1842 a new charter was submitted to Parliament. In essence, the requirements in it did not change, but were presented in a much harsher form. This time the collected signatures were more than two and a half times larger - 3.3 million. And again the results of the Chartist movement could not please its participants, since this new petition was rejected by a significant majority of members of parliament. After this, just like last time, a wave of violence broke out, but on a smaller scale. Arrests followed again, but due to a violation of the procedure, almost all of the detainees were released.
After a significant break, in 1848, a new wave of the Chartist movement arose, provoked by another industrial crisis. For the third time, a petition was submitted to parliament, this time with 5 million signatures. True, this fact raises great doubts, because among the signatories were quite famous personalities who simply could not sign this petition, for example, Queen Victoria and the Apostle Paul. After this was revealed, the charter was not even accepted by parliament for consideration.
Causes of movement impairment
Subsequently, Chartism was never resumed. This was his defeat. But why did the Chartist movement fail? First of all, this was due to the fact that its representatives did not clearly understand their ultimate goal. In addition, the Chartist leaders saw the methods of struggle differently: some called for the use of only political methods, while others believed that the goal of the Chartist movement could only be achieved through revolutionary means.
A significant role in the attenuation of the movement was played by the fact that after 1848 the British economy began to stabilize and the standard of living of the population to grow, which in turn lowered the level of social tension in society.
Consequences
At the same time, it cannot be said that the results of the Chartist movement were absolutely negative. There were also significant progressive moments that can be seen as parliamentary concessions to Chartism.
Thus, in 1842, an income tax was introduced. Now citizens were taxed according to their income, and therefore their capabilities.
In 1846, grain duties, which made bread much more expensive, were abolished. Their removal made it possible to reduce the price of bakery products and, accordingly, reduce the expenses of the poor.
The main achievement of the movement is considered to be the legislative reduction in 1847 of the working day for women and children to ten hours a day.
After this, the labor movement froze for a long time, but was revived again in the late 60s of the 19th century in the form of trade unions (trade union movement).
Reasons for the rise of the social movement. The main thing is the preservation of the old socio-political system and, first of all, the autocratic system with its police apparatus, the privileged position of the nobility, and the lack of democratic freedoms. Another is the unresolved agrarian-peasant issue. The half-hearted reforms of the 60-70s and fluctuations in government policy also intensified the social movement.
A distinctive feature of the social life of Russia in the second half of the 19th century. there was a lack of powerful anti-government protests by the broad masses. The peasant unrest that broke out after 1861 quickly faded away, and the labor movement was in its infancy.
In the post-reform period, three directions in the social movement finally took shape - conservatives, liberals and radicals. They had different political goals, organizational forms and methods of struggle.
Conservatives. Conservatism of the second half of the 19th century. remained within the ideological framework of the theory of “official nationality”. Autocracy was still declared the most important pillar of the state. Orthodoxy was proclaimed as the basis of the spiritual life of the people and was actively inculcated. Nationality meant the unity of the king with the people, which implied the absence of grounds for social conflicts. In this, conservatives saw the uniqueness of Russia's historical path.
The ideologists of the conservatives were K. P. Pobedonostsev, D. A. Tolstoy, M. N. Katkov.
Liberals. They defended the idea of a common path of historical development for Russia with Western Europe.
In the domestic political sphere, liberals insisted on the introduction of constitutional principles, democratic freedoms and the continuation of reforms. They advocated the creation of an all-Russian elected body (Zemsky Sobor) and the expansion of the rights and functions of local self-government bodies (Zemstvos). Their political ideal was a constitutional monarchy. In the socio-economic sphere, they welcomed the development of capitalism and freedom of enterprise.
They considered reforms the main method of socio-political modernization of Russia. They were ready to cooperate with the autocracy. Therefore, their activities mainly consisted of submitting “addresses” to the tsar - petitions proposing a program of reforms. The ideologists of the liberals were scientists, publicists, and zemstvo officials (K.D. Kavelin, B.N. Chicherin. The liberals did not create a stable and organized opposition to the government.
Features of Russian liberalism: its noble character due to the political weakness of the bourgeoisie and its readiness to be close to conservatives. They were united by the fear of popular “revolt.”
Radicals. Representatives of this trend launched active anti-government activities. Unlike conservatives and liberals, they sought violent methods of transforming Russia and a radical reorganization of society (the revolutionary path).
"Sixties". The rise of the peasant movement in 1861-862. was the people's response to the injustice of the February 19 reform. This galvanized radicals who hoped for a peasant uprising.
In the 60s, two centers of radical trends emerged, one around the editorial office of “The Bell,” published by A. I. Herzen in London. He promoted his theory of “communal socialism” and sharply criticized the predatory conditions for the liberation of peasants. The second center arose in Russia around the editorial office of the Sovremennik magazine. Its ideologist was N.G. Chernyshevsky, the idol of the common youth of that time. He also criticized the government for the essence of the reform, dreamed of socialism, but unlike A.I. Herzen, he saw the need for Russia to use the experience of the European development model.
"Land and Freedom" (1861-1864). The landowners considered N.P. Ogarev’s article “What do the people need?”, published in June 1861 in Kolokol, to be their program document. The main demands were the transfer of land to peasants, the development of local self-government and preparation for future active actions to transform the country. “Land and Freedom” was the first major revolutionary democratic organization. It included several hundred members from different social strata: officials, officers, writers, students.
The decline of the peasant movement, the strengthening of the police regime - all this led to their self-dissolution or defeat. Some members of the organizations were arrested, others emigrated. The government managed to repel the onslaught of radicals in the first half of the 60s.
There were two trends among the populists: revolutionary and liberal. Revolutionary populists. Their ideas - The future of the country lies in communal socialism. Their ideologists - M.A. Bakunin, P.L. Lavrov and P.N. Tkachev - developed the theoretical foundations of three trends of revolutionary populism - rebellious (anarchist), propaganda and conspiratorial.
M.A. Bakunin believed that the Russian peasant is by nature a rebel and ready for revolution. The task is to go to the people and incite an all-Russian revolt. Viewing the state as an instrument of injustice and oppression, he called for its destruction. This idea became the basis of the theory of anarchism.
P.L. Lavrov did not consider the people ready for revolution. Therefore, he paid most attention to propaganda with the aim of preparing the peasantry.
P. N. Tkachev, like P. L. Lavrov, did not consider the peasant ready for revolution. At the same time, he called the Russian people “communists by instinct,” who do not need to be taught socialism. |In his opinion, a narrow group of conspirators (professional revolutionaries), having seized state power, will quickly involve the people in socialist reconstruction.
In 1874, relying on the ideas of M.A. Bakunin, more than 1,000 young revolutionaries undertook a massive “walk among the people,” hoping to rouse the peasants to revolt. The results were insignificant. The populists were faced with tsarist illusions and the possessive psychology of the peasants. The movement was crushed, the agitators were arrested.
"Land and Freedom" (1876-1879). In 1876, the surviving participants in the “walking among the people” formed a new secret organization, which in 1878 took the name “Land and Freedom.” Its program provided for the implementation of a socialist revolution by overthrowing the autocracy, transferring all land to the peasants and introducing “secular self-government” in the countryside and cities. The organization was headed by G.V. Plekhanov, A.D. Mikhailov, S.M. Kravchinskiy, I.N. A. Morozov, V. N. Figner and others.
Some populists again returned to the idea of the need for a terrorist struggle. They were prompted to do this by both government repression and a thirst for activism. Disputes over tactical and programmatic issues led to a split in Land and Freedom.
"Black redistribution". In 1879, part of the landowners (G.V. Plekhanov, V.I. Zasulich, L.G. Deich, P.B. Axelrod) formed the organization “Black Redistribution” (1879-1881). They remained faithful to the basic program principles of “Land and Freedom” and agitation and propaganda methods of activity.
"People's Will". In the same year, another part of the Zemlya Volya members created the organization “People's Will” (1879-1881). It was headed
A. I. Zhelyabov, A. D. Mikhailov, S. L. Perovskaya, N. A. Morozov,
V. N. Figner and others. They were members of the Executive Committee - the center and main headquarters of the organization.
The Narodnaya Volya program reflected their disappointment in the revolutionary potential of the peasant masses. They believed that the people were suppressed and reduced to a slave state by the tsarist government. Therefore, they considered their main task to be the fight against the state. The program demands of the Narodnaya Volya included: preparation of a political coup and the overthrow of the autocracy; convening the Constituent Assembly and establishing a democratic system in the country; destruction of private property, transfer of land to peasants, factories to workers.
The Narodnaya Volya carried out a number of terrorist actions against representatives of the tsarist administration, but considered their main goal to be the murder of the tsar. They assumed that this would cause a political crisis in the country and a nationwide uprising. However, in response to the terror, the government intensified repression. Most of the Narodnaya Volya members were arrested. S. L. Perovskaya, who remained free, organized an attempt on the tsar’s life. On March 1, 1881, Alexander II was mortally wounded and died a few hours later.
This act did not live up to the expectations of the populists. It once again confirmed the ineffectiveness of terrorist methods of struggle and led to increased reaction and police brutality in the country.
Liberal populists. This direction, sharing the idea of the revolutionary populists about a special, non-capitalist path of development of Russia, differed from them in its rejection of violent methods of struggle. Populist liberals did not play a significant role in the social movement of the 70s. In the 80-90s their influence increased. This was due to the loss of authority of the revolutionary populists in radical circles due to disappointment in the terrorist methods of struggle. Liberal populists expressed the interests of the peasants and demanded the destruction of the remnants of serfdom and the abolition of landownership. They called for reforms to gradually improve the lives of the people. They chose cultural and educational work among the population as the main direction of their activities.
Radicals at 80-90sXIXV. During this period, radical changes occurred in the radical movement. The revolutionary populists lost their role as the main anti-government force. Powerful repression fell upon them, from which they could not recover. Many active participants in the movement of the 70s became disillusioned with the revolutionary potential of the peasantry. In this regard, the radical movement split into two opposing and even hostile camps. The first remained committed to the idea of peasant socialism, the second saw in the proletariat the main force of social progress.
"Liberation of Labor" group. Former active participants in the “Black Redistribution” G.V. Plekhanov, V.I. Zasulich, L.G. Deich and V.N. Ignatov turned to Marxism. In this Western European theory, created by K. Marx and F. Engels in the middle of the 19th century, they were attracted by the idea of achieving socialism through a proletarian revolution.
In 1883, the Liberation of Labor group was formed in Geneva. Its program: a complete break with populism and populist ideology; propaganda of Marxism; fight against autocracy; creation of a workers' party. They considered the most important condition for social progress in Russia to be a bourgeois-democratic revolution, the driving force of which would be the urban bourgeoisie and the proletariat.
The Liberation of Labor group operated abroad and was not connected with the labor movement emerging in Russia.
The ideological and theoretical activities of the Liberation of Labor group abroad and Marxist circles in Russia prepared the ground for the emergence of a Russian political party of the working class.
Workers' organizations. The labor movement in the 70-80s developed spontaneously and unorganized. The workers put forward only economic demands - higher wages, shorter working hours, and the abolition of fines.
The largest event was the strike at the Nikolskaya manufactory of manufacturer T. S. Morozov in Orekhovo-Zuevo in 1885 (Morozov strike). For the first time, workers demanded government intervention in their relations with factory owners.
As a result, a law was issued in 1886 on the procedure for hiring and firing, regulating fines and paying wages.
"Union of Struggle" behind liberation of the working class." In the 90s of the XIX century. There has been an industrial boom in Russia. This contributed to an increase in the size of the working class and the creation of more favorable conditions for his fight. Strikes began among workers employed in various industries:
In 1895 in St. Petersburg, disparate Marxist circles united into new organization- "Union of Struggle for the Liberation of the Working Class." Its creators were V.I. Lenin, L. Martov and others. They tried to take the lead in the strike movement, published leaflets and sent propagandists to workers’ circles to spread Marxism among the proletariat. Under the influence of the “Union of Struggle,” strikes began in St. Petersburg. The strikers demanded to reduce the working day to 10.5 hours. Stubborn struggle forced the government to make concessions: a law was passed to reduce the working day to 11.5 hours. On the other hand, it brought down repression of Marxist and workers' organizations, some of whose members were exiled to Siberia.
In the second half of the 1990s, “legal Marxism” began to spread among the remaining social democrats. P. B. Struve, M. I. Tugan-Baranovsky and others, they advocated a reformist path to transform the country in a democratic direction.
Under the influence of “legal Marxists,” some of the Social Democrats in Russia switched to the position of “economism.” The “economists” saw the main task of the labor movement in improving working and living conditions. They made only economic demands
In general, among Russian Marxists at the end of the 19th century. there was no unity. Some (led by V.I. Ulyanov-Lenin) advocated the creation of a political party that would lead workers to implement a socialist revolution and establish the dictatorship of the proletariat, others, denying the revolutionary path of development, proposed limiting themselves to the struggle for improving the living and working conditions of the working people of Russia .
