What does geopolitical mean? The meaning of the word "geopolitics"

Definition of geopolitics

Today, geopolitics is of increased interest almost everywhere, especially in Eastern Europe. The renaissance of geopolitics does not at all mean a return to old concepts, many of which are associated with rather negative associations. Close attention to Mackinder’s theory, the pre-war concepts of “Middle Europe”, the history of colonial concepts of geopolitics in general, to everything positive that they contained, is combined with the search for new approaches and attempts to build a new theoretical basis for geopolitics. Despite the fact that the term “geopolitics” is often used in political rhetoric, not everyone is aware of the sources, models and codes behind this term. The danger of perceiving geopolitics only as an ideology of spatial expansion is just as great as the danger of ignoring it.

Geopolitics often resorts to explaining both the foreign and domestic policies of states in terms of geographical factors: the nature of borders, endowment of minerals and other natural resources, island or land location, climate, terrain, etc. The key system-forming relationship in geopolitics, even more so than in geography, has long been distance in physical and geographical space. Traditional geopolitics can be considered as the science of the influence of geospace on the political goals and interests of the state. Gradually, geopolitics moved to a more complex understanding of space as an environment that transforms economic, political and other relations between states. With the growth of interdependence in the world, the nature of interstate relations and its interaction with geospace, which was no longer only polarized around centers of power, but increasingly stratified and hierarchically organized, became increasingly important in geopolitical analysis.

The self-determination of geopolitics as a science has its own history. Rudolf Kjellen, the author of the term “geopolitics,” defined it as “the doctrine that considers the state as a geographical organism or spatial phenomenon.” The goal of geopolitics, according to its founders, is to realize the fatal necessity of territorial conquests for the development of states, since “the space of an already divided world can be conquered by one state from another only by force of arms” 1 . The leading German geopolitical journal “Zeitschriftfur Geopolitik” (“Journal of Geopolitics”), founded by Karl Haushofer, gave the following definition, which, by the way, is most often cited in works on geopolitics: “Geopolitics is the science of the relationship between the earth and political processes. It is based on a broad foundation of geography, primarily political geography, which is the science of political organisms in space and their structure. Moreover, geopolitics aims to provide appropriate instructions for political action and give direction. political life generally. Thus, geopolitics becomes an art, namely, the art of guiding practical politics. Geopolitics is the geographical intelligence of the state."

In approximately the same spirit, but with some important additional accents, geopolitics is defined by Otto Maulle. Geopolitics, he believes, has as its subject the state not as a static concept, but as Living being. Geopolitics studies the state mainly in its relation to the environment - to space and aims to solve problems arising from spatial relations. It is not interested, unlike political geography, in the state as a natural phenomenon, that is, its position, size, shape or boundaries as such. She is not interested in the state as a system of economics, trade or culture. From a geopolitical perspective, a simple analysis of the state (physical or cultural), even if it relates to space, remains static. The area of ​​geopolitics, Maull emphasizes, is the spatial needs and requirements of the state, while political geography is mainly interested in the spatial conditions of its existence. Concluding, Maull once again notes the fundamental difference between political geography and geopolitics: the former is satisfied with a static description of the state, which may also include the study of the dynamics of its past development; the second is a discipline that weighs and evaluates a given situation; geopolitics is always focused on the future.

Karl Haushofer defined geopolitics as the doctrine of “the geographical conditionality of politics” 2 . Elsewhere, Haushofer, together with Erich Obeth, Otto Maull and Hermann Lautensach, characterized geopolitics as “the doctrine of the dependence of political events on the earth” 3 . In the memorandum “Geopolitics as a national science of the state”, appeared in connection with the establishment of the Nazi regime in Germany, geopolitics was defined as “the study of the relationship between the land and the state” 4 . The Journal of Geopolitics characterized geopolitics as “the science of political form life in living space in its dependence on the earth and conditionality of historical movement" 5. Together with the publisher of the Journal of Geopolitics, Kurt Vowinkel, Haushofer noted that geopolitics itself is “not a science, but an approach, a path to knowledge” 6 . Somewhat later, Vowinckel wrote an article entitled “ Geopolitics as a science» 7 . Albrecht Haushofer declared the essence of geopolitics to be “the relationship between the space surrounding a person and the political forms of his life” 8.

In the “Dictionary of Philosophical Terms,” geopolitics is characterized as “the doctrine of the dependence of political events on the characteristics of the surface of the earth, space, landscape, and country” 9 . American researcher L. Kristof believes that geopolitics covers an area parallel to and lying between political science and political geography. While recognizing the difficulties of defining geopolitics, Christophe nevertheless takes risks to do so. “Geopolitics,” he believes, “is the study of political phenomena, firstly, in their spatial relationships and, secondly, in their relationship, dependence and influence on the Earth, as well as on all those cultural factors that constitute the subject of human geography ... in its broadest sense. In other words, geopolitics is what the word itself etymologically suggests, that is, geographical politics; not geography, but rather politics, geographically interpreted and analyzed in accordance with its geographical content. As an intermediate science, it does not have an independent field of research. The latter is defined in terms of geography and political science in their interrelation.” Christophe believes that there is no fundamental difference between geopolitics and political geography, either in the field of study itself or in the methods of research. The only real difference between the two, in his opinion, is the emphasis and focus of attention. Political geography, being primarily geography, emphasizes geographical phenomena, providing political interpretation and analysis political aspects. Geopolitics, being primarily politics, on the contrary, concentrates its attention on political phenomena and seeks to provide a geographical interpretation and analysis of the geographical aspects of these phenomena 10 .

Within the framework of geopolitics itself, there are two fairly clearly defined directions:

geopolitics prescriptive, or doctrinal-normative(one can count among it, without fear of being mistaken, the entire German school associated with the name of Haushofer);

geopolitics evaluative-conceptual(typical representatives - Mackinder, Speakman, Cohen).

Of course, it is not always possible to draw a clear line between one and the other, but it still exists, as it exists in more general view between normative and conceptual political science.

In modern political and reference literature, the concept of “geopolitics” is sometimes interpreted so broadly and multifacetedly that it ultimately loses the specific features that make any field of study a scientific discipline. Geopolitics is used to assess the international political positions of states, their place in the system of international relations, and the conditions for their participation in military-political alliances. Great importance is attached to research into a complex of economic, political, military-strategic, environmental, resource and other issues that play a role in important role in maintaining or changing the global and regional balance of power.

Of course, to one degree or another, all of the above aspects are related to geopolitics, but in this case the question cannot help but arise: how does geopolitics differ from general theoretical studies of international relations and foreign policy, which also consider all these issues? The available encyclopedic explanations clarify little in this sense. Encyclopedia Britannica, for example, citing the opinions of authorities, links geopolitics with the use of geography to benefit governments. The most common point of view is this: geopolitics serves to determine national policy, taking into account the factors influencing it from the natural environment. In the American Encyclopedia, geopolitics is considered as a science that studies and analyzes in unity geographical, historical, political and other interacting factors that influence the strategic potential of a state. The Soviet Philosophical Encyclopedic Dictionary (1989) defines geopolitics as a Western political science concept, according to which “the policies of states, especially foreign ones, are mainly predetermined by various geographical factors: spatial location, presence or absence of certain natural resources, climate, population density and growth rate, etc.”

Despite the extreme diversity of topics, approaches, and territorial coverage of geopolitical research, a common core can be identified in them, including an analysis of the relationship between any changes in individual countries and regions (in the structure of the economy and its resource availability, the introduction of new technologies in the economy in general and military production in particular , telecommunications connections, the quantity and quality of the population, its political and ideological cohesion, etc.) and foreign policy and strategic problems. Previously, the “independent variables” of geopolitical analysis included mainly such traditional parameters as geographical location, the availability and limitation of mineral and other natural resources, features of the country’s territory (relief, hydrographic network, distance from the borders of vital centers, etc.) . The importance of these factors has changed, but they have not completely lost their role. Geopolitics as a science directs its main attention to revealing and studying the possibilities of active use by politics of factors of the physical environment and influencing it in the interests of the military, economic and environmental security of the state. The sphere of practical geopolitics includes everything related to the territorial problems of the state, its borders, and the rational use and distribution of resources, including human resources.

Based on the above, geopolitics can be defined as a branch of knowledge that studies the patterns of interaction between politics and the system of non-political factors that shape the geographic environment (nature of location, relief, climate, landscape, minerals, economics, ecology, demography, social stratification, military power). Geopolitics is traditionally divided into fundamental and applied sections; and the latter, sometimes called geostrategy, considers the conditions for accepting optimal political decisions affecting the above factors.

The problem of the scientific nature of geopolitics. Geopolitics in the knowledge system

Theoretically, geopolitics can act in two forms - as a science that understands the natural connections between geographical conditions and politics, and as an ideology, that is, as a means of justifying the achievement, implementation, preservation, strengthening and growth of power. It is necessary to establish practically, firstly, in what form geopolitics really exists, and secondly, whether geopolitics can be a science at all.

As an ideology, geopolitics can use any arguments related to the geographical environment, without any system - just to justify certain political actions as effectively as possible. In this regard, geopolitics constitutes only a specific component of ideology in general - its “geographical” part.

As a science, geopolitics should be free from the need to in any way justify any power in any of its manifestations. The authorities can take advantage of the fruits of geopolitics as a science, turning its conclusions into ideologemes. However, this is far from the only application of geopolitical achievements. Of course, geopolitics can have the most noticeable and significant applied consequences precisely at the level of power, but, like any science, it can be useful to knowledge as such. In this regard, geopolitics can acquire universal educational and research significance.

In a number of its own modifications, geopolitics tries to trace the connection between two completely distant groups of elements - geographical elements and the elements of human subjectivity, expressed in the chaos of political decisions. Both politics and geography themselves are chaotic phenomena: geography includes the interaction of the most diverse forces - geological, cosmic, social, etc., politics is a true expression of the unpredictability and irrationality of human nature, suggesting absolutely unexpected decisions in infinitely diverse political situations. Geopolitics seeks to discover a strict natural connection between these phenomena. Such boldness of the cognitive claims of geopolitics puts it on a par with philosophical disciplines.

If we consider geopolitics as part philosophy of history, then all spheres of historical contingency fall to its share, since it is geography and politics that introduce contingency into the historical process: geography - because its laws are of a completely different nature than the laws of human relations, politics - because it is the ultimate expression of subjective arbitrariness in these relationships. If we consider geopolitics as part philosophy of politics, then, firstly, we should note the most general patterns and the most global problems of politics, as well as the planetary phenomenon in the context of more general problems of human history. Finally, if we consider geopolitics as part philosophy of nature, its specific subject becomes the dependence of nature on the unpredictable activity of man - a natural being, but separated from nature and transforming the very basis of his own life in accordance with the whims of his, often irrational, will.

Discussions of a geopolitical nature about the expansion of borders and the annexation of new lands by peaceful and military means based on a preliminary comparative assessment of the real power of states, about maintaining dominance over newly acquired territories through the creation of colonies, moving capitals there and isolating them from the influence of neighboring countries, about the creation of regional military- strategic alliances are found in the work “The Prince” by the Italian thinker and political figure of the 16th century Piccolo Machiavelli 1 . It is also necessary to point out the classic works on international relations of the Prussian historian and General Karl Clausewitz(XIX century), who emphasized the need for the state to emerge from a dangerous situation from a position of strength. State science also contributed to the formation of geopolitics. At the end of the 19th and beginning of the 20th centuries, when studying the triad of state attributes “territory - population - power”, many state scientists gave priority to the territory 12. The prominent German statesman Georg Jellinek, in particular, believed: “Territory, as an element of the state, has a decisive influence on the entire life process of the state” 13. The cyclical theory of state development has gained wide popularity 14. methodological basis which is the organicist concept of the evolution of society.

The tradition of geopolitical analysis of the international situation is closely connected with the history of the emergence and development of Western political geography. Their formation proceeded in parallel and is associated with the names of the same scientists and politicians. “This... current, which participated in the birth of political geography, is... traditional: it was the result of military thought and is related to strategy,” says the famous French geographer P. Claval 15.

Describing the difference between geopolitics and political geography, one of K. Haushofer’s students and followers, Otto Schaefer, wrote: “Political geography is the science of space. Therefore, political geography is aimed at the past, while geopolitics is aimed at the present. Political geography reveals a picture of how space affects the state and, so to speak, absorbs it. In contrast, geopolitics studies the question of how the state overcomes the conditions and laws of space and forces it to serve its intended goals” 16.

Political geography, as is known, chronologically preceded geopolitics, although its origins are also associated with the era of the Great Geographical Discoveries. It was necessary to systematize a huge amount of data, describe new lands, the nature of political rule, etc. Thus, it was about creating political map peace. In other words, political geography was at that time a kind of “registering” science. When determining the relationship between these two directions, geopoliticians themselves pointed to this feature. In the fundamental work edited by K. Haushofer, “Fundamentals, Essence and Goals of Geopolitics,” it was noted that political geography “was much more satisfied, although it should not have been satisfied, with purely recording work” 17.

In the West, for a long time political geography was seen as just a direction that studies the spatial aspects of political processes, which, in fact, took it out of the sphere of geography. The long series of definitions of this kind also includes many definitions given relatively recently: according to R. Kasperson and J. Mingi 18, political geography is a spatial analysis of political phenomena, K. Cox, J. Reynolds and S. Rokkan - “a placement approach to the study of power and conflict" 19, R. Bennett and P. Taylor - "political studies from a spatial perspective." GeopolitikX. de Blay 20 called the subject of political geography only the spatial aspects of international relations, narrowing it even further. More specific definitions are in which the purpose of political geography is the study of political units, that is, first of all, the state. All these definitions, one way or another, are based on those published in the early 50s. the work of the prominent American geographer R. Hartshorne, who considered the task of political geography to be the study of political units (regions) defined by state or political-administrative boundaries, as well as spatial similarities and differences between such units. Thus, S. Cohen and L. Rosenthal 21, J. Fielding 22 defined political geography as the science of the dynamics and spatial manifestations of the political process, by which they understood actions aimed at establishing and maintaining control over a political unit. N. Pounds 23 pointed out that the subject of political geography is the state from the point of view of its genesis, evolution, provision of resources, and the conditionality of specific geographical forms. Following K. Ritter and A. Göttner, Hartshorne and his followers actually called on their colleagues to study the political differentiation of space, and only de jure differentiation, believing that only legally established political units are objective. Thus, political geography turned into “political chorology”. The rejection of the principle of historicism, and often of the study of cause-and-effect relationships, led political geography to stagnation in theory, and then to decline in general. A number of geographers sought to “geographize” political geography, to find for it an “ecological niche” among the sciences where it could not be replaced. Typical of these geographers is the point of view of J. Prescott, who believed that political geography studies the geographical consequences of political decisions, as well as the geographical factors taken into account when making such decisions 24 . Some formerly group prominent American geographers defined political geography as a science that studies the interaction of geographic areas and the political process 25 .

In general, political geography studies the patterns of formation of political space, that is, a system of spatial conditions that are directly determined by political decisions. As we see, political geography and geopolitics have different directions, although the close connection of these disciplines cannot be denied. This connection is manifested in a certain synchronicity of their development. New trends equally concern both sciences, which manifested itself, in particular, in the almost simultaneous emergence of anthropological and humanistic attitudes in political geography and geopolitics. Thus, R. Hartshorne considered the main task of political geography to be the search for the relationship between “centripetal” and “centrifugal” forces operating in each state and contributing to its integrity and power or disintegration. According to Hartshorne, the political geographer must also identify that “key idea” without which the state would not be able to maintain the loyalty of the majority of citizens. At the same time, geopolitics can be considered a discipline that generalizes the data of political geography.

Geopolitics and existential geography

Existential geography originates from humanistic geography, the principles of which have often been used by geopoliticians in recent decades. Humanistic geography emphasizes the study of aspirations, values ​​and goals social groups and individual people depending on their position in geospace. In political geography, the humanistic direction is reflected in the concept of living, or mastered, space, defined as the sphere of direct experience that precedes a person’s making rational decisions and determines his motivation. Proponents of this approach consider the fundamental category of geopolitics to be a sense of self-identification with a territory, belonging to some socio-territorial community, a “state idea” (here, as we see, there is a return to the classical provisions of Hartshorne in a new round), the historical experience of life in a community and community self-government.

In applied geopolitics, humanistic approaches are used, in particular, when studying border zones and the political past of other territories using the updated concept of “political landscape.” It is understood as a reflection of the current and former political affiliation-territory in the nature of land use, the layout and architecture of buildings, settlements, monuments, and the appearance of streets and squares. Symbolic elements of the political landscape influence the socialization of people and the formation of regionalism 26 .

Although geopolitics deals with space and geographical factors, it cannot be considered a strictly positive natural science. Both in the objectively existing texts of geopolitics and in the ideal tasks of this discipline, we find a desire to identify the spiritual foundations of spatial life and political decisions. Geopolitics, often claiming the status of a pragmatic science, in itself is very far from pure pragmatism: it, willingly or unwillingly, spiritualizes not only the continental and oceanic masses, which in geopolitical theories acquire their own imperative activity and become the direct receptacle of the spirit, but also politics itself, which From prosaic management, solving current problems and satisfying the pride of leaders, it turns into an instrument of planetary struggle that determines the fate of world civilization. In contradiction with this kind of romanticism comes the reductionist pathos of most geopolitical concepts - their authors see a special flight of thought in reducing the causes of the diverse movement of peoples to the nature of their location. Thanks to this contradiction, geopolitics degenerates either into speculation of an occult nature, or into a positivist statistical accounting of the fragmentary dependencies of geography and politics.

A similar fate can escape geopolitics only if its representatives do not ignore the existential factor of their analysis. Geopolitics in its essence and in its original design is an existential science, part of existential geography, which considers the integrity of the existence of human communities from the point of view of the unifying and inspiring meaning underlying these communities, as well as how this meaning is reflected in the nature of their time and space existence.

We cannot know nature and use it without applying our a priori ideas to it. However, when applying these ideas, we inevitably interpret nature as spirit: we interpret the natural connections between things as categorical or hypothetical imperatives (dynamic or statistical laws, respectively), more or less strictly “prescribing” their “behavior” to things.

The spirit determines space both at the level of representation, since the content of the representation of space depends on the content of the spirit, and at the physical level, since the carriers of the spirit physically transform the space of their existence in accordance with this content. If the space constituted by a certain existential idea is invaded by carriers of another existential idea, they are forced to reckon with the inertia of this space, which contains alien imperatives. Even if a certain people inhabits a territory long abandoned by their predecessors, the soil itself, which contains hundreds of years of vital activity, will have an imperceptible and mysterious influence on the lives of the settlers.

Each existential community occupies a certain landscape, a certain geographical environment, not due to the accidents of its movement or the play of natural elements, but due to the fact that the same idea that united this community forces it to create a specific space around itself. And this space, being a creation of the spirit, begins to live its own life, to a certain extent determining not only the fate of its creators, but also the fate of those who come to replace them. The place of life of individual peoples and civilizations continues to live and operate after their death; its invisible centers and boundaries retain their power for bearers of other ideas.

Already this, so to speak, archaeological significance of spaces cannot be ignored by geopolitics, so what can we say about the actual transformations of space, which in this vein are considered as transformations of the very existence of peoples? In order to solve its main task, existential geography traces the placement and movement of existential communities in geographical environment, as well as the specifics of the transformation of this environment by individual existential communities. Existential-geographical analysis is characterized by such concepts as “existential center”, “existential province”, “existential border”. A striking example of the significance of these categories can be the relations between Russia and the West, which have served as the basis for many geopolitical studies.

The West has long been characterized by extreme existential expansiveness. He extended the sphere of his spirit to the whole of Central Europe, successively including the Czech Republic, Poland, Slovakia, Slovenia, Croatia, Lithuania, etc. in his orbit. These countries, not without resistance, sometimes quite stubborn and bloody, became, in fact, existential provinces of the West, since if any people join an already established existential community, and do so not entirely voluntarily, they must listen to those who came to the truths underlying this community first, as a result of an original, absolutely independent search. Therefore, Czechs, Poles, Croats, Lithuanians and others like them should listen to the French, Italians, English, Germans and follow their ideas, tastes, habits, fashion as a model. The same fate was destined for Russia by the West, as exemplified by the Pskov and Novgorod Republics. However, Russia put up much more powerful resistance, for it relied on numerous and formidable allies from the Eurasian steppes. Russia retained its existential identity, but the continuous expansion of the West brought its fruits in the form of a broad movement of Westernism, which gradually gained strength within Russian culture.The cultural victory of Russian Westernism turned into enormous political consequences, the manifestation of which occurred in the 20th century.

Methodology of geopolitics

The methodology of geopolitics is largely based on linking phenomena and processes at the state level with the macroregional and global levels, for example, the size, configuration and outline of state borders, the location of economic regions, the country's climate, etc., with foreign policy conflicts. The geopolitical approach can be used as a frame for presenting regional information from a certain angle. No less important for geopolitics is the “top-down” view: from the analysis of regional systems of states, shifts in the distribution of economic and military power - to the study of the influence of these processes on the geostrategy of a particular state, internal political conflicts, from the analysis of global geopolitical factors, for example, the number and influence of diasporas , the limitations of any resource on a global scale - to the study of the influence of this factor on the foreign and domestic political “behavior” of a particular state.

The methodology of many geopolitical concepts is characterized by extreme eclecticism and vagueness, a tendency to absolutize the influence of any factor or group of factors on foreign policy, to simplify situations, and a desire to borrow fashionable theories and concepts from related sciences. So, in the late 70s and early 80s. “humanistic”, behaviorist and existentialist interpretations were fashionable, based on an explanation of the connection between foreign policy and the geographical environment through its perception by a politician, his life experience, and the psychologically mastered space.

In addition, the methods of geopolitics are, in principle, extremely diverse - from speculative thinking to the use of complex mathematical apparatus. The use of quantitative methods does not always increase the significance of the results: on the contrary, “qualitative” geopolitical analysis in the spirit of the traditions of the French school can be much richer in ideas than the results of cumbersome calculations. Methods of multivariate statistics are most often used in geopolitics for cross-country comparisons, numerous attempts at geopolitical zoning of the world, by analyzing diverse and comparable information for all countries, in constructing “power indicators” designed to quantitatively reflect the influence of states in different areas life. Another area of ​​application of quantitative methods in geopolitics is the search for regular relationships between flows in space (primarily foreign trade) and the political connectivity of regional groupings of countries, foreign policy and strategic problems. IN Lately, with the advent of numerous programs for constructing anamorphic images, a special direction arose - geopolitical mapping, the goal of which is to find adequate ways to reflect global geospace on a map. Another technique in geopolitical mapping that allows one to obtain interesting models of political geospace is changing the centers of projection, “playing with projections.”

The system of categories that has developed in geopolitics is now rapidly expanding with the enrichment and change of its problems. In addition to the old concepts - sphere of influence, balance of power, buffer zone, satellite countries, deterrence, marginal belt - new categories have now entered scientific circulation: integration-disintegration, national interests, dynamic balance of interests, introduced by the famous American geopolitician S. Kozn 27 concept “gateway country,” which means a small state with an advantageous geographical location at the junction of large countries and their blocs, with an economy that is transitional in function and structure, capable of playing the role of an intermediary in bringing its large partners closer together.

One of the most important categories of geopolitics is geostrategy - the direction of activity of states in the international arena based on geopolitics. Based on geopolitical concepts, the authorities of individual countries are pursuing a policy of annexing territories through military and diplomatic means, creating alliances, establishing spheres of influence, building military bases, countering revolutionary processes - “making space,” in the language of Western geopoliticians, for TNCs and TNBs. Due to the geographical features of space, geostrategy can be classified as land, sea, air, or space. The scale of geostrategy can be global, macro-regional, or country-specific.

The “new geostrategy” of the US administration is based on a bipolar (conservative) approach to international relations and aims to re-establish American dominance in the world. It proceeds from the need to suppress liberation movements by economic, political and military methods, and to overthrow progressive governments in third world countries on the basis of a geopolitical idea of ​​the global nature of US interests. Any changes or local conflicts in the non-socialist world are assessed through the prism of a global rather than regional perspective, and revolutions in the traditional spheres of US influence are assessed as a threat to national security 28 .

The scope of the “new geostrategy” is associated by its creators with the deployment of nuclear-pumped laser weapons in outer space 29 . The technical and technological capabilities of this weapon to operate within seconds determine the priority of the space direction in the “new geostrategy” and, accordingly, outer space over land, sea, and air. The “New Geostrategy” is designed to ensure both global and regional superiority of the United States.

Since the end of the 19th century, the United States has paid exclusive attention to macro-regional geostrategy, aimed at certain groups of countries. Regarding the Central and South America macroregional geostrategy is traditionally based on the Monroe Doctrine, the basis of which is the thesis of “spatial proximity” 30 . Today, the military-geographical position of the countries of Central America and the Caribbean, through which about half of trade and two-thirds of US imported oil passes, and through the Panama Canal and the Gulf of Mexico - more than half of imported minerals 31, is assessed as “vital.” Events in Cuba and Nicaragua were viewed by the Reagan administration as a direct threat to this US commercial artery. The President of the United States announced that the United States' "third border" runs through Central America and the Caribbean 32 .

Along with the provision of “spatial proximity,” the “new geostrategy” of the United States in Central America and the Caribbean uses the so-called “domino theory” 33 . The states of this region are considered as plates of a well-known game: a change in the number of points on the field of one plate leads to a change in the number of points on the field of the next one. The Domino Theory is an interpretation of the well-known concept of exporting revolution, which argues that revolution needs a “nudge,” that socialism can be imposed on the population of other countries through military force.

Many American geopoliticians are actively involved in this country's military preparations. N.N. drew attention to this at one time. Baransky 34. The US geostrategy in relation to individual countries (country geostrategy) is most illustrative of the example of Vietnam. Those who developed bombing strategy and tactics demonstrated the profound importance of geographic information and geographic thinking 35 . American strategists waged a “geographical war,” destroying from the air the networks of dams that protect the multi-million population of the plains from flooding, destroying and genetically altering the organic habitat of people using chemical and bacteriological weapons. “The war in Indochina,” writes Lacoste, “marked a new stage in the history of war and geography: for the first time, methods of destroying and changing the geographical environment simultaneously in natural and social aspects were put into action to abolish the geographical conditions necessary for the life of several tens of millions of people” 36. Today there is a danger that “geographical war” could be used on a massive scale by the imperialist powers in any country in the non-socialist world.

Strategists of the imperialist powers see one of their main tasks in predicting the hotbeds of emergence and possible directions of escalation of insurgent movements on the territory of a particular country. Geostrategic studies of the country's territory have a selective focus. First of all, a political-geographical study is carried out, in particular the compilation of large-scale maps, of those areas in which the emergence of insurgent movements and the formation of partisan detachments, waging a guerrilla war (guerilla) seems most likely. Territories that could become support bases for the revolutionary struggle are being carefully explored. Recommendations are being developed to suppress insurgency in urban and rural areas, mountainous and jungle areas, wetlands and river deltas.

Maritime geostrategy, along with land strategy, is an important direction in the foreign policy activities of states. The maritime territorial claims of the imperialist powers are realized in the establishment of military-political control over sea routes and ports of international importance, which as a result are transformed from geographical arteries and points into strategic ones.

J.Prescott , separating Nazi geopolitics (Geo-politik) from the geopolitical analysis of the international situation in modern Western political geography (geopolitics, geo-politique), speaking from the position of Pentagon naval strategists, writes in his "Political geography of the oceans":"Maritime states probably felt that the use of the canal was safer under the American administration compared to the Panamanian one" 37 . Thus, the American military presence in the Panama Canal zone, which is under US jurisdiction, is declared to be a guarantor of the possibility of its use by all states.

Modern US geostrategy extends to underdeveloped and inaccessible maritime areas. Close attention is paid to the Arctic. “This region,” says American geographer J. Rosek , - extremely sparsely populated, but it is of increasing importance both in relation to defense and in relation to the use of natural resources" 38 . In his opinion, the Arctic currently appears to be richer in oil, gas and other raw materials than Antarctica, and, in contrast to the latter, is the shortest corridor for launching a first nuclear strike on the USSR both by air and through the use of a submarine fleet. Energy resources The Arctic is considered of strategic importance because it has the potential to reduce US dependence on oil imports from Arab countries. The militarization of the Arctic has a negative impact on the foreign policy of Western countries whose facades face the Arctic Ocean. The budgets of states such as Norway, Denmark, Iceland, and Canada find themselves burdened with significant military expenditures for the needs of American geostrategy.

During the period of the collapse of colonial empires and the formation of territories of sovereign, politically independent states, the great powers made every effort to slow down the processes of their further development. One of the consequences of this policy was the formation of fourteen landlocked states in Africa 39 . Obtaining a corridor to the sea by a state remote from it is closely related to the problem of transit. The solution to the issue is complicated by tribalism - this “micronationalism” of modern Africa, which leaves its mark on relations between the states of the continent. The following conflict situation may arise between neighboring African countries: one is landlocked, the other impedes transit or, in exchange for the right to transit, demands concessions - political, territorial, related to national and tribal problems. Such “residual colonialism” creates a split in the united front of the struggle of third world states against the policies of neo-colonialism.

Apparently, one should not equate the maritime geostrategy of an imperialist state. and a developing country, although both may justify their claims on similar grounds. The claims of some developing countries to large areas of the adjacent continental shelf, their declaration of a two-hundred-mile zone is often a forced action in response to the predatory exploitation of marine coastal resources by TNCs, and to environmental disasters associated with the collapse of oil tankers in coastal zones of intense international shipping. The maritime geostrategy of a number of newly industrialized countries is associated with the annexation of vast areas of the continental shelf. For example, Argentina claims the so-called “Argentine Sea” (“Liquid Pampa”) with its islands and part of Antarctica, allocated on the basis of the sectoral principle 40. Similar projects are being put forward in some other Latin American countries 41 .

Geopolitics as ideology

Ideology is any system of ideas that is used to justify to others the achievement or exercise of power. Ideology is always focused on a group of people; it must explain to society why this group takes the initiative and acts in this way and not otherwise. The primary task of ideology is to justify socially significant actions of certain groups of people. To accomplish this task, the creators of the corresponding system of justifications - ideologists - must turn to the highest values ​​shared by the entire society in which this or that group is going to act. It would be stupid for Mussolini in Italy to appeal to the authority of the Vedas, and Mao in China to appeal to the biblical Ten Commandments; on the contrary, Mussolini forms a fascist ideology, relying on the dominant religious (Catholicism) and secular (individualism, imperialism and even socialism) teachings in his country, and Mao develops a communist ideology, appealing not only to the ideas of Marx, Engels and Lenin, but also to the fundamental thoughts of Confucius and Lao Tzu. However, ideology only uses different value systems, but never coincides with them.

It is interesting to note that almost all representatives of geopolitics were more or less major officials and government figures; they had serious weight in society and had a significant influence on political decision-making not only through their ideas, but also directly. This pattern can be traced from Ibn Khaldun to Haushofer. In December 1993 The State Duma The Russian Federation has established a Committee on Geopolitics. Scientific consultant of the book A.G. Dugina “Fundamentals of Geopolitics” (1997) - Head of the Strategy Department of the Military Academy of the Russian General Staff, Lieutenant General N.P. Klokotov. All these facts, as well as the nature of the content and methods of geopolitics, give grounds for many geopoliticians to consider their branch of knowledge primarily an ideology. “Geopolitics,” writes A.G. Dugin, is the worldview of power, the science of power and for power. Only as a person approaches the social elite does geopolitics begin to reveal its meaning for him, whereas before that it was perceived as an abstraction. Geopolitics is the discipline of political elites (both current and alternative)... Without pretending to scientific rigor, geopolitics at its own level determines what is valuable to it and what is not. ...In the modern world, it is a “short handbook of the ruler”, a textbook of power, which provides a summary of what should be taken into account when making global (fateful) decisions - such as concluding alliances, starting wars, implementing reforms, structural restructuring of society , the introduction of large-scale economic and political sanctions, etc. Geopolitics is the science of ruling” 42. And although some geopoliticians claim that “geopolitics is fundamentally anti-ideological” 43 , it is difficult to disagree with the statement that “a geopolitician cannot help but be biased” 44 .

If you ask yourself what kind of ideology geopolitics belongs to, the answer suggests itself that geopolitics is closely related to imperialism. Imperialism (from Latin imperium - power, domination) in its later meaning is understood as the historical situation of the division of spheres of power on earth between large empires or as a characteristic of politics big empires aimed at seizing power over the entire earth. Meanwhile, the cynical activity of empires can be traced to a special ideology - imperialism, understood as the position of people who create empires and invest their vital forces in their existence and development. According to the provisions of this ideology, the natural order, indifferent to man, forces man to fight for the acquisition of earthly goods. However, the risk of losing this fight is too great to devote your life to it. Therefore, if a man wants to avoid defeat in the struggle for earthly goods, he must belong to a group of people whose organized efforts are constantly aimed at capturing them and effectively counteracting the similar efforts of rivals. If such a group exists, a person should strive to join it; if such a group does not exist, he should strive to create one. The preservation and strengthening of the unity of an empire can be ensured either by the kinship of the people included in it, or by a common sense of existence that requires such unity. Therefore, empires are most often formed, firstly, on the basis of nations, and secondly, on the basis of the confession of a single faith, from which unifying social conclusions follow. Relations between empires are formed not only on the basis of the real balance of forces, but also on the basis of the specifics of the ideas dominant in them.

In the 19th century, human history entered a phase when the development of empires led to the division of the entire world between them. Since then, although they have fought many wars to redistribute the world (including two world wars), they have always been looking for an acceptable form of compromise. However, it is obvious that such a compromise can only be a temporary truce, unless every single “good politician” disappears from the face of the earth.

In order for geopolitics to be born, “an era of imperialism had to come, in which both in the field of politics and in the field of economics the desire for space dominates,” 41 noted the German geopolitician Professor Grabowski. In order for things to come to the theory of a “planned spatial economy,” the “planned spatial economy of the imperialist era” had to take the place of the previous one, “based on the arbitrary policy of expansion.” The imperialist era lives “entirely under the sign of space, and the need arose to study space in detail in its relation to politics. Consequently, they also came to geopolitics based on the spatial economy of the imperialist era” 46.

Even in the Roman Empire, the concept of “terraenulliusseditprimooccupanti” (“no man’s lands belong to those who first seize them”) was introduced, and all territories that could be conquered were recognized as no man’s lands, while the population was not taken into account at all and was either exterminated or turned into slavery. This term was adopted in the Middle Ages and became firmly established in the so-called “international law of civilized peoples.” Until the end of the last century legal basis for the seizure of colonies, the so-called initial occupation of no-man's lands was recognized. During the period of imperialism, the need arose to assert the right to colonial conquests. At the Berlin Conference (1884-1885), 14 states tried to “streamline” the division of Africa. It was decided to consider colonial land seizures “legal” if they are “real, effective and brought to the attention of other powers” ​​47 . It goes without saying that these lands were far from being owned by anyone. But the rights of the peoples who inhabited them were not taken into account at all, and these territories were declared no man’s land on the sole grounds that they did not belong to any colonial power and were considered legitimate objects of territorial seizures and colonial plunder.

The Vatican, which for centuries had tried to maintain not only spiritual but also temporal power over the entire world, took advantage of the bitter disputes between Portugal and Spain to once again act as the supreme arbiter of international affairs. To this end, already in 1493, that is, just a year after the first voyage of Christopher Columbus, Pope Alexander VI, “in accordance with the request he received, divided the New World between two rivals - Portugal and Spain, while giving the lion's share to his homeland. In a series of bulls, the pope outlined a line running from north to south 100 leagues west to the east of this line, and Spain to the west” 48. The division of both already discovered lands and those that could be discovered in the future between the two powers was legally enshrined in the Treaty of Tordesillas of June 7, 1494, concluded by representatives of Spain and Portugal and approved by Alexander VI.

The ideological connection of geopolitics with imperialism has created a strong association of this discipline with the justification of military aggression and territorial conquests. Since spaces in most cases are not owned by anyone, but are inhabited by peoples who do not want to part with their land, geopolitics, as part of ideology, comes into close connection with other “natural” components.

Geopolitics and biopolitics: the connection of geopolitics with racial theory

So, since geopolitics appeals to natural principles as an ideological direction, it can be attributed to the so-called “natural (natural) ideology.” This also includes a movement related to geopolitics, which also focuses on the natural foundations of political decisions - racism, which by analogy can be called “biopolitics”.

Naturally, the territorial claims of some states inevitably come into conflict with the self-defense interests of other states. Both aggressors and victims put forward arguments to justify their positions and refer to international law to manipulate public opinion in their favor by all means available to them. Particular importance has always been attached to references to the historical and geographical conditionality of territorial claims, as well as to the national composition of the population of the “disputed territory”, often classified by the aggressor as an inferior race, which allegedly can not be taken into account at all.

Already in ancient states, racism was widely resorted to to justify the institution of slavery, as well as to fuel hostile feelings towards the peoples with whom they were going to fight. In the ancient Greek city-states, certain rights were enjoyed only by people from neighboring ancient Greek city-states (in Athens they were called metics). Other foreigners were declared absolutely without rights. “The Hellenic people,” Aristotle wrote, “occupying, geographically, a kind of middle place between the inhabitants of northern Europe and Asia, combines the natural properties of both; she has both a courageous character and a developed intellect; therefore, it retains its freedom, enjoys the best state organization and would be able to rule over everyone if only it were united by a single system.”

Racial or national exclusivity is an important attitudinal position in the geopolitical analysis of the international situation. Its beginnings are contained in the works of the French philosopher and diplomat J.A. de Gobineau 49 (1816-1882) and the English sociologist H.S. Chamberlain 50 (1855-1927). The racial and national composition of the population of “disputed territories” 51 is carefully taken into account by governments when planning foreign and sometimes domestic policy 52 .

Before the Nazis came to power, K. Haushofer not only refrained from promoting the concept of racial superiority of the Germans, but even ridiculed it in the first issue of the magazine he founded 53 . However, the concepts of “living space” and “natural borders” of Germany are based on the postulate of the racial superiority of the Germans, and soon after the Nazis came to power, articles began to appear in the pages of the “Journal of Geopolitics”, which substantiated the concepts of “blood and soil”, “blood is stronger passports,” etc. One of K. Haushofer’s followers wrote: “Fate bequeathed to the German people the role of mediator between East and West, South and North. She gave him the right to a space that runs through all of history” 54. Another of his followers believed that Nazi Germany was entrusted with the mission of cultural influence on the peoples of the East, since it was supposedly “the most cultural and advanced country in the world” 55.

A Swede by nationality, but a Germanophile at heart, he considered himself a student of F. Ratzel. He was looking at new science- geopolitics as a part of political science, which in turn branched out into late XIX- early 20th century from sociology. Kjellen defined the concept of “geopolitics” as follows: it is the science of the state as a geographical organism embodied in space. Otherwise, he said this: geopolitics is “the study of the state, considered as a geographical organism, or as a spatial phenomenon, i.e. as land, territory, space, or, more precisely, as a country."

As a professor of political science and history at the Swedish universities of Gothenburg and Uppsala, a Swedish parliamentarian and Germanophile, Kjellen continued the work of F. Ratzel. It gives a sacred character to the space, which is the source of life and strength of the state. Space, according to Kjellen, is the material basis of the nation and lies at the source of the state, which exists precisely spatially. In his main work "The State as a Form of Life"(1916) Kjellen wrote: “The state is not a random or artificial conglomeration of various parties human life, held together only by the formulas of the lawyers; it is deeply rooted in historical and concrete realities, it is characterized by organic growth, it is an expression of the same fundamental type that man is. In a word, it represents biology education or living being." As such, the state follows the law of growth, for "strong, viable states with limited space are subject to the categorical imperative to expand their space through colonization, merger or conquest."

Like Ratzel, Kjellen approached the state as a living organism with a complex structure developing in space. The state as an organism has not only a “body” in the form of space, but also a “soul” represented by the nation. The state, as a biological organism standing above individuals and at the same time including them, has special kind"reason" and endowed with the will to power. He, as an individual being, has to fight for existence, which absorbs part of his strength and entails a certain amount of friction with the environment.

In work " The state as a form of life" Challen analyzes the anatomy of power and its geographical basis. He believes that it is necessary to combine five interrelated policy elements. As a system the state consists of the following the most important areas of life:

• the state as a geographical space;
• the state as a people;
• the state as an economy;
• state as society;
• state as management.

Kjellen defined the strength of the state as a function of the specified

its five properties. In accordance with this, the science of state should consist of five disciplines: geopolitics, ecopolitics, demopolitics, sociopolitics and cratopolitics.

Challen also introduces the concept of “state power”, which can be expressed by the following formula:

Under farming Kjellen understood the ability of a state to exist with the help of its own resources available on its territory, the position of the state in global economic circulation and economic policy, including problems of free trade and protectionism, as well as colonization aimed at finding new sources of raw materials and markets. Challen stood in position autarchy, those. tried to create the concept of an economically self-sufficient, closed state - a protected "people's home" ( folkfemmet).

People it characterized culturally, ethnically and demographically. He understood the social composition of the population as a communal organization of the population and its classes, for example, workers' organizations.

Form of government he identified with the constitutional and administrative structure. Kjellen also spoke about the limits of state power in relation to the freedoms of citizens. It was, on the one hand, about freedom of conscience, freedom of the press, freedom of assembly and other rights, and on the other hand, about the obligation to pay taxes, military service, compulsory schooling, etc.

Kjellen, like Ratzel, believed that the state is born, lives and dies. It competes with other powers. Preserving and increasing space is a guarantee of the survival of the state. This formulation of the question is quite understandable, since for Kjellen the central issue of geopolitics is pressure on the state from the external environment. This pressure increases or decreases political unions and other similar agreements. Geographical location, according to Kjellen, in a certain sense, can be recognized as “the key to all politics.” He believed that the buffer or peripheral position of a state is always attractive to political pressure.

Kjellen attached significant importance morphopolitics - the study of the form of state territory. Ideal shape he looked at the territory of the state in a circle. Not all states have similar outlines. Those with an oblong shape (like Norway) lose out geopolitically. To what was said, he added that the size of the state constitutes the foundation of its power.

Challen believed that states, as we observe them in history, are, like people, feeling and thinking beings. They develop in accordance with the rules of the “struggle for existence.” Kjellen wrote: “They also exist on the surface of the earth due to their own vitality, due to a favorable coincidence of circumstances and thanks to natural selection“, being in a state of constant competition with each other, that is, the struggle for existence, we see how they are born and grow, we also see how they, like other organisms, wither and die.”

The “struggle for existence” in the life of the state is a struggle for space. “Viable states, whose space is limited, are subject to a categorical political imperative: to expand their territory through colonization, unification or conquest of various kinds.”

Wars, according to Kjellen, are completely natural events that will always take place, as well as the growth of the state organism. The struggle for space is subject to the eternal laws of nature. At the same time, Kjellen put forward an important law of geopolitics, according to which only a great power, relying on its military might, makes demands and extends influence far beyond its borders. "Great powers are expansionist states"- this conclusion of Kjellen remains one of the most significant.

Wars are fought in order to give the “surplus” masses of people work and bread. And the governments of powerful states are subject to the stern law of necessity, which commands them to look after the welfare of their fellow men beyond their borders.

In other words, wars accompany the growth of the state organism, and people are powerless in the face of these facts. The struggle for space for the development of the state organism is subject to the eternal laws of nature.

And with the “inevitable growth of the state,” things are bad for small countries and peoples, since the more great states arise, the more the value of small ones falls. Therefore, “small states... are either pushed out to the periphery, or remain in border areas, or disappear.” And the concepts of justice or injustice should not apply here.

Challen formulates law of autarky- balance between extremes. Its essence boils down to the fact that production in the state should not be either purely agricultural or purely industrial; in case of extremes, the state would need peaceful relations with other states. But if the state needs peace, it is not able to wage wars for new territories, sources of raw materials, then autarky replaces the system " open doors» system of “closed areas of interest”.

The father of the term “geopolitics” believed that on the basis of an in-depth study of a single state, the most general principles and laws that apply to all states and at all times can be formulated. The guiding principle is the strength of the state. And he concludes that strength is more important factor to maintain the existence of the state than the law, since the law is supported only by force. In the power of the state, Kjellen finds another proof of his thesis that the state is a living organism. And if the law introduces a moral and rational element in the state, then force gives it a natural organic impulse.

Based on his concept of the role of power in geopolitics, Kjellen had no doubt that small countries, due to their geographical location, would be subordinate to great powers capable of uniting them into large geographical and economic complexes. And if in previous periods, he believed, this role was played by Britain and Russia, then at the beginning of the 20th century. on the European continent it was to be played by Germany. In his opinion, it was she who possessed the so-called “axial dynamism” in Europe, and therefore he proposed creating a German-Nordic union led by the German Empire 1.

After the First World War, the Treaty of Versailles, Kjellen substantiated the thesis of three geographical factors, playing main role in global geopolitics. He calls these factors expansion of territory, territorial solidity And freedom of movement. He argues that Great Britain, to a greater extent than many other countries, has freedom of movement thanks to a powerful navy and, therefore, ensures dominance on the sea routes, and also has another factor - the expansion of territory (large colonial possessions), but does not have territorial solidity: her empire, occupying at that time 24% of the surface globe, was scattered throughout all parts of the world. This is the weak side of British policy.

Russia, in his opinion, has an extensive territory and solidity, but it does not have freedom of movement, since Russia’s access to warm seas limited.

Germany, according to Kjellen, has neither extensive territory nor freedom of movement (access to high seas it had Kiel through Hamburg, however, the Treaties of Westphalia in 1648 after the Thirty Years' War secured the ownership of the river mouths for the Dutch and Swedes), but it, however, had territorial solidity and a single ethnic group.

In the United States, all three spatial factors were favorable: extended space, freedom of movement, and territorial solidity.

Japan had territorial solidity and freedom of movement in the area of ​​the largest Pacific Ocean, but there was not enough territory.

One of the reasons for the contrast between Germany, on the one hand, and France and England, on the other, was Kjellen’s concept of “young” and “old” peoples. Following F. Dostoevsky, the scientist considered the Russians and Germans to be “young peoples”, and the French and English to be “old”. Young Germans, in his opinion, must possess the Central European space and create a continental state of a planetary level, displacing the “old peoples”, otherwise Germany will not survive in the fight against such geopolitical structures as Russia, England with its colonies and the United States. To do this, the peoples living in Central Europe must unite into a qualitatively new political and economic space, the axis of which will be the Germans, since Germany’s geographical position will force it to defend the main interests of all of Europe.

Challen formulated and subject of geopolitics: “Geopolitics is the study of the fundamental qualities of space related to land and soil. It is the study of the creation of the Empire and the origin of countries and public territories” Kjellen R. Der Staat als Lebensform. Berlin, 1924. S. 31-32.

Geographical factors, position of the country; foreign policy based on such a concept.

Ozhegov's Explanatory Dictionary. S.I. Ozhegov, N.Yu. Shvedova. 1949-1992 .

See what “geopolitical” is in other dictionaries:

Geopolitical... Spelling dictionary-reference book

Adj. 1. ratio with noun geopolitics, associated with it 2. Characteristic of geopolitics, characteristic of it. Ephraim's explanatory dictionary. T. F. Efremova. 2000... Modern explanatory dictionary of the Russian language by Efremova

geopolitical- geopolitical... Russian spelling dictionary

geopolitical- see geopolitics; oh, oh. Gaya program. G ey views... Dictionary of many expressions

Includes the following elements: the risk of external conquest of the state, the risk of the collapse of the state under the influence of internal forces; the risk of reducing the sovereignty of the state’s ability to defend its interests in the international arena; political risk,... ... Wikipedia

Geopolitical code- historically established on the basis of balance national interests a multi-vector system of political relations between the state and the outside world, providing a certain state status at the global, regional and local levels... ...

Geopolitical pragmatism- realism in foreign policy, based on the state’s own selfish and pragmatic interests. Realists place responsibility for international relations on great powers. The Prime Minister's statement is widely known... Geoeconomic dictionary-reference book

Geopolitical idealism- attempts to establish a world order based on international law without wars and the dominance of great powers. A prominent statesman who put forward a liberal program for world order was American President Wilson (1856 –1924).... ... Geoeconomic dictionary-reference book

Geopolitical region- 1) form states on the basis of various criteria of proximity and unity in order to ensure collective military-political security. 2) political-geographical and geo-economic multidimensional space with increased conflict,... ... Geoeconomic dictionary-reference book

Baltic. Geopolitical code- The newly independent Baltic countries (Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia) are relatively successfully “drifting” towards Western Europe. The emerging geopolitical and geo-economic Balto Adriatic outpost of NATO and the European Union in the near future may... ... Geoeconomic dictionary-reference book

Books

• Ukraine: my war. Geopolitical diary, Dugin Alexander Gelevich. The book is a diary of personal impressions, experiences, emotions, reflections, intellectual assessments, political and social forecasts regarding the tragic events in Ukraine...
• Geopolitical code of the road. From the caravan route to the highway, L. O. Ternovaya. The book by MADI professor L. O. Ternova reveals the role of roads at different stages of history, the formation of a geopolitical road code that has common origins and is read in different cultures.…

1) Geopolitics- - science, the main provisions of which are presented in this book.

2) Geopolitics- - 1) one of the directions of the state’s foreign policy, based on the need to take into account the peculiarities of the geographical location (spatial-territorial location) of a country or group of countries in the world and carried out on a regional-continental and global, planetary scale; 2) the use of the ideas of the geographical school in sociology and political science to substantiate and justify the aggressive policy of expansion of states and peoples by referring to the lack of “living space”, “vital resources”, etc., as was the case in fascist Germany and Italy, militaristic Japan on the eve and during the Second World War (see also: Geographical school).

3) Geopolitics- - a political economic concept that aims to determine the direction of development of the entire population of the globe. The imperialist concept of geopolitics justifies the imperialists' desire to establish world domination with references to the historical mission and civilizing goals of developed capitalist countries, geographical and other factors. Rightly pointing to the development at the end of the twentieth century of a series of crisis situations of a global nature, bourgeois ideologists of geopolitics are silent about the fact that all these crises (demographic, environmental, energy, raw materials, etc.) were generated by the predatory imperialist policies of developed capitalist countries and transnational corporations and banks. Actually the resolution global crises is possible only through the destruction of the capitalist mode of production throughout the world and the transition to socialist, and in the future to communist production relations.

4) Geopolitics- - a concept characterizing the theory and practice of international relations based on the interconnection of geographical, geostrategic, socio-political, military, demographic, economic and other factors. All these various factors of national power are considered from the perspective of the balance of forces in the region or in the world as a whole. In today's domestic political science, geopolitics is considered as a fundamental concept in the theory of international relations. Moreover, geopolitics with its most important parameters, conceptual guidelines and methodological principles is considered as independent scientific discipline, which forms an important part of political science. The term “geopolitics” was introduced into scientific circulation by the Swedish researcher and politician Rudolf Kjellen (1864-1922). It stood for "geographical policy." R. Challen not only coined the term, but also created an entire theory of the state as a geographical organism developing in a space in which geopolitics constituted only one direction. “Geopolitics,” he wrote in his book “The State as a Form of Life,” “is the study of the fundamental qualities of space associated with land and soil, it is the study of the creation of the Empire and the origin of countries and state territories.” Along with Kjellen, the British geographer and politician H. Mackinder (1861-1947), the American historian of naval strategy A. Mahan (1840-1914), the German geographer, the founder of political geography F. Ratzel (1844-1901), the German researcher are considered classics of geopolitical science K. Haushofer (1869-1946), American researcher of international relations I. Spykman (1893-1944). In geopolitics, the spatial-political factor plays a very important role, because any political unit (subject of international relations) is determined by its own territory, the peculiarities of its geographical location - the presence or absence of river communications, access to the sea, natural obstacles to the development of communications with neighboring states, coastal or island position, influence of climate, soil, minerals, etc. Due to its geographical location Great Britain's predominantly maritime orientation was taking shape, and hence the need for a powerful fleet. Great Britain actively developed a “balance of power” policy: without directly interfering in European conflicts, it could influence their outcomes by choosing one or another ally. The United States carried out its foreign policy, taking advantage of its geographical position: the Pacific and Atlantic oceans are the arena of their actions navy. The USSR was largely a land power and could, as the Chief of Staff of the US Army said, “without soaking its soles in water,” control the situation in Europe, Asia and the Middle East. Spatial and geographical features are reflected in the concepts of proportional development of certain types of armed forces and, for example, for Russia, apparently, there is no need to strive for equality with the US naval forces. At the same time, models of international relations built only according to geopolitical parameters, especially in terms of Russia’s “natural” strategic rivals, popular on the “power-patriotic” flank of political thought, do not adequately reflect the realities of the world political situation. In addition to the space that geopolitics focuses on, the overall development process of modern states is determined by many other factors - ethnic, social, economic, civilizational.

5) Geopolitics- - a concept that characterizes the place and forms of influence of the territorial position of states on its policies and international processes. The term "geopolitics" was first used by the Swedish researcher R. Kjellen (1846-1922), who analyzed the "anatomy of power" of states and identified five main components of state policy - economic policy, demopolitics, sociopolitics, cratopolitics, geopolitics. IN modern research geopolitics is viewed in a broader aspect, as the sphere of foreign policy strategy, focused on the formation of a certain world political space, the struggle for hegemony on the world stage.

6) Geopolitics- - a direction of political thought, a concept based on the recognition of the interests of the state, extending beyond the officially recognized borders. Studies the dependence of government actions on the influence of geographical factors on the state and evolution of the economic, political and social systems of society.

7) Geopolitics- - one of the fundamental concepts of the theory of international relations, characterizing the place and specific historical forms of the impact of the territorial-spatial features of the position of states on local, regional and global international processes.

8) Geopolitics- (gr. ge land + poli-tike politics) - a science that studies the totality of the physical and social, material and moral resources of the state, constituting the potential, the use of which (and in some cases even just its presence) allows it to achieve its goals in the international arena. The origin of geography, according to established tradition, is associated with its separation from political geography. In this regard, many theorists give a genetic definition of geography, which boils down to stating the differences between geography and political geography. Thus, political geography is considered to be satisfied with a static description of the state, which may include the study of changes in the course of its past development. G. is a discipline that weighs and evaluates the specific situation in which the state finds itself; it is always aimed at; future. Quite common! is also the organic definition of government. According to this approach, government is considered as a science about the state as a living organism; sometimes they speak of the state as a supra-biological organism. Important for understanding the essence of the science under consideration is its instrumental definition. From this point of view, geography is understood as a tool used in developing a state’s foreign policy and allowing one to take into account geographical, demographic, environmental and some other factors. Geographical determinism played the most important role as a theoretical prerequisite for the emergence of geography as a science. Modern geography is a science that studies the foreign policy of a state through a comprehensive analysis of a number of factors that determine it. In geopolitical analysis, three aspects are distinguished: 1) the study of the socio-political situation from the point of view of specific geographical and temporal conditions of their development; 2) comparison of real data with different and often opposing ideas about the same territory; 3) forecast and recommendations for implementing a political strategy for transforming space. The main geopolitical factors are: geographical (spatial location, Natural resources); political ( political system and features of the state, its borders, social structure society, the presence of basic freedoms, etc.); economic (power and structure productive forces, standard of living of the population, infrastructure, strategic reserves, etc.); military (size, power, combat readiness and combat capability of the armed forces, etc.); cultural (confessional, national traditions, level of development of science, education, healthcare, urbanization, etc.); demographic (population density and composition, dynamics of its development); environmental (demographic pressure on the limited resources of the country and the planet, depletion of raw materials, changes in the viability of the population various countries etc.).

9) Geopolitics- Reactionary theory, trying to justify and justify the seizure of foreign territories by the “inadequacy” of the territory of their state.

Geopolitics

Science, the main provisions of which are presented in this book.

1) one of the directions of the state’s foreign policy, based on the need to take into account the peculiarities of the geographical location (spatial-territorial place) of a country or group of countries in the world and carried out on a regional-continental and global, planetary scale; 2) the use of the ideas of the geographical school in sociology and political science to substantiate and justify the aggressive policy of expansion of states and peoples by referring to the lack of “living space”, “vital resources”, etc., as was the case in fascist Germany and Italy, militaristic Japan on the eve and during the Second World War (see also: Geographical school).

A political economic concept that aims to determine the direction of development of the entire population of the globe. The imperialist concept of geopolitics justifies the imperialists' desire to establish world domination with references to the historical mission and civilizing goals of developed capitalist countries, geographical and other factors. Rightly pointing to the development at the end of the twentieth century of a series of crisis situations of a global nature, bourgeois ideologists of geopolitics are silent about the fact that all these crises (demographic, environmental, energy, raw materials, etc.) were generated by the predatory imperialist policies of developed capitalist countries and transnational corporations and banks. In fact, resolving global crises is only possible through the destruction of the capitalist mode of production throughout the world and the transition to socialist, and in the future to communist, production relations.

A concept that characterizes the theory and practice of international relations based on the interconnection of geographical, geostrategic, socio-political, military, demographic, economic and other factors. All these various factors of national power are considered from the perspective of the balance of forces in the region or in the world as a whole. In today's domestic political science, geopolitics is considered as a fundamental concept in the theory of international relations. Moreover, geopolitics with its most important parameters, conceptual guidelines and methodological principles is considered as an independent scientific discipline, constituting an important part of political science. The term “geopolitics” was introduced into scientific circulation by the Swedish researcher and politician Rudolf Kjellen (1864-1922). It stood for "geographical policy." R. Challen not only coined the term, but also created an entire theory of the state as a geographical organism developing in a space in which geopolitics constituted only one direction. “Geopolitics,” he wrote in his book “The State as a Form of Life,” “is the study of the fundamental qualities of space associated with land and soil, it is the study of the creation of the Empire and the origin of countries and state territories.” Along with Kjellen, the British geographer and politician H. Mackinder (1861-1947), the American historian of naval strategy A. Mahan (1840-1914), the German geographer, the founder of political geography F. Ratzel (1844-1901), the German researcher are considered classics of geopolitical science K. Haushofer (1869-1946), American researcher of international relations I. Spykman (1893-1944). In geopolitics, the spatial-political factor plays a very important role, because any political unit (subject of international relations) is determined by its own territory, the peculiarities of its geographical location - the presence or absence of river communications, access to the sea, natural obstacles to the development of communications with neighboring states, coastal or island position, influence of climate, soil, minerals, etc. Due to its geographical location, the predominantly maritime orientation of Great Britain was formed, and hence the need for a powerful fleet. Great Britain actively developed a “balance of power” policy: without directly interfering in European conflicts, it could influence their outcomes by choosing one or another ally. The United States carried out its foreign policy, taking advantage of its geographical position: the Pacific and Atlantic oceans are the arena of operations of its navy. The USSR was largely a land power and could, as the Chief of Staff of the US Army said, “without soaking its soles in water,” control the situation in Europe, Asia and the Middle East. Spatial and geographical features are reflected in the concepts of proportional development of certain types of armed forces and, for example, for Russia, apparently, there is no need to strive for equality with the US naval forces. At the same time, models of international relations built only according to geopolitical parameters, especially in terms of Russia’s “natural” strategic rivals, popular on the “power-patriotic” flank of political thought, do not adequately reflect the realities of the world political situation. In addition to the space that geopolitics focuses on, the overall development process of modern states is determined by many other factors - ethnic, social, economic, civilizational.

A concept that characterizes the place and forms of influence of the territorial position of states on its policies and international processes. The term "geopolitics" was first used by the Swedish researcher R. Kjellen (1846-1922), who analyzed the "anatomy of power" of states and identified five main components of state policy - economic policy, demopolitics, sociopolitics, cratopolitics, geopolitics. In modern studies, geopolitics is viewed in a broader aspect, as a sphere of foreign policy strategy focused on the formation of a certain world political space, the struggle for hegemony on the world stage.

A school of political thought, a concept that recognizes the interests of the state as extending beyond officially recognized borders. Studies the dependence of government actions on the influence of geographical factors on the state and evolution of the economic, political and social systems of society.

One of the fundamental concepts of the theory of international relations, characterizing the place and specific historical forms of the impact of the territorial and spatial features of the position of states on local, regional and global international processes.

(gr. ge land + poli-tike politics) - a science that studies the totality of the physical and social, material and moral resources of the state, constituting the potential, the use of which (and in some cases even just its presence) allows it to achieve its goals in the international arena . The origin of geography, according to established tradition, is associated with its separation from political geography. In this regard, many theorists give a genetic definition of geography, which boils down to stating the differences between geography and political geography. Thus, political geography is considered to be satisfied with a static description of the state, which may include the study of changes in the course of its past development. G. is a discipline that weighs and evaluates the specific situation in which the state finds itself; it is always aimed at; future. Quite common! is also the organic definition of government. According to this approach, government is considered as a science about the state as a living organism; sometimes they speak of the state as a supra-biological organism. Important for understanding the essence of the science under consideration is its instrumental definition. From this point of view, geography is understood as a tool used in developing a state’s foreign policy and allowing one to take into account geographical, demographic, environmental and some other factors. Geographical determinism played the most important role as a theoretical prerequisite for the emergence of geography as a science. Modern geography is a science that studies the foreign policy of a state through a comprehensive analysis of a number of factors that determine it. In geopolitical analysis, three aspects are distinguished: 1) the study of the socio-political situation from the point of view of specific geographical and temporal conditions of their development; 2) comparison of real data with different and often opposing ideas about the same territory; 3) forecast and recommendations for implementing a political strategy for transforming space. The main geopolitical factors are: geographical (spatial location, natural resources); political (political system and features of the state, its borders, social structure of society, the presence of fundamental freedoms, etc.); economic (power and structure of productive forces, standard of living of the population, infrastructure, strategic reserves, etc.); military (size, power, combat readiness and combat capability of the armed forces, etc.); cultural (confessional, national traditions, level of development of science, education, healthcare, urbanization, etc. ); demographic (population density and composition, dynamics of its development); environmental (demographic pressure on the limited resources of the country and the planet, depletion of raw materials, changes in the viability of the population of various countries, etc.).

Geopolitics

GEOPOLITICS

(geopolitics) One of the trends in politics that originated in Germany at the end of the 19th century. It focuses on the problem of how a country's foreign policy is conditioned by its geographical location and environment. Geopolitics has contributed to sharpening attention to the idea of ​​continuity in modern political realism. Instilled in politicians by Karl Haushofer, member English Parliament from the Liberal Party by Holford Mackinder and the American authors N. Speakman and S. B. Cohen, the idea that control over the Eurasian massif or its regions is an indispensable condition for world domination, initially haunted Germany, England and the United States, concerned about Russia’s strong positions in Asia, then the industrialized democracies alarmed by German expansionism, and still later the United States and its allies worried about communist expansion during the " cold war"(Cold War) in the so-called "peripheral" areas of Southeast Asia, Eastern and Southeastern Europe, as well as the Middle East.

Policy. Dictionary. - M.: "INFRA-M", Publishing House "Ves Mir". D. Underhill, S. Barrett, P. Burnell, P. Burnham, etc. General editor: Doctor of Economics. Osadchaya I.M.. 2001 .

Geopolitics

a concept that characterizes the theory and practice of international relations based on the interconnection of geographical, geostrategic, socio-political, military, demographic, economic and other factors. All these various factors of national power are considered from the perspective of the balance of forces in the region or in the world as a whole. In today's domestic political science, geopolitics is considered as a fundamental concept in the theory of international relations. Moreover, geopolitics with its most important parameters, conceptual guidelines and methodological principles is considered as an independent scientific discipline, constituting an important part of political science. The term “geopolitics” was introduced into scientific circulation by the Swedish researcher and politician Rudolf Kjellen (1864-1922). It stood for "geographical policy." R. Challen not only coined the term, but also created an entire theory of the state as a geographical organism developing in a space in which geopolitics constituted only one direction. “Geopolitics,” he wrote in his book “The State as a Form of Life,” “is the study of the fundamental qualities of space associated with land and soil, it is the study of the creation of the Empire and the origin of countries and state territories.” Along with Kjellen, the British geographer and politician H. Mackinder (1861-1947), the American historian of naval strategy A. Mahan (1840-1914), the German geographer, the founder of political geography F. Ratzel (1844-1901), the German researcher are considered classics of geopolitical science K. Haushofer (1869-1946), American researcher of international relations I. Spykman (1893-1944). In geopolitics, the spatial-political factor plays a very important role, because any political unit (subject of international relations) is determined by its own territory, the peculiarities of its geographical location - the presence or absence of river communications, access to the sea, natural obstacles to the development of communications with neighboring states, coastal or island position, influence of climate, soil, minerals, etc. Due to its geographical location, the predominantly maritime orientation of Great Britain was formed, and hence the need for a powerful fleet. Great Britain actively developed a “balance of power” policy: without directly interfering in European conflicts, it could influence their outcomes by choosing one or another ally. The United States carried out its foreign policy, taking advantage of its geographical position: the Pacific and Atlantic oceans are the arena of operations of its navy. The USSR was largely a land power and could, as the Chief of Staff of the US Army said, “without soaking its soles in water,” control the situation in Europe, Asia and the Middle East. Spatial and geographical features are reflected in the concepts of proportional development of certain types of armed forces and, for example, for Russia, apparently, there is no need to strive for equality with the US naval forces. At the same time, models of international relations built only according to geopolitical parameters, especially in terms of Russia’s “natural” strategic rivals, popular on the “power-patriotic” flank of political thought, do not adequately reflect the realities of the world political situation. In addition to the space that geopolitics focuses on, the overall development process of modern states is determined by many other factors - ethnic, social, economic, civilizational.

Konovalov V.N.

Political science. Dictionary. - M: RSU. V.N. Konovalov. 2010.

Geopolitics

1) a movement of political thought, a concept based on the recognition of state interests extending beyond officially recognized borders. Studies the dependence of government actions on the influence of geographical factors on the state and evolution of the economic, political and social systems of society;

2) a political science concept according to which the policies of states, mainly foreign ones, are predetermined by geographical factors (the position of the country, natural resources, climate, etc.). Originated in the end. 19 - beginning 20th centuries (F. Ratzel, Germany; A. Mahan, USA; H. Mackinder, Great Britain; R. Kjellen, Sweden). Used to justify foreign expansion, especially by German fascism. The term “geopolitics” is also used to designate a certain influence of geographical factors (territory of location, etc.) on the foreign policy of states (geopolitical strategy, etc.).

Political Science: Dictionary-Reference Book. comp. Prof. Science Sanzharevsky I.I.. 2010 .

Political science. Dictionary. - RSU. V.N. Konovalov. 2010.

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